Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 26th December 1840, Edition 1 of 1, Page 7, Untitled Article

Page 7
Page 7
7 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • ^rt 'stttal £$rregpotttieiue. ^rtff inal Gorveepovtoetue. I
  • Text (14)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      Her quets ana artificial splendours , she would give them up , and make millions h&ppiei than ever ahe coald be made at their cost Bat I know not that aen would be better pleased in baring their folly reused by the object of it , than in being suffered to indulge it . _ .,. _ Jckivs Kvsticcs . Tillage , Dec . 18 th , 1840 . ^ ^^ " splendor , she wnJ ^ ^ J

      Untitled Article

      SECOKD LETTER TO THE QUEEN . «• Ko more , but e ' en a ¦ woman ; and commanded Bt & * & P °° pa * " 1011 M ^ maid that milks , And does the meanest chares . " Madam , —It was the fashion , at the commencement of your raign , to prognosticate that you would be a jecond Elizabeth [ but fashions are fleeting , and prophecies are liable to be falsified by facts . Queen Eliza , beta was fond of power ; but she was also fond of her people . She was not governed by her Ministers , even though they were the wisest of men ; nor did she suffer her favourites to rule her , though they were no foplings .

      She was ever ready to sacrifice private liking to . public tfaty . She was neither a cipher nor a puppet ; she neither ruled for herself alone , nor for a party ; but for tie nation at large . She refused to marry , that she might devote herself to her people . She rose superior to the tiiB « in which she lived , and could laugh at senseless adulation . Wben receiving those loyal addresses which are penned to please , and , consequently , are more agree able dan true , she could reply to the flatterers , " What fools yon be ! " Now what is there in Victoria that will bear comparison with Elizabeth ? They do you wrong that place yon in jurta-position with her ; there is no comparison between you ; but rather a contrast

      Queen Elizabeth could think for herself , * nd act for her people . She had been tutored to adversity ; and this it was that enabled her to stand up and be herself alone . She was queenly both in mind and person-Her knowlsdge of her duty made it easy to her , and she had courage to do it . "Whan threatened with the Spanish Armada , ahe took the field at the head of her people , and addressed them in language worthy of an ancient Roman . Her subjects did not begrudge her the exercise of her hi gh prerogative , because it was assumed , not so ouch to gratify her own pride , as to promote their welfare . She was not without trials , which sometimes teiumjaed ever her temper ; but it must never be forgotten that her age was the noblest in England , and that it derived its character chiefly from her reign . All tlds -ran tot her the appellation of the * ' Glorious

      Queen Bess . " " Look here upon this picture and on this ! And what judgment would step from this to this ?" "Where are the Rsleighs , the Sidneys , and the Shakspeares of our day ? We must not seek them at court ; they will be found in dungeons . Your Majesty must be sensible , that the popularity which hailed your accession to the throne was given , not bo much to the Queen , as to the woman , to the girl , to the novelty of a female sovereignty . It was a puerile popularity—an effeminate loyalty , worthy of a people

      who had just been governed by a wife-ruled king , and who were in dread of a " cut-purse" from Hanover , i But the people soon grew ashamed of their folly , and ! were effectually cured of h when they saw Prince ' Albert preferred to them . Tour Majesty married , not ! for money , but for love . It was leap year , and all the ' young ladies in the kingdom , who had been set a ! galloping by your example , now wished husbands , German ones , to be imported at the nation ' s expence j far their special use ; but nona but year Majesty could be so favoured .

      Lady Jane Grey , who knew her own incapacity to govern , or be anything but a toy in the hands of faction , declined the crown -when offered to her ; but had not sufficient firmness to resist the importunities of her father , to whose ambition she and her husband fell filial sacrifices . Queen Anne si speak not of Queen Msry , who -was jealous of her husband ) was disposed to role for her people ' s go # d ; but was not permitted . Her heart was rent between two factions , as must have beea the caw with yours had feel insisted , in spite of your tears , upon the dismissal of your favourites . The Tories had no right to insist on the dismissal of the Whiga ; but the people have a right to flinrni M both .

      The maxim that a moaareh * zn do no wrong was never more applicable than to you—to no one tnght it to be more indulgently applied . So far from being able to do wrong , your Ministers will not let you do right Yon . can do nothing but what they please ; and , unfortunately for yon and the nation , it is their pleainre , that your reign shall "be more disgraceful than any which the historian has yet recorded in our annals . How eould it be otherwise » You do * ot possess that toowlsdge which alose is power , or winch alone can mats a proper use of power . Tou cannot detect , much leas withstand , the corrupt influence which surrounds

      you . You must act , speak , and even think as your Ministers direct ; they play you npon the nation ; in your name they do things which are the reverse of what you enght to do , and which you would probably shrink from if you knew their nature . They make you their parrot to speak their lessons by rote , and display your gaudy plumes to dazzle the nation—tricks of state which make monarchy itself a melancholy object ef derision , and the booby aristocrats that bow to it heartily ashamed of themselves . You yourself must feel ceremony irksome to you , and be glad to escape froa ft . No doubt you rejoice when you can quit the queen and be again a woman—not a mere image .

      What is useless is generally ptmicioua . Monarchy ad aristocracy are of little service except to run the oatien into deb ; for their crimes , and to starve it for the support of their follies . Their ptsice establishment is equal to the cost of a war ; yet they often add that cost to it . They themselves are constantly at war with the rights of the people , and subsist upon wrong . " The tyranny of the few is better than that of the many , " say they ; and so might the thirty tyrants of Athens have said . But the many wish to do away with tyranny Itself—they wkh not to tyrannise even over the few ; and is is an anomaly to say that the people would tyannise over themselves . But our present tyrants are Hot a few—their name is legion . v .

      I can conceive that if your Majesty knew the exact ° »* Tou are of , and the abuse made of yon by Government—if you knew that your palace-suppert requires & sum that would maintain 40 , 000 families in cottages , and that thrice that number are striviEg in vain to maintain themselves , though taxed for your ropportif your Majesty knew these things , and a thousand more , that there is no getting you to hear , I do believe tnat , so fir from punishing rebels , yon would rebel »« ainst yourself-against rour own crown and dignity -that you would descend from your throne , and come

      among the people , leaving your court flatterers to Prostrate their minds and bodies before an empty pedestal—a vacant stooL Like satellites , thty now revolve around you with borrowed light—of use to you , perhaps , but of no more use to tie nation than you yourself are—tUrs whese light is too distant to warm But the . Ban of tnowJedge is coming forth , and they who shine only in the night of ignorance must hide their diminished heads , even as the idol of monarchy will be no more known when God is truly felt and

