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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st January 1848, Edition 2 of 3, Page 1, 'S ' V '' ' """" Z S ' " < '"'' " " S S ...

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    • nh S'io, ffiy fOOTt ^ , Iis,SB'^£fe 5S^£&, Bat I IS" tbte tte ? 8fe fOT *** -"WSWr AnaoEDj *« th« Ktter, sett tear Iii*T»«ris3 , 7c rT «c fc«r!«slJ tk&ughloathy mottow. , P. CO. igefsaiterj bondraerj, know je not, «ho woeldtra free, bimsslf must ttrike feefclow.'
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      Nh S'Io, Ffiy Foott ^ , Iis,Sb'^£Fe 5s^£&, Bat I Is" Tbte Tte ? 8fe Fot *** -"Wswr Anaoedj *« Th« Ktter, Sett Tear Iii*T»«Ris3 , 7c Rt «C Fc«R!«Slj Tk&Ughloathy Mottow. , P. Co. Igefsaiterj Bondraerj, Know Je Not, «Ho Woeldtra Free, Bimsslf Must Ttrike Feefclow.'

      nh S'io , ffiy fOOTt ^ Iis , SB' ^ £ fe 5 S ^ £ & , Bat I IS " tbte tte ? 8 fe fOT *** - "WSWr AnaoEDj *« th « Ktter , sett tear Iii * T »« ris 3 , 7 c « c fc « r !« slJ tk & ughloathy mottow . , P . CO . igefsaiterj bondraerj , know je not , « ho woeldtra free , bimsslf must ttrike feefclow . '

      To The Irish Phople. ' ' J{T Coustrymkk—...

      TO THE IRISH PHOPLE . ' ' j { t Coustrymkk—Thoug h thirteen years may be a comparaj 5 Vftlv short period in the history of-nations , ye t it constitutes a large amount in the life of j > n individual ; and yefc , during that whole period , though I have been exiled , from my r { runtry , " yet I have never lost a single . opportunity of returning g ood for evil , by instructfag the English people imthe real history t > f the Irish people , and by proving to them that those weaknesses , for which they despised my countrymen , were virtues rather than vices .

      After such a period of exile , it is now my p ride to he placed in a situation to give to my country any little benefit she may derive from an ardent desire and a firm resolve to serve her ; snd , In truth , she stands in no small need of the smallest amo unt of service , a fact of which I was convinced by the ^ treachery of some of her represent atives during the discussion of the Irish Coercion Bill ; and to » the consideration of ffhich I shall not confine this , my address , looking upon that measure and the conduct of tome of the Irish representatives as a mere drop in the ocean when compared with the larger diffi culties which yet stand in the way of Irish feedora .

      Jib man who suffers under the provisions of that tyrannical , bloody , and unconstitutional sct will endure greater mental torture than I suffere d during its discussion . I shall not ^ nvass the silent votes of many Irish members from whom a different course was expected , when I have not words to express ! my horror of the language . izsed by those Irish members who spoMuponthe bjyL ; .-.- ¦' .- i . v- ,

      In Conciliation Hall , and in the press , there has been loud denunciation and just denunciation of Grattan and Dillon Browne , but there nas been scarcely a complaint lisped against Sir Morgan John O'Connell , who not only supported the bill in its entirety , but was my roost strenuous opponent and the government ' s staunchest friend , when I proposed to preserve the right of traverse to the hastily kidnapped slave .

      You , my countrymen , must understand the meaning of this 18 th clause , which I designated as the " Sting of the Bill . " At present , in all cases of misdemeanour , the prisoner has a ri ° -ht to put off his trial till the next gaol delivery , if not in custody fourteen days before the sitting of the Court . This is no more than a just and salutary provision of the ordinary law , because the . law of England , presuming every man to be innocent until a jury has found him guilty , has assigned the period of fourteen days to allow him to prepare his defence , instruct his attorney , and espose his case to his counsel . The lSth clause in the Coercion Act takes away this protection from

      tbe Irish slave , who may now be hunted down bva pack of infuriate police blood-hounds , wltee emp loyment depends upon their ferocity , and without . a moment ' s time being allowed to him to prepare his case and engage counsel for his defence , he may be dragged into court arraigned upon the instant , tried , condemned , and sentenced , his sweat , fear , and excitement being urged as evidence of his guilt instead of testimony of his honour—Honour which impelled him to fly from a brigand police force rather than join in the pursuit of Ms neig hbour . Upon this clause I argued , — Firstly . —Its unconstitutionality .

