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Untitled Article
afutevfls of oral di ^ ctis ^ ibh in legfejkt ? te a ^ cnVbly , and the tendency of the latter to self-6 drrtectioii . The third section distinguishes the representative from the delegate , and contends that for nis constituents to fetter him with specific pledges is inconsistent with the relation in which he stands to the entire community ,
and destroys the peculiar advantages of representation over simple democracv . The logic of this chapter is decisive as to ordinary times and circumstances . Its application to those which now exist is much more questionable . At present our parliaments are not so much chosen for legislation as for conflict . We have yet to win the secure and permanent power of legislation for the real
representatives of the people . More organic reform is required for the attainment of this object . By many who call themselves reformers , such further organic reform is directly opposed . By others , who profess themselves favourable to it , it has been post * poned to various other considerations , and especially to their desire to keep the Whig administration in . office . The consequence was the reverse of what they intended . Had the vote by ballot ,
triennial parliaments , and an extension of the suffrage , been granted by the late parliament , no return of the Tories , no dissolution , would have taken place . The first of these measures might have sufficed alone . Neither on that , nor on the second , can there be much occasion for any man of common intelligence € o ? wait for further information . Both questions are quite ripe for
decision ; and the postponement of decision only serves to endanger' all the power which the people have attained by the Reform Act . These , then , are fitting points for delegation . Until they be obtained , we shall not have representative government . The Reform Act only bestowed an approximation towards it . What it did give has been already impaired by corruption .
Tbe mischief will proceed rapidly as the constituencies decrease in number * which is their tendency . There is no time to be lost , Mr , Bailey shows that there is no real difference between a declaration of opinion and a pledge . But there is a wide practical difference , inasmuch as the one is open to subterfuges , while frhe other is not . Many will deviate from the former
under the influence of a variety of considerations , who will feel bound in honour to act up to the latter . Nor can we expect any body of persons to increase their own responsibility , which is the tendency of these changes , without a little gentle moral constraining from those who sit in judgment upon them . The bearing * of their circumstances are all in the opposite direction .
We- , b&ve asen that old and tried friends of the people have shown themselves not quite trusty on these vital questions . The error od " the people has been quite on the side of confidence . But theife aife no « ubj 8 cU for confidence . There will be a tim « for thai kerea&eiv When ' elections are free , and representation is entity , tut twpotiaibiiity i * trticfplele , then tet contbdenc * be exeremed
Untitled Article
t& £ 8 ftS The BaHon * t * bf fMttM ? BbpM * tmtiGti .
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), May 2, 1835, page 322, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2645/page/30/
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