      Worshipped-The Salique law in France excludes females' as unfit tot sovereignty . An English lad , who had got this un-SaDant idea into his head , fired a leadless pistol to frighten you from the throne . Th « insane are apt to charge the sane with insanity . He was aent to Bridewel l for this ; but . might it not have been aid of him , » This is not altogether a fool , my Lords . . A poor sweep , too , caused as much or more qpnaternafcon , and has rendered himself as illustrious as the pot j boy . He thought that « a " cat may look at aKing , " he might view the awful form of a Qaeen , and-still irre

      . He felt a curiosity to witness the goings on at the « M « d palace , and great is the horror of the lords that ^ should have seen what he ought not to have seen , ^ dh ^ d what ought uot to be spoken , He is to be J ^** as a felon for aspiring to look at hi . «** nbjeeu ; but now , their chief ralne conairti i * k ^ n ?^ J MTCT fflir bnt one ' though he F « in the midst of those whom a King chiefly delight * tes ^ r , ** «*• " » " ¦ * i * tapirs , i gld not but feelhow appropriate were the lines of the I "" * QBg to him : j "If that be a King that I see there , 1 £ L * t ? v ^^ ¦* Barter Mr , 1 Morelike * King than that chap there '" 1 ^ Jn& n—more flttobeaKimr

      tow we delight to deceive o «* 1 t « ' surely we i 4 * S > "V ^ ^™ . U not the most o ^ i ™ 1 aD ** ° f a fellow-creature , <*» elvet the sacrifice ? A good Queea * S £ TV ****" ¦ ™ Dotsuff - 7 * who live in want aad wee to fumiah forth

      Untitled Article

      ANALYSIS OF THE HAND-LOOM WEAVERS' REPORT . Letter Tin . The n « t allegation advanced by the weavers as the cause of their distress is foreign competition . The manuer in which this allegation has been supported by free trade men in many instances appeared perfectly irStf ^ , * " funi ) yto *<* » p « a « fretting themselves to madness about foreign competition , when , be it observed , these very men have brought it upon themselves by their rascally intercourse with ™» gun , inviting them over for pleasure , showing them through their manufactories , explaining every minute operation of their machinery , boasting of its excellency , and of its productive power-taking the sons of foreign merchants into their counting-houses and works , and learning them all the artsmysteriesand

      , , profits of trade and commerce—entrusting them with the best and earliest designs of new descriptions of goods-giving them a knowledge of the best markets for different kinds of goods—affording them every facility for robbing England of her trade . The revolt or these connexions and practices has invariably been that the foreigner has either set up business for himself here or abroad ; or he has played the part of an agent or spy , and furnished other capitalists abroad -with information and machinery . Time was in England when her woollen trade was her proudest boast ; and in the time of Edward III . a tax of 50 s . per sack of wool produced £ 233 , 330 . The trade was protected from foreigners by laws as early as Alfred the Great—( see Mirror of Justicei—when foreign merchants were only allowed forty days to resoaln in the island . This law

      was conSrmed by the 30 th cap . of Magna Chartasubsequently by 2 Edward III . —again 3 Henry ' ; \ Ii . Selden in his time , Charlts the First ' s , S ; states : —The zeal of this nation te trade has | , notably appeared from Henry Third " s time , and ! before ; in which descent there have been above 120 I AcU of , Parliament relating to trade ; all acts or ; attempts , which have been derogatory thereto have been ! erer noted in this nation to be discouraged and short j lived , * The object of all the above laws was to pro- i tect the trade from being stolen away by foreign mer- i chants , and the establishment of Courts of Pipowders , to ! regulate trade . In these days , says Fortescue , " Thej people drink no water . They are fed in great abund-S ance with all sorts of fish and flesh , of which they I have plenty everywhere ; they are clothed throughout J in good woollens ; their bedding and other furniture in i their houses are of wool , and that in great store . They i j are also well provided with all other sorta of household j goods and implements of husbandry : every one according ' vv *» uu imyiciiieuia oi imsuanar } : every one according ' his rank

      a hath all things which conduce to make life ' ¦ omfortable and happy . " In those d&ys foreign mer- j hants could only come into certain ports , and were not i llowed to travel into the interior with their nierchan- j Lise . _ In those days the people at large enjoyed the ilective franchise , and experienced the benefits of it Compare the above customs , laws , and habits of the > eople with the present " march of intellect" state of he country : compare the jealons restrictions of olden ' ime 8 with the free trade and free intercourse system > f these days ; te&t the virtues of the ancient and the nodern philosophy by the condition at the people in the days of Fortescue ( Henry VI ., i and the happy lays of Victoria First and her Royal Consort ; compare the statutes of Edward ill ., which regulated every three months the wages of artificers and labourers according to the price of corn , thus ensuring to every man a living , and the absolute refusal of the prtsent British Parliament to entertain Mr . Fielden ' a motion for the fixing of a minimum of wages for the hand-loom weaver , so that he should not be reduced below a living point ; compare the legislators of those days with Mislir Mark Phillips , M . P . for Manchester , who de- |

      clared in the debate upon M . r . Fielden ' s motion— " That if the legislature should interfere betwixt the employer and the laboum , or attempt to regulate the wages or profits of the weaver and manufacturer , he , ( the patriot Mark ) and his partner should consider it their duty to give np their establishments in England , and taks their capital abroad , where it would not be interfered with . " This is the languagt of a free trade man—of a Corn Law repealer—of the Member who represents the anti-Corn Law tquad in the Houjs . This patriot would desert his country , take away hit capital , set up in a foreign land , and there compete with honester Englishmen in the markets of the world . Is it not a strange outcry when such men as R . H . Gregg , the other Honourable for Manchester , erect * mills in Geneva for manufacturing cotton goods , should rave about foreign competition t Boss it not Bbow the hollowness of the frte trade faction ? Is it not

      alarmng , very alarming , to hear the Manchester manufacturers cry out against foreign competition , when they have fur years been nursing foreigners in their lap , and foBtrring them to sueii a degree , that even now there are upwards of forty foreigners located in Manchester owning warehouses for the purpose of bringing the cheapest goods , the newest patterns , and the latest improvements in machinery , for the purposes of exportation and sale ? Is it not a notorious fact that there are Frenchmen in . London , Coventry , and Ma nchester , reeding patterns for Jacquard looms , -who send every new pattern worth anything to France ? Isit not equally notorious that pattern pieces of fancy goods are bought in England from English manufacturers and sent abroad for the French , Belgians , Swiss , and Germans ,

      to imitate both in weaving and printing ? Do we not find a similar spirit of piracy of patterns existing amongst our own manufacturers , thus encouraging home competition , which , in my opinioD , is more destructive t » the hand-loom -weaver than foreign competition ? Ho we not see the manufacturers endeavouring to obtain a law far the protection of patterns , which , in principle , is contrary to tbe doctrines of free trade ? Do we not see manufacturers of machinery sending azents to Switzerland , France , Belgium , Germany , Russia , and the United State 3 , to obtain orders for machinery , ami sending the same abroad to encourage foreigners to

      more especially amongst those who affect so much sympathy for tije distressed situation of tbe La . ud loom weavers , and there they will find the men who hive encouraged foreign competition , luitiiy crjicif ont against the monster that now threatens them and tfceir trade with anninilation . That muck w » rra . Dr . Bo-erring , in his report on the commerce and manufactures of Switzerland , labours hard to prove how beneiidul it is to the Swiss people to encourage the principles of free trade , and how he boaits of the happiness of the people , which he allegts is owing to their " commercial freedom . " The Doctor ought to tell the British Parliament that it is in const quence of the people making their own la'wg . Out of his own report I will prove this to the satisfaction of every sensible man open to conviction . *