      Secondly . —The absolute necessity of allow . ins an Irish pauper prisoner time to scrape up Bmongsthis friends the means of securing some defence . —And Thirdly . —The injustice of trying a man in the midst of unnatural excitement . I showed that in ordinary cases this indulgence was stretched by the judge , who almost invariably postponed trials , upon affidavit that the excitement arising from the charge rendered a fair trial even doubtful .

      To this Sir George Grey replied that the discretion would still remain with the judge . I answered , that having established the will of a despot Lord-Lieutenant as the Irish constitution . I was not prepared to delegate the legal right of the peasant to the discretion of a judge selected by that Lord-Lieutenant to try him and , in mv conscience , I believe that tbe con . stitution " would have been spared this further

      wound had it not been for the insistence of Mr M . J . O'Connell of the propriety of preserving this clause whole and entire , urging the absolute necessity of instantaneous trial , and the speediest conviction , if found guilty ; that is , not only supporting the terrible vengeance of { he clause , but adding to it the further heartbreaking penalty of dragging the unfortunate victim to speedy punishment after the ^ mockery \ . i a trial .

      This secured the clause , for the minister . And again , when I proposed to saddle the ma-Eistrates of the district with some responsi . iriiitv , Mr Morgan J . O'Connell said , " No ; it is " an unconstitutional measure ; the magistrates are a constitutional body ; and the government should not subject them to the responsibility of carrying out an unconstitutional measure . ' ' Well , after such an avowal from such a name and such a quarter , was it not natural that the onponentsof the bill should become paralysed / and their opposition weakened ? and if ministers , in their bold daring , required any apology for this unconstitutional measure , they have only to quote Grattan , Browne , and O'Connell , as " authorities for its necessity and

      mildnesss . The Irish members p ledged to the Repeal of the Union , and who , if their constituents had supposed them friendly to coercion would have Wn p led g ed to oppose it—if those parties had stood together , unintimidated by the frown of faction , the CLARENDON STATUTE vould never have passed the House of Commons ; and so decided was the opposition that a few gave to it , that the Lords feared to sdopt the smallest amendment , because thereby another discussion might have been raised upon the bill .

      I contended at the time , and I repeat it now , that the speech of Maurice O'Connell on tie second reading of the Coercion Bill , was as complete . ' an exposure of its injustice , and the ministers' tyranny , as could be made upon the subject . He took the case of Rebecca in Wales ; he analysed it from beginning to end ; showing that women were shot—that policemen were shot—that magistrates were shot—that bouses were demolished—that men were

      denounced—th at threatening notices were delivered—that coroners'juries refused to find v erdictst 0 implicate the insurgents—that , not . Withstanding , the assassins were parleyed with b y the government itself—that a commission * as sent to inquire into the grievances complained of—that those grievances were re-Messed , and that the judge who was selected to preside at the special commission won the People to obedience by the mildest administrate 011 ,, of the ordinary " law , making six months ^ [ maximum punishment for the highest wences white many were afterwards set at l ,. " —? " ** iij ? JUrtUV riCiC OUCint ""^ &* ' * ' «*

      ™ erty altogether . ! ' Xow . I ask , if it would be possible to have established a more triumphant case to show * e triumph of the ordinary law , with this exception , indeed , that Wales is not Ire-J ?? j and that tyranny practised upon the » elsh people might have infected their r ° gush brethren , upon whom the government CEre not impose a Coercion Bill- ! I now leave this branch of my subject , and Jdl call your attention briefly to what the tote of Ireland has been since she was in a condition to assert her rights in a British Le-Nature , v fill the period of 1829 , the Catholic peop ' e

      To The Irish Phople. ' ' J{T Coustrymkk—...

      had not been represented in Parliament sincfi the reign | of the adulterer , Henry VIII ., nearly three centuries , and the support-of a dominant church , professing a religion hostile to the whole of the Catholic people of Ireland had , during that period , been the great bone of contention ; and I , as n Protestant , adoring the Catholic people for their unswerving devotion to then own form of worship , had a right to presume that the real practical meaning . of Emancipation was the destruction of Protestant

      ascendancy , root and branch , not tbe destruction of Protestants or Protestantism—as I have ever held the . right of peculiar worship to be the indefeasibtejrightj of , every man—but the destruction of that power which imposed a tax upon the professors of one faith ; for the support of the preachers of another faith . In my opinion , Catholic Emancipation meant the infusion of Catholic representatives into the Commons' Hqusb of Parliament * whose firsthand primary duty it would be

      toiasist ' upon religious perfect equality for all , and to demand the complete and entire abolition of religious ascendancy ; and to this end , nearly four hundred thousand Catholic . freeholders were satisfied to relinquish all social claims for the achievement of their darling object . In three years what was called Reform , followed Emancipation , and the ' anticipatedjesalt fef thatmeaiure , is fit as twlandl ^ nsleoicerned , was , that legislation would . devolve more extensively upon the Catholic people of that country .

