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tee * between Mr . Grattan and Mr . Canning , with respect to several high offices , from which the latter would exclude the Catholics ;
loading , as it may be truly said , the bilj with these exceptions , few in number , but material in effect . Conceiving , as we , do , that Mr . Canning is prompt to set himself forward as successor to Mr . Pitt ,
in representing the Toryism of England , or the high-party of church or state , we judge the report to be extremely probable . We are not to estimate his
abilities from his epitaph on Mr . Pitt , which certainly the stone-cutter might have performed as well as Mr . Canning has done ; but his talents , like all bred in the same
school , although of ^ that ambigu . ous cast , and ambidextrous power which leaves you satisfied , or rather satiated with the orator , but most uncertain with respect to the man , are yet accounted such as qualify him to become the leader
of the high church party , deserted as that party has been , in the present occasion , by the conciliating Lord Castlereagh . The Whig party , in both houses , seems to be dissolved into its original particles ,
indifferent to , and unsupported by the people . But , as we have before said , the people of England are in great proportion a Tory community ; and those who , like Mr . Pitt and his pupils , have studied the dispositions of that people best , whether religious or
political , without at the same time clearly manifesting their internal sentiments on a shining , ostentatious surface , ( " nimium lubricus aspici / ' ) those are the men , ( not such men as Charles Fox , ) who will , in longer or shorter time , manage to bjecome
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prime ministers of Great Britain . In the mean while , they are willing to make use of the Catholic question as a stepping stone to political power , and to a sort of new-found popularity , awkwardly worn and ungraciously exercised . Yet let no aid from any quarter be declined , for it is by such
contributions , varying in degree and quantity , according to that measure of liberality which is bestowed upon each individual by nature , by reflection , by
circumstance , or situation , by his hopes or his fears , his interest or his ambition , that the Catholic cause has been so far pushed forward . And in this civil
concordat , in this novel treaty of amity and alliance between two portions of the sarrie people ; the one , with pqwer on their side , and the other , only with justice ; it well becomes the Protestant portion , who are to draw up the treaty , and to digest its articles , to have , before their
eyes and their memories , the in * fractions of the treaty of Limerick , which were made so soon after that most solemn agreement , when the letter of the national compact was gradually and yet not slowly
destroyed and nullified , solely by political power not having its due balance and equiponderance among all portions of the same people . The consequence of this unjust distribution , beginning from the
same hour , was the penal code ; proscription ; persecution ; political disinction , generating every other distinction ; and above all , and through all , a moral degradation , weakening and withering the national character , abroad
and at home , and keeping all ranks of society in a state of * semibarbarism , while ferocious inse-
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Catholic Biff . 31 *
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), May 2, 1813, page 315, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2428/page/31/
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