      He tates . from a letter , signed J . G . Z-llweger , a patriotic old gentleman , " that the commerce and industry of the Cantons of Appenzsll and St . Gall , repose upon the foHowiDg bases , viz . : — First—Upon a great national population , which surpasses 9 , 6 i , u souls per square mi ! e-Secsnd—Upon a national feeling , and the family distribntion of the work . Third—Upon mutual support and assistance . Fourth—Upon the general education , which enceurages and produ » . -s morality . Fifth—Upon the poor being exempt from taxes . Sixth—Upon the entire freedom of commerce . " Let the people of England enjoy the second , third , fourth , and fifth advantages , and they will be pr epared to yieia to the sixth principle . Bat how have they obtained these happy regulations ? Why , by Universal Suffrage .

      The report . observes— " The Landtgemeinde , or the great gathering of all the male inhabitants who are entitled to vote ( and the suffrage is ss universal a 3 to exclude nobody hut miners and those convicted of offences against the laws ) , confirms or rejects , in public assembly , every measure which has been discussed and B / iepted by the Gross Rath , or great Council of Representatives . " Thus the direct exercise of the popular sovereignty in Appenzell gives the best means of ascertaining the state of opinbn as to commercial questions , and the policy approved by the community at large . The constituent assembly , to which I have referred , consists ordinarily of frum S . 000 to 6 , 000 persons , of whom an immense majority are manufacturing and agricultural labourers .

      This numerous body has invariably exercised its veto in tha spirit o ! commercial liberality . It has been long the usage , before the laws adopted by the Legislature are submitted to the approval of the whole people , to Circulate through the Canton a printed rationale of the grounds en which the proposed legislation is founded . The Landyemein d * of 1 S 35 was held at Hnndwill , an elevated Alpine village , and four laws - were referred to it * democratic sanction . The first for the Introduction of a general system of procedure for tbe recovery of debts , which was sanctioned by a great majority of votes ; the second , for simplifying the mortgage laws , was adopted almost unanimously ; the third , for facilitating the recovery of accepted Bills , of Exchange , was also favourably received ; while the fourth , which proposed modifica

      tions in the system of taxation , was rejected , principally on the ground that it excepted state and com-Kiunal property from the general taxation . The manner of voting is by raising the band : in case of doubt , the pro * ( for ) and com ( against ) are divided int » two teparate bodies . Every individual comeB armed to the assembly ; as the right of arms-bearing is the test of citizenship- At thU great public assembly all bankrupts , paupers , fcc , are excluded . The sense of the privilege of wearing arms , and the exercise of the popular sovereignty , is so stroDg , that no citizen is absent who is able to attend . Indeed , non-attendance U held to te an offer . es ; and an Appenzeller is excluded for twelve months from proceeding in a civil cue of debt if his adversary can prove that he was not present &t the Laxdsgemeinde , unless he can justify his absence by vailable reasons .

      Untitled Article

      Jn a country like the above , with such excellent laws and where every -weaver is an agriculturalist also , the people need not care for foreign competition ; but here where the people are split up into a hundred thousand P v ^ ex P ° to M ^ s villany of class leginlation , and the hellish machinations of unprincipled capitalists money-grubbing merchants , Jews , and stock-jobbers-l here , where the mass of the operatives have "drunk the cup of misery to the very dregs , " and are subject to every species of insult , degradation , injustice , tyranny contumely and reproach-here . where the honest labourer cannot obtain a sufficient remuneration for bis toil to keep up his natural dignity , and support himBelf and his family m a proper state of English independence , and what little he may receive frittered away by the .. .

      rapacity of his employer , under the plea of abatements —the fangs of the tax gatherer , to support a profligate Government , and the profits of retailers of the necessaries of life—here , where the poor man ner the weaver have any land , but subject to be arrested by a police soldier , for looking over a hedge , or feasting his eyes upon a fine field of standing corn , and buried in a prison for three months as a vagrant—here the people may well be alarmed at foreign competition . They see a wicked Government demanding , by force of arms , £ 50 , 000 , 000 in taxation from them—they soe a heart-| less Parliament , subservient to a > rofligate Government , j ( supporting them in their wild schemes of executive | power , mocking the people's prayers for tedress of

      grievances , and imprisoning , with Satanic joy , those who oppose their career of oppression . To this Legislature the indefatigable Mr . Fielden appealed , in a speech detailing an account of the miseries the handloom weavers endured , and prayeU almost on his knees that the House would save them from starvation , by I fixing a minimum of wages that would enabl * them to I exist . To his snpplications they turned a dtaf ear , and j only THREE members , representatives of the people , ; as they call themselves , voted for his motion—voted ! that the hand-loom weavers should be allowed to exist i upon the earth—voted that capitalists , such as Mark j Phillips , should not starve them by cruel and heartless ! reductions of their wages ; and yet—and yet our : Corn Law repealers—our humane manufacturers

      our picus and saintly pretenders to wisdom , would bring down the w&gea of the weavers by reducing the price of corn , so that they may be enabled to compete with foreigners—with comparative untaxed foreigners—with semi-agriculturalisUweavers . I tell you plainly , foreign competitienis a bugbear —a miserable pretext fur reducing wages until the manufacturers can compete with the potato eaters of Saxony , Silesia , and Prussi * . Competition is unnatural ; and a competitive system is subversive of every legitimate principle of trade , and destructive of the peace and happiness of society . We are furced into this competitive system by oar own follies—by our own desires to get rich at any sacrifice of humanity on the principle of justice—by the reckless absurdities of our legislators in burdening the country with an enormous debt anrt taxation ; and inflicting upon the people a system of government , fiscal , judicial , and moral , which has tended to weaken every link of society , and in many instances snapped them asunder ; in tolerating the evils of monopolists and capitalists by special acts ; and by proecting , one class of men to the injury of others . The competitive system is so diffused through every raniificati « n of society , so interwoven with every act of the Legislature , so assimilated with the general system of , spoliation and misgovernment , national and local , that nothing less than a thorough radical reform in the representation of the people can ever lesstn its evils oi ! remove the necessity of foreign competition . ! R . J . RlCIlARDSO * . i * Note to Fortescue's De landibus legumangliae .