      when Reform was accomplished , the great question of Repeal was placed before the Irish peop le as what should be their great and only object ; and now , I pray you , my countrymen , to bear in mind the difference between the tactics observed towards Emancipation and Repeal . It was thought necessary to have a discussion each session upon the question of Emancipation , in order that its growing strength in

      Parliament should have its due effect upon the public mind . "While contending for this measure of justice , men who were out of the pale of ' the constitution were compelled , as leaders , to bear an honest front ; because it was their interest to achieve power , and they were worth nothing to the enemy until they had secured that power ; therefore / it was their interest to have a sessional

      discussion . Upon the other hand , as far as the question of national liberty is concerned , Emancipation was as nothing compared to the value of a domestic Legislature ; and yet was that question allo \ ved to remain a dead letter , as far as Parliament was concerned , for thirteen whole years , from 1834 to 1847—the Irish people being whimsically and childishly satisfied with the Repeal pledges from members who were never to be tested , and who were otherwise left free to aid Whig administrations in their most tyrannical assaults upon national freedom .

      The English people were courted as indispensable auxiliaries in the cause of Emancipation , by men looking for power—while in the cause of Repeal , the same aid was repudiated by men possessing profitable power . My countrymen , as the day for hearing stern truths has arrived , you must open your ears to their bitterness . You must hear , and you must believe , the damning fact , that you have been the authors of your own every suffering and grievance ; you relied upon your own

      strength , and not only repudiated the assistance of others , but received the defamation of your English friends and auxiliaries with shouts of savage exultation , for no other reason than because they were Saxons arid Protestantsand always forgetting , or rather never thinking , because never told , that the Saxon and Protestant people of England were equally oppressed as yourselves , and equally anxious as you to see justice done to your order , to your country , and to your reli gion .

      However , I lay it down as an irrefutable fact , that the young blood of Ireland returned forty-two Repeal members in 1833 , and that the polluted blood of Ireland returned but twenty-five Repeal members in 1847 . I make no account of any man who was absent , except Mr Anstey , who , I know , was indisposed , because it was the paramount duty of each and every one to be present , all other business heing laid aside . Of this maxim , I furnished a strong example myself , because , on the very night of the debate , I was suffering under a p ainful illness , which would have confined ninety-nine in every hundred to their beds , but my duty to my country sustained me .

      I have now shown you how the question of Repeal has been trifled with for thirteen whole years ; while Ireland , during that period , was ready to sacrifice its best blood for its accomplishment j and for those thirteen years Repeal has been made , and no man can deny it , the stepping-stone to place , patronage , title , and emolument—in a word , the brave Irish nation has been sold to the oppressor for pelf . Not a sing le agitation , calculated to serve declining Whiggery , that has not been resorted to as a substitute for Repeal , and as a means of securing patronage for that " base , bloody , and

      brutal" faction ; and , although a Repealer from the day I had thought to the present moment , and although I would beg my bread for the remainder of my life rather than vote against that measure , the late proceedings of your p ledged representatives in Parliament have convinced me of its perfect inutility , unless accompanied by Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Equal Representation , No Property Qualification , and the Payment of Members . And although many of your present leaders tell you triumphantly that they do not understand what Chartism

      means , I tell you , and I would meet them , one and all , upon the question , that I would rather see Chartism carried than Repeal , which would be followed by a House of Landlords sitting in College-green—while , upon the other hand , from a Chartist representation must follow , not only a Repeal of the Union , but every measure of justice that industry can or might to demand . Perhaps I could not select a better period than the present , when so many of your representatives have sold you , for the consideration of the first point of the

      Charter—ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS ; and let me , in the outset , ask you whether , if those who voted for Coercion , and against Re . peal , were to come before their constituents at the end of the present Session , instead of at the end of seven long years , would they not have acted under the wholesome influence of that public opinion , before which they should so speedily appear , instead of setting it at defiance for seven years , "nd relying upon some timely clap-trap to ' retiommend them once more to your credulity ?