      Untitled Article

      TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL . " Sit you down , And let me wring youT her . rt ; for so I shall , If it be made of penetrable stuff ; If daiuntd custom have not brazed it so , That it be proof and bulwark against sense . " HiULET . My Lord , —Unacquainted with the etiquette of mstocracy , and detesting most thoroughly those dangling appendages that supply the place of real wor th , 1 have neither the ability nor iuc ' . ination to address you in any other style than is customary amongst the people . It ia true you are a Lord , but are you an hones man ? You have a star upon your breast , but is it an index to any virtue enshrined beneath its glittering

      surface ! You have also a mind , are you sure it is not debased » You have a human heart , but can it feel for another » Tou have a tongue , but are you certaia it is not a serpents ! To crown all , you bear a noble name , can you say that you have not disgraced it J There was a time when your humanity was hot regardless of nature ' s ties , nor human requirements . The applauding world almost imagined , that when your noble ancestor became a martyr , hta every virtue survived the reekiug scaffold , to be inherited by fro * . Bat ' you have thrown away tbe nobility of man for the gilding of villainy ; are metam « rphog » d from a noble of uature to a dwarf in intellectual worth , as you are a pigmy in physical appearance . Court , favours—Ministerial titles aud Ministerial power has made yea . •¦> - * ' '

      " Flaun ^ riwa proufl . Uke , " Md ^ ia ttxi « rt ;*« MJ o « t » y » ag a at » a « f yonr tlasa . you have forgotten the great class of the people . My Lord , just look back to the- time when you took the chair at Hunt ' s meeting at London , when your patriotism was rewarded by tlie approbation of those very thousands who , to this day , have been juggled out of their share of Reform . Look back to the time when youwereamarkfor bloody * faction to aim its poisoned arrows at ; when your every step , word , and action , bore along -with it an approving conscience . You did not need a gewgaw title then to make you great , ana as y » u have violated a nation ' s trust , the tawdry lace and princely titles of courtiers will not make you great kow . How can you expect an observant public to gaze composedly upon the damning deeds of tyranny " by

      which jou have tarnished the name of a Russell ? There -was a spell in the tainttessness- of your former integrity , which reaped for you a harvest of respect , confidence , and honour . Our national justice would ever have continued its heart-homage , had you continued to deserve it You have made a poor exchange , my Lord , in throwing away the immortality of virtue for tho worldliness of pride ? The wages of corruption cannet even command wh ^ t you hav e lust—tbe affections of a ; i honest men . How weak is the courtly reed you rest upon ! What a shapeless lump of humanity you have become , when the sense , the honour , and tbe hocesty of an Englishman , is bartered for " ribbons , stars , and garttrs ! " From what a pinnacle of fame ) ou have fallen , when a poor Chartist in his dungeon can anile upon you in triumph , and bid you

      " Try your rack again ;" an . l here , my Lord , it will be asked who is this person that writes f xoin a prison in this mild strain of admonitory remonstrance ? " " What ia his name , and what is his crime ? " My name is imprisoned with my person and coward wrong forbids it to be known . For all this I am proud of my nsme , and I would not exchange it with youra for all the pilfered heritage of YVobUrn . Posterity will ask who it was that saw a people ' s wants , s . nd would not relieve them ; heard a people ' s wail and would not pity ; had a peoples power , and enslaved them with it , and the answer will be , Lord John Russell , " 1 would rather be a toad .

      And live upun the vapour of a dungeon " for ever , than dishonour even my humble name , by such au abominable life of unpunished treason as yuurn . Some men have been chastised for stealing money under false pretences , and are now paying the penalty of their guilt in a gaol or in exile ; yet you have hot only ruined n * y finances by your Jackall " land sharks , " but you have outstripped the common race of swindlers by trying to steal my cha . actur too . And you did this under / a ^ prttences , as I will show you in my next letter . You -will probably start at so b » ld an assertion , and look to the grappling irons of a Station-house or a Home-office for an antidote to truth . My Lord , you need not trouble , " for it will only « hibit the sensitiveness of guilt , whilst it will neVei tame the lion daring of my convictions .

      I bid you adieu for the present , till I rest my bones upen the bed of straw you have provided for me ; and beiieve me when 1 tell jou , that tvu imprisoned Ckartist will carry his glorious principles to whatever bastile you may entomb him in , and , under the stormiest sky of fate , will * xrn to be your tlav * . B . Gaol .

      Untitled Article

      » TO THE WORKING CLASSES . M 7 Friends , —We are arrived at the anniversaryol the nativity of the most extraordinary man that evei appeared on earth , Jesus , or , according to his Jewish name , Joshua Ben Joseph . Sprung from the ranks ol the operatives—the son of a carpenter—a carpenter aimself—of him the working classes have justly reason tc be proud ; while royal legislators , a Minos , a Numa , and a Lycurgus , are now only remembered in history , thtiii laws annulled , and their institutions obsolete or forgotten ; while a Solon , a Pythagoras , a Plato , or a Socrates of the noble or middle classes , however highlj estimated , have but a limited reputation confined to th « comparatively narrow circle of the learned . It haf fallen to the lot of a poor man , of a working man , to be worshiped by klng « , to be adored by noile * . to U reverenced by the midale classes , and to be supplicated by ODerativea .

      Working men , —You , of all mtn , should be the last to renounce the name of Jesus ; hia glory is your glory ; his elevation is the elevation of your order , and to deny to him that just reward of "his martyrdom , wfiich is to be found in the affectionate remembrance of his own class , as it would be the height of ingratitude on tha one band , so it would stamp you with the brand of the devpebt ingratHude on the other . You liave found his name , indeed , through the deception of Ms enemies and your enemies , too often linked up with a regulated system of oppression , or made use to prevent you from tetking constitutionally your own ju » t rlgtfts . " But , my friends , they who do so only profane hi ! mm ; , aud misapply his principles . Who more boldly than he rebuked the rich , or chastised with the just severity of emphatic langusge , the hy pocrite ? \ V ho mote powerfully advocated the rights and the cause of the poor ?