      Now observe , and observe well , that those who deserted Ireland on the question of Coercion , will have the deepest interest in preserving the Whigs in power for seven years , lest their dismissal from office should have the effect of subjecting them to the criticism and rej roach of their constituents . Thus I explain to you the value of the first point of Chartism ; and I will now go further , and tell y ou that so little faith have I in public men , and so convinced am I of tlje indispensable necessity of short reckonings , that I would expect , and libeity [ would receive , much , very much , greater advantage from seven Parliaments

      To The Irish Phople. ' ' J{T Coustrymkk—...

      elected annually . by . the' present * constituent body , than by a Parliament elected for ' seven years by Universal Suffrage and the Ballot . In the one case , there h a wholesome dread in returning to a constituency at the close of the Session , to receive their smiles and renewed confidence as a reward for virtue , or their frowns and dismissal as a punishment for vice ; while , upon the other hand , the representative steeped in six years' villainy , which remains upon the Statute Book , would seek atonement by a death-bed repentance , and would come before a credulous and confiding

      people upon his paltry acts of atonement , which but too frequently obliterate the errors of the past . ¦ I have shown you , my countrymen , that from the day your leaders achieved power through you , down to this very present hour , those leaders have qualified for prostitution out of your confidence , and . I now . tell you , as I have a thousand times toldthe English people , that a nation never will be free until the

      leaders are placed under that popular vigilant control which never . will pardon the first act of political delinquency—because the mistaken lenity of public opinion towards a public man , is precisely like the mistaken indulgence of a parent to a child . The first act of forgiveness emboldens the , \ delinquent wjth the hope of again receivinglorgivengss ^ untilaf ; lengthens becomes so steeped in depravity , that in his sins the people see their own error , and fear exposure lest it should bespeak their own folly .

      This has been one of your besetting sins , while ignorance of the motives of the English people has left you in a state of forlorn hopelessness . Even that portion of your Press , which chaunts its notes <* £ liberty in the dullest strains of music , has withheld from you all knowledge of English feeling for Ireland , and , while it has cried out for help , it has failed to tell you when and how the English people have proffered the required aid . It has not told you that , while you were dull and apathetic , three millions and a half of the English people petitioned for a Repeal of the Union . It has not told you that , when you were passive , scores of thousands of the English people petitioned against the Coercion Bill .

      It has not published the innumerable resolutions , passed at large public meetings in a 1 parts of England , in favour of Irish liberty ; but . it has , in the most contemptible , treacherous , and despicable manner , garbled our speeches , and misrepresented our motives ; and why ?—because it , like your leaders , lived upon your credulity , feeding you with moonshine ; while , unlike the English people and the English leaders , neither the Irish press nor the Irish leaders have directed the Irish mind

      to any single practical social result , which would be likely to follow any political change that they have propounded . Hence , we find you , as the 'Royal Loyal Irish Repealers / now throwing up your cap for your lovely young Queen ; again , for the undefined thing called Justice to Ireland ; then , for another trial for the base , bloody , and brutal Whigs ; then for Federalism , and anon for eleven incomprehensible measures of relief , of which Ireland has heard but the

      sound"Aha ! poorccuntrj , Almost afraid to know itself , " Courage has been banished from your mind , and passive obedience and non-resistance has been made the freeman's catechism . How dare you ask for liberty , when you die in millions rather than take it ? Liberty is always within the reach of a people who are prepared to work out their own salvation , and liberty is an attribute which the Creator , in his wisdom , withholds from those who cannot worship the goddess , or who , worshipping her and knowing her value , dare not assert her prerogative .

      Where , now , after your half century ' s agitation , is your substitute for the system you wish to destroy ? You look for Repeal , and only for Repeal , while the English people , after , fifteen years of Reform , which was to them what Repeal would be to you , without a House of Commons chosen by yourselves , — bitter fruit , —are now compelled to define the social system , the benefit of which the improved political system should bring home to every man ' s door .

      My countrymen , you must now prepare your ears to hear the greatest truth ever propounded . You must prepare to hear that character of the English people which no historian has ever yet been able to assign to any people in this habitable globe . The English people , deceived by Reform , after giving that measure a fair trial , established a great political agitation , which promised to bring justice home to every man ' s door ; and so steadfast were they in their aim and end , that thousands

      preferred the dungeon to the abandonment of their principles . But even that was not all ; if their virtues ended here , they should be extolled as virtues only , but I am going to prove their wisdom , as well as their virtues , thus , — when they were poor—when they were hungered , yea famished , naked , and outlawed , the most wealthy , the most influential , tyrannical , and vindictive portion of society—their own ? masters—their own magistrates — their own employers and jurors—tempted them in their poverty with the bait of " HIGH

      WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . " What a fascinating motto for the rich oppressor to offer to the poor oppressed ; and yet , mark , my countrymen , such was the valour , such the union , such the honour and devotedness of our Chartist Confederation , that the starving spurned the proffered bribe , tiie delusive offer , for six long years , and never abated that opposition , until its longer continuance might have entailed greater suffering upon their Irish brethren ; and this is the peop le that you have been taught to despise .