      Untitled Article

      In opening out from the mount the institutions of his school , hia nret worda were " blessed are ye poor , " while immediately after , he added , " woe unto you nch . " When informed that Herod , the king of hia country , Galitee , Bought to kill him , he , with undaunted boldness , sent back the message of deEance , ' " Telltbat fox" for himself and his disciple he claimed the privilege to be free from taxes ; while , in the celebrated reply , so often misquoted and misapplied , -Render to Cesar the things that are Casar's , " he only implied , "Pay in Cauart coin that which ia Cesar ' s "—" give Caesar hia own . " Here , however , te no prostration of the people ' s rights beneath the feet of a CsBsar .

      What better proof can we have that he constantly advocated the principles of liberty than this—that the magistrates sent the police to apprehend him—employed spies to entrap him—and , at last , bribed one of his . own followers to inform against and betray him . Having got him into their power , they pronounced judgment against him , having suborned the distorted evidence of false witnesses , and then prevailed on the government to execute him on the gibbet as a traitor . Who were those who carried on the direction of his association ? Operatives—the fishermen and tentmakers . What was the mode of election of the officebearers T Universal Suffrage . As some lay a great stress upon the expression of the Apostle , " powers that be , " I would observe , that it

      means -no more than the existing authorities , and is applicable to the President and CongresB of America , or the Landauman of Switzerland , just as much as the Autocrat of Russia . Aiid I may surprise some , when I tell you that Paul , in that letter to the Romans , dared not have called the Roman Emporor Nero , a King at Rome . Had Paul done so , it would have subjectod him to the loss of life , as attempting to restore the kingly power at Rome . Caligula , the most despotic of the Roman Emperors , had , some years before , wished to make himself king , but found he could not do so , as that name connected with the chief magistrate , had been abolished at Rome about 600 years before , in consequence of the tyranny of . the last of the kings , Tarquin the Proud . Emperor literally mtant only commander ; and , basides , the office was not decidedly hereditary , but elective , as till lately iu Germany .

      Bat some will say , do not Paul and Peter , in other etters , speak of a King ? Yes ; but they were then writing to thojse in Asia , where the title and authority of King was allowed , and the Emperor or commander , President of Home , was recognised by the inhabitants of such countries as the successors of their Kings , Attalus , Dejotarus , &c . Leave then , my friends , to Kings and Princes , who return to the pomps and vanities of the world which they pretend to renounce—leave to nobles , who wallow in the lusts of the flesh—leave to middle men , greedy of filthy lucre—leave all these , I say , to scorn a religion which they cannot value , or to deride the purity and uprightness of its founder , whose character they cannot properly estimate ; but you , my friends , for your own sakes—for the sake of your order—for the rights and liberties of mankind , hold fast to the honour of the name of Jesus Christ . Elevate his cross as the standard of liberty , and invoke his name as the rallying word of freemen .

      The cross—the cross , exalt it high ; It is the sign of liberty . I am , my dear friends , Your constant well-wisher , WlLLUM S . VILUERS SANKEY , M . A . P . S . Do not , however , be betrayed into any bitterness of expression or act of persecution against those who do not believe . Rest assured that to persecute is to distrust the force of TRUTH . To treat men with harshness and cruelty in the name of Christ , is to insult » hat name , and therefore anti-Christian . . — ^

      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOR OF . IHE NORTHERN STAR . Sm , —Having been a constant reader and great admirer of your widely-circulated and useful journal ever since its commencement ; I hope you will allow me a Rtnall space for the exposition of another of those Wbig tricks , wh' . ch are daily practised upon the working millions of this country . At the late Chartist demonstration of Newcastle , on the 30 th of November last , to do honour to Mr . George White , of Leeds , and others who had been incarcerated for advocating universal justice , I was requested to take the chair at the Soiree at night , ( as we was determined not to have a middle-class man in the chair on

      any account ) , which office I accepted , for , though humble in abilities , I was determined that nothing should be wanting on my part to forward the good cause , and , straiige to relate , 1 was deprived of my employment , or at least it is my opinion that that was the cause ; but as there is sonw difference of opinion on this head , I subjoin the whole ef the conversation which took place between the Moasrs . Hawthorn ' s and myself , and leave it for the consideration of -you and your intelligent readers what was the cause of my being discharged fr « ni my work , without even an hour's notice , which is contrary to their rules , which specify that a week is to be given aud taken on each side .

      Previous to stating the conversation which took place between my employers and myself , allow me to state , that on the Friday night before the meeting , which took place on the Monday , I was forced to leave my work through bad health and was hot able to resume my work again until the Friday after the meeting . I went to the shop on Thursday , and told them that I was much better , and that ! could start work to-morrow , ( Friday ) , but what was niy surprise , when one of the cleiks told me I was to see the master before I started . Of course , I called ta gee Mr . Hawtkom , when he told me he could do nothing in it till he saw his

      brother i . and told me that I might call on his brother to-morrow , which I did , and was told by his servant that he kad gone from home and would not be at home before Thursday . I then called upon William Hawthorn , but could not find him , although he was about the works tbe most of the day . Oa Monday , 1 called again , and found Messrs . Robert and William Hawthorn in their office , accompanied by their foreman . 1 then asked them what was the cause of me not being allowed to start work again / and wai told to call again in an hour , which I did , when the following conversation took place : — • Didn't you leave your work on Friday nfgbt through bad health ?—Yes , I did .

      Untitled Article

      I am told that during your illness you presided at a Chartist meeting , which I think was not right ?—You may think so , Sir , but I think it is the duty of every man to use every exertion in his power to better his condition in life , so long as he does it honestly , and in strict accordance with the laws of his country . It is very strange that you was so poorly that you could not work ; , and yet you could preside at a meeting ?—It was nothing strange at all ; for though I was finable to work , I was not so weak , but that I could attend a meeting , particularly when it had fur its object equal laws and equal rights to all mankind .

      Well , It certainly was a very strange place for a sick person to go . '—You may think so , but I am sure it had no tendency to retard the progress of my recovery ; Finding he could make nothing of the course he had taken , his conversation took a different turn relative to some experiments which he had been trying between some engines , ( the circumstances of which is too well known in this locality to need any comment from me ) , and endeavoured to insinuate that I had not done justice in those experiments . However , I am quite certain this was but a paltry excuse , because he knew full well that I had done ample justice to both parties , and time has ultimately proved it in my favour . However , by way of getting to a finish , he told me he had no more need forme , and that I was a dangerous person to be ab » ut any public work .

      Now , Sir , I have you and your numerous readers to form their own opinions of what was tho cause of my losing my employment . Another instance I might mention , in the way of corroborating my opinions . There is an instrumental band belonging ta the works , which the master takes a great interest in , and previous to the late demonstration , the members of the band waited upon the . master , to see if hu would allow them to come out aad welcome the above-named victims into the town ; and he plainly told them " that the band was not got up for such purposes . " The members

      • f the band thought that very hard , because they had always gone when he wanted them on any eccasion , particularly to municipal elections , or any other place where there were any political humbug or Whig gatherings to be got up j and yet he would not let them go to welcome their own friends , and men , too , of their own order , under the penalty of being deprived of their employment . However , a great many of his best hands have given their instruments up , determined never to . have anything more to do with it as long as the master h » i any coutroul over the-ir wishes .

      I think the above determination to be a very laudable one , more especially when they are backed out by nearly threo-fourths of Messrs . Hawthorn's workmen ; and I must say , thut a better or a braver set of Chartists are not to be found in either England or Scotland than those just alluded to . They are always ready with their pence when called for , and at all public meetings they are still the first . Allow me , Mr . Editor , in the way of conclusion , to throw out a Busgestion which I tbmk might be beneficial to the Chartist cause generally , namely , a kind of fund for the relief of those who have been treated as I and ruaDy others have . I know you may think this rather out of the question , considering the way that the Chartists have been subscribing lately ; but the plan which 1 would suggest would not injure , but , in my opinion , would better their condition in society , via ., tho adoption of the abstinence pledge , as set forward i ^ the Northern Star ; for suppose the number of

      Chartists in Newcastle and the neighbourhood amounted only to 10 , 000 , and which number , I think , is a very moderate calculation , and supposing that they only spent 3 d ., weekly , in ale or spirits , if they would ad « pt the above pledge , all these threepences would be saved , which would be a saving , weekly , of i ' 125 . This , if properly applied , might not only be a means of saving their members from the persecution of tyrannical < kapota , but wight be applied to many other ustful purposes—Societies of various kinds , for the benefit of themselves , and libraries , reading-rooms , news-rooms , debating clubs , and all euch like , which , in my opinion , would do a great deal of good , and would have a great tendency to raise their moral character in the scale of society to a very high pitch ; for I am fully persuaded that if the Cbartiats were fully aware of thy position that they ought to occupy in society , And tho privileges which they are justly entitled to , it would be a great means , and a very easy one , of forwarding the principles contained in tha People's Charter .

      I have thrown out the above hints as a suggestion , assuring those who may read them that I have not asked them to do more than what I have done ruystlf , or what any person may easily accomplish , if they will do so by a little personal denial . Hoping that you will give the above a place in the people's paper , with such alterations as to you seem needful . You will greatly oblige A Democrat from his Infancy , John Anoeuson . Newcastle-upon-Tyne , Dec . 2 lst , 1840 .

      Untitled Article

      - TO THE EDITOR OF TUB NORTHERN STAB . Sm , —From the taciturnity twvd inactivity of the " Fox and Goose Club , " we may infer that their eyea are now closed ia Blumbers neither soft nor sweet . They promised the men of Lteds a grand treat , namely , a sight of Irelan £ a «/ wy ; and w « w « re all oa Uw tip-toe of expectation and longing for that welcome day , whereon we would shew the Big ' un that we , the workles , not only seta full value en his servicet , but intend to discharge all dues and demands in full . The Ass-sociation must awake and beBtir themselves , for they may depend upon it we are not going to be mere automatons in their hands , to be played with a iittlo while to suit their fancy , and then be cast ftside to me « t their convenience . They must not buoy us up with tao hope of meeting the pride of Erin , and then blast our expectations by taking it into consideration to defer the intended banquet to some future period . We cannot broek such shuffling , therefore , the sooner they arrange matters the better .

      It is < rumoured that the " Fox and Goose Club" are in a horrible predicament , first , on account of the paucity of their numbers , and , secondly , on account of having the fear of the Chartists before their eyes ; they tremble at tbo very thought of the fust'asi jackets and blistered haufia ^ going , with their " hooves" by their Bide , to catechise tbw idol of that vacillating cliquo , the Jim Crow •« Liberals . " But we must not regard their tremblings—they must club their pence—prepare the pudding and bring Daa to the " scratch . " The Chartists , far and near , must liave their " eyes open " and be prepared to do honour to the illustrious visitor . The Chartist hoores" will no doubt take the hint , and

      not neglect to receive the gentleman in a manner suitable to his character . But I must now change the subject . TU « postman has just brought me a letter from my old friond Neesom , and , with your permission , Sir , I will say a few words about its contents . After expressing his pleasure at seeing my name among the Teetotal Uhurtista of Leeds , he says : — " Let me advise you to add your name to the enclosed address without delay , as you know the power of example , good or bad . H—8 . of B—u , says " if your name b « appended his shall follow . " In a subsequent part of his letter , he says : —• ' If you can insert a short letter in the Star , expressive of your viuws on this subject , it will do good . "

      Now , Sir , I bave not now an opportunity to enter fully into the sufject , and had I , the work would be one of supererogation , seeing that we already know , and feel too much of tho baneful effects of intemperance , not merely as regards the physical and domestic evils it entails upon its votaries , but it ia a greut and a principal barrier to the attainment of our political salvation . It ia a clog to the car of Cburtiam , and w « never can achieve the victory over tyranny , or realise the full fruition of that chief of mundane blessings , freedom , until that thousand-headed monster bu driven

      from amongst us . Liberty can . never be attained by a people of intemperate habits . Liberty can uever be preserved by a people of intemperate habits . Liberty can never be enjoyed by a people of intemperate habits . Tice is the food of tyranny—virtue is its poison . Then how can we deserve the name of Churtists while wo feed the monster who strips us of our every comfort ? We cannot ; wo forfoit every title to tho name of Chartist while we remain the willing votaries of in ' empetance . Our lives inu&t be the counterpart of our professed prineiples .

      I have oft heard this sarcastic rernaik of the enemy , " Reform yourselves , " and 1 think it very good advice , and , if adopted , it will ultimately reform Viem in a manner not at all congenial to their desires . At some future time I may have more to say on this subject ; but , at present , I shall only observe that I am so much delighted with the manner in which the Teetotal Chartists conduct their business , and with the friendly spirit that pervades all their meetiugs , that I liave resolved , on no occasion , to visit any assembly of Chartists whose gatherings are accompanied with the cursed " barley brie . " Chartists must bo teetotalers , and Chartism must be propagated iu places disth . ct from tbe pot-house . Our cause is sacred , and ought not to be ussociated with anything not beariug the stamp of virtue .

      Having subscribed to the Teetotal pledge in Leeds , I shall take the advice of my friend , by requesting that my name may be appended to " The Address to the Working Men of Eugiand . Scotland , and Wales . " Yours truly , William Rideb . Leeds , Dec . 22 nd , 1840 .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE KD 1 TOE OF IUI NORTHERN STAB . Sir , —No acrimonious feeling dictated the few hints I forwarded you for insertion in your paper of the 12 th inst Of Andrew Gardner and Joseph Jones 1 know very little ; yet , from the publication of their own accounts , as collectors for the Victim Fond , I thought , with many others , that their conduct was reprehensible . It appears , however , they think otherwise , aad have , in their reply !! given themselves & little toap , and bedaubed me with a tolt rabie quantum « f mud . All this might be expected , and something more ; I expected that the effVct of tuy communication would , at least , have been the withdrawal of the ten shillings fr « Hi the pockets of tbe disinterested patriots , and the appropriation of the mom-y to its designed purpose . However , I have been mifttakin ; ho such effect has been produced , for they still tenaciously hold to the victim * ' temporary and much required stafiv In the reply !! with which tbe worthies have fwtound the world , they tell of their sacrifice , thtir

      Untitled Article

      labours and tbeir peregrinations to " the extremes of tbe town , " and " their going ever tbe Sutptftsion Bridge , " alf . o of " the look of Josay Bower , " and other olectors , but they do not show that ttieir abstraction of the ten shillings from the sura -collected , and by them ycleped " pay , " quadrates with the line of conduct that ought to be pursued by men devoted to the holy cause of Chartism . The appropriation of a portion of the 0 ubscripti « ia to their own purpose is the essence of the subject , and as they have prudently left it unnoticed , I must still reiterate my opinion of its feeing a direct robbery on th * " FiclitnFund , " a robbery which every Chartist -would , blush to be a party in , and which , I am aure , no collector will lay down as a precedent _

      1 must acknowledge , Sir , that my mind is too obtuse to descry anything in their epistle calculated to exonerate them from censure . They are not more needy than the victims ; therefore , let them u » pocket the money , cast it into the lap of the sufferers , and thus niaku the amende honourable to the donors , the victims , and the cause . I will not pollute your paper or disgust your readers ky any remarks' on their Billingsgate diction . Anger clad in the garb of blackguardiem is a very vulnerable argument , and one on which eo Cbartist ought to waste his shot . We ought not to give our opponents reason to charge us with following , even on a small scale , the peculative profession of " tho powers that be , " neither ousiht we t 6 blink the conduct of men in our own ranks who assay to ape our honest rulers . A Watchman . Leeds , Dec . 22 nd . 1840 .

      Untitled Article

      ^ TO THE -EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear , Sir , —We hereby entrust to your care a subscription which we , tho Scottish flax-dressers , mill overseers , and part of tbe Scottish and English mechanics , employed by the Socittie Anonyme , Amiens , France , raised in behalf of the wives and families of the incarcerated Chartista . Y « u will find the enclosed cheque for the sum of £ 9 , which we trust you will manage in the best possible way ; and , as we are con-Stunt reader * of your invaluable journal , the Northern Star , we expect to . see it taken notice of in the first paper .

      Now , Mr . Editor , we think this the most auspicious time to forward any trifling sum which we have beea able to collect , ' to show our brother Chartists in our native land that we still have a fellow feeling with them . Having learned through the Star that it is the intention of our brother Chartists to hold a general demonstration throughout Great Btitiio on New Year ' s Day , tof petition in behalf of Frost , Williams , Jones , in whose speedy return we feel the deepest interest For we have as full and unshaken confluence in our leaders as ever , particularly in the talented and uncom promising O'Connor , who ha * « very way proved himself to be one of nature ' s own nobility ; for if thatgrtat champion and truly patrlotie man lives , it is the surest pledge tkat the Charter will soon become the law of our native country . Oh I . for that glorious day that will see him emerge from hi * dungeon . Now , Mr . Editor , If you could find a corner in your talented and widely-circulated Journal for tho above , you would much oblige a few Chartista . Signed , in behalf of the . Subscribers , yours , dec . In the holy cause , William Pjcddie . Amiens , lflthDec , 1840 . ..... - " ¦*• " « fr ¦¦ ¦

      Untitled Article

      MR . OASTLER IN THE FLEET PRISON ! Noblemen , gentlemen , tradesmen , and working men of England , —I have just learnt , with much indignation and poignant regret , that Richard Oastler —the patriot Oastler—has , by the renewed rancorous proceedings of Mr . Tkomas Thornhill , been dragged from his dear wife and daughter to the Fleet Prison . I am too much excited by the suddenness and sadness of the intelligence—and by that indignation which , as his friend , I cannot help but feel—to address you , a . t length ; but I ask you , whether you will suffer thia wrong to be—will permit the "King" of the poor factory children—England ' s noblest patriot—the adored of Yorkshire , where bis benevolent actions and generous friendshi ps are so well known , and must still be fresh in the memories of thousands—to rot in a rogue ' s cnimon prison -house ?

      Will you suffer this fine fellow—this man so noble by nature—so pre-eminently humane , so friendly , sc * generous , so enthusiastic , and so good , to fall an easy prey to his unscrupulous enemies , whose silly dupe , or unworthy tool , Thornhill must be r Will you suffer him , your " Old King , " to be thus revengefully incarcerated , without making Borne lively demonstration la his favour ? I hope and trust you will not : and I now propose for y « ur adoption , that immediately a public subscription be set on foot all over England , to rescue the family of the noble Oastler from the certain ruin which must otherwise result from hia incarceration .

      In making this appeal to your sympathies , I desire to enlist , without reference to party , or the furtherance of party purpose , the good aud just of every political denomination , and of every rank in life , to co-operate , hand and heart . Yes ; I call on all those , be they peers or people , gentlemen or tradesmen , who worship the God Oastler worshipswho love their country as Oastler has loved it—who care for the poor and helpless as Oastler has cared for

      them—who revere the fine , generous feelings , and the firm , uudeviating principle which Oastler baa ever exhibited tbo possession of—to now come forward , and , by their subscriptions , chronicle their hatred of oppression , their respect for England ' s noblest heart , now purely tried , and their sympathetic consideration for a just and upright man struggling with , but not subdued by , the ruthless onslaught of an unworthy foe , and a perverse fato . I have the honour to be , Noblemen , Gentlemen , Tradesmen , and Working men of England , Your most obedient servant , J . B . Wythin Baxter . . Hereford , Dec 21 , 1840 .

      Untitled Article

      WONDERFUL DISCOVERY . The only true receipt for the prevention of Itailtcay Accidents . Get an old steam engine ( ycieped the Destroyer ) with a very thin boiler , in which put a small quantity of water , and underneath make a large fire : when the water boils and is ready for use , link next to-this said old engine six of the first-rate carriages , in which put twelve pauper dukes who wear their wit in their belly and their guts in their head , " as many pauper and brainless duchesses , and three bishops of the London , Exeter , aid N « rwich breed ; mix with the above three devil-kings ( to be had at Somerset-house in the Strand ) , one little Russell-pippin , a Norman-boy , a mauled-Fox , and a Mel-bourne ; let them settle for a few minutes , and should it not be rich enough to your taste , add an Albert , home cats and monkeys without tails , and ten or twelve Pompadour dogs ; allow no egress whatever , or the

      ingredients might escape . Having done this , get two sons of Vulcan as drunk as lord * ,, place them on tbe old engine to guide the whole , ( not forgetting five or six deaf and blind guards ) give the usual signal , and let the train start off at the utmost speed i the above son * of Vulcan will take' good care that the speed doe * not slacken ; they always like to " make baste home . " Lei them thus boil for ten or fifteen minutes without ceasing ; at the expiration of which time , cause the engine to slip off the line , dragglngwithit the trainand its contents . topsy-turvy ; by this time the whole of thetraina contents' will be sufficiently bruised , scalded , and chopped fpr sausage-meat , and fit to be sept back by thenext train to the railway directors , who will immediately moisten the whole with their crocodile tears , and dish them up in coffins , to be ready when called for . The above makes excellent pickings for ; Crowner-Quegt , witnesses , and though last , not least / the lords of the

      manor . Until this excellent advice is followed there will be no end to " accidents done oa' purpose ; " but immediately the above la put in practice , and some . of our " bettprs . " are flayed alive , our rulers will see the necessity of passing an act for tie ^ regulation of tho speed of railway travelling , wnd for causing the •• . lirectors of railways t * maintain every individual who is crippled , injured , or made destitute , for the ieniaiuder of their lives . When Lord Rivers was drowned , the path over the Serpentine river wag made ' seeort '

      ^Rt 'Stttal £$Rregpotttieiue. ^Rtff Inal Gorveepovtoetue. I

      ^ rt ' stttal £$ rregpotttieiue . ^ rtff inal Gorveepovtoetue . I

      Untitled Article

      ban ^ ==== — - — = ^ , ^_ THEJQ ^ THE STAR . 7 er ba ete USciai T ,. _ , ^ . ... ... ~ = " ~ = —L ;>

      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOR OF THB NORTHERN STAR . SIR , —Tie letter that appeared in the Star of the 19 th instant , signed Wm . Martin , to the Marquis of | Normanby , from Northallerton Prison , of the 28 th of November , there are two errors , which I should wish to be corrected in the next number of the Star . It onght to have read thus : — "The Tory Justices may have told you thst T possess those privileges at Northallfcrton . If they have , they aro liars—even the worst sort of liars—that is , Tory liars . " The next error which I allude to ia the latter part . It ought te read thus .- — " Do not think my affections are set on York Castle , My application now is , to be removed to any prison where the silent system does not exist . "

      I am happy to find that you are preparing to give that apostato , the big beggavman , Daniel O'Connell , a warm reception . When he arrives in Leeds among the " foxes , " I hope the " geese" will be on the look out , or else he will pluck them as bare as he has dona his deluded countrymen . Mr . Editor , I wish my name appended to the Total Abstinence Address , signed by yourself , Vincent , and others , as I consider it tho on ' y mwins of regenerating ourselves from mental and political slavery . ' Believe me to remain , Tours , in the cause of human redemption , Walsinghah Martin , An Irish Chartist . Chesterfield , December 20 . 1840 .

      Untitled Article

      A FEW THOUGHTS ON THE MEANS MOST LIKELY TO CARRY THE CHARTER . TO THE EDITOR OF THB NORTHERN STAR . . Sir , —I have thought often , and long , on the means most likely to carry the Charter , with tho least evil , and the greatest good , and my thoughts , lowever irrelevant , are now before you . A corner in the Slur will suliice to make them public . I am sick of mere talking . One good example , whether in moral or physical science , is worth a thousand speeches . Demosthenes , with all his eloquence , could not rouse the Athenians , so as to oppose Philip of Macedon , and the republic fell ; but

      Leonidas , tbe Spartan , by his example , iu the pass of Thermopylae , saved Greece from the hosts of tho vain . gloriouB Zerxes , the Persian ; and Owen , tho Socialist , or rational religionist , would , by the influence , of example , change man ' s character altogether . In short , moralists may talk , religionists preach , and politicians lecture , but virtuous example , only , is the guardian of liberty , A nation to be free , must be be . wjjorthy of freedom ; and no people can , or ever will be , virtuous arid free , who separate morals from Dgpftcs , tor-tbey-ir * inseparably connected . Rome # 18 a republic so long as-her citizens were sober and

      v » rtqous—a . morjarchjr a ttfw / W ff f l y tynmft licentioud . » a was AjthcaBV so wa » Sparta ; so were tho Jow * . And what shall I say pf republican America ! j Alas ! I fear sheia falling into the aristocratic principle . Where are the virtues of a Washington ; of a Jefferson , the founders of the republic ! Harriw > n , the tool of the money-mongers , is to be President ! And the reason ^ moral virtue and political integrity are seldom or never united together . The great ones of the earth have found it expedient to assume the one , in order the more effectually to evade the other ; and the people have , too generally , followed their example . And what is the consequence ? We hear of honest men being dishonest politicians ! Strange anomaly < that a fraction of

      the human raco should be able to rob the greater portion of their rights in tho name of morality and religion !! Away with such doctrine ! U is a libel on the Creator . All men are equal . No man can be honest who claims , or withholds , another man ' s right . Still there are many who sin against the clearest light . But it will not be so always ; for the vision which Nebuchadnezzar saw , of a tree which reached unto heaven , aiid covered the earth , under whose branches the fowls of the air , the beasts of the field , and the lords of creation , lodged and fed , represented the kings and princes of the world , whose power shall be taken away , and broken iu pieces , that the tree of knowledge and of life may grow and fiouris-h , bearing the fruits of heaven-boru liberty to the whole family of man !

      Let m , therefore , take a lesson from the past , and , in future , lt-avn to be just , sober , and virtuous , ready to live , and willing to die for one another . Outs is an undertaking of the most stupendous magnitudeno less than the moral and political regeneration ol of Fociety . A thousand plans have been offered ; 1 will offer mine : —Exclusive dealing , in things nonessential to the well-being of society , I will not recommend ; but in thinKS essential , 1 would most decidedly . These are Chartist , Friendly , Economical , and Total Abstinence Societies . Anu as the principles ofthoae are well known , I will only add , that 1 am more . > d more convinced , from experience , thai were the majority of the people bo united , they could , by ' peactful , legal , and constitutional ' appliances , carry the Cbarur into a law . And il not , then I would tay , try other and more effectual means . In the meantime , I am , Sir , Not only a political . But a moral Reformer , JAS . B . CfiAWFORD . Cumnock , Dec . 18 th , 1840 .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 26, 1840, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/king-y1kbzq92ze2716/page/7/