      Now , this greatest of ail facts cannot be too deeply impressed upon your memory ; thai , while the excited mind of Ireland was , for thirteen years , running after different shades of moonshine , the working classes of England resisted the delusive cry of "HIGH WAGES ,

      C HE A P BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . '' Now , why was this ? Because the English agitation was conducted by leaders belonging to the suffering class , and because the power of public opinion was sufficiently strong , virtuous , and resolute to keep those leaders in the straight course ; whereas every man who spoke in your packed assemblies should first

      qualify by the payment of speech money , and should then measure his words by the standard of expediency ; ' juad from which did he depart but by a syllable , he was howled down as a dangerous traitor . When you begin to reflect upon your own past madness , your astonishment at Coercion will vanish , and your only wonder will be that a nation of such willing slaves is even pitied in their misery .

      "When you reflect that such men as John Lawless , Sharman Crawford , O'Gorman Mahon , Patrick O'Higgins , Feargus O'Connor , and thousands of others , who were too proud to join in delusion , and too sincere to commit a fraud upon I reland , have been held up as traitors to their countiy ; when you think of

      To The Irish Phople. ' ' J{T Coustrymkk—...

      the names of O'Connor , Fitzgerald , and Emmett ,-being made by-words of scorn to the living ; when you think of the great national question being burked for thirteen whole yearsy and only resuscitated now and then within that time when the distributors of patronage-stood in need of an Irish difficulty to affright their Tory opponents from power ; when you think of those . ' pledged Repealers voting ,. ' one and all , for the continued imprisonment of the English Chartists , and one arid all being the never failing resource of the "base , 'brutal , and bloody Whigs" when a

      blow was to be aimed at liberty ; when you think of , "Who is the Traitor " " good Jury Law , " Justice to Ireland , " " Our lovely young Quaen , " " Give the Whigs another fair trial , " " Ireland for the Irish , " " One year of unbroken tranquillity , " "Federalism , " "Tenant Right / s 'Municipal Reform , " and "Eleven Healing Measures , '' being successively and successfully used to direct your attention from the . one great national question , I say that it is not to Daniel O'Connell , but to the Press of Ireland that the present state of that country is to be attributed .

      As long as the press received the ; lion ' s share ' jjf patronage , the press performed the lion ' sjshare of prostitution , and the jsjpess STyelhJl the lisp of the man , into , the thunder of tli ^^ i ^ p ; but jvtien a portion ^ of it lost , that patronage by which its adherence was secured , then its thunderivas hurled at O'Connell , in the hope of covering its own shame . Merciful Providence ! must not the heart of the

      most cold-blooded sicken at the bare notion of one million brave , hardy , virtuous , and industrious peasants being sacrificed in one year to famine , not caused by Almighty God , not increased by the machinations of the Government—but procured through the instrumentality of a delusive hope , and total reliance upon one talismanic event , which was to feed , house , clothe , warm , and comfort the Irish people . If a million of Poland ' s sons died from

      starvation the Whigs would preach Christ's gospel as a terror to the Autocrat , and would tell him" That they who died by tbe sword are better than they who perish of hunger , for their bodies pine away stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . " Those are the words of God , not my words ; and as I love God's laws better than the laws of man , I would rather see Ireland decimated in battle by the sword than cut off by famine , in the midst of abundance , created by her own hands .

      And think of even one Protestant or Orangeman , much more one Catholic Irishman , being found so degenerate as to stand up in the Senate House of the foreigner , after a million of his countrymen had perished from hunger , and consent to place the lives of the remainder , and the destinies of the country , in the hands of an upstart Saxon diplomatist . And think of one and all vieing in paying their tribute of respect to this Autocrat , who now embodies within his own narrow mind the Irish Constitution—SAVE THE MARK ! Now think you , my countrymen , that the name of Irishman will gain credit in the future history of our country , when her tale of sorrow and of her sons' degeneracy is told ?

      What did America gain by her petitions to the English Crown ? What did she not gain by her resolution to do for herself what she might have begged Britain to do for her in vain , so long as she relied upon humble prayer and petition ? If I did not see hope for Ireland in renewed exertion I should blush to belong to such a nation of slaves , but I have still reliance upon a people who for seven centuries have maintained their hostility of oppression , and who for three centuries have clung with fondness to their persecuted faith . Yes , the elements of regeneration are in the people , and they but require to be properly directed to secure that freedom which would

      make Ireland the happiest nation on the earth ; and as I know of no man living who can advance a greater right to counsel the Irish nation than myself , Iwillnow prescribe for the patient , at a time when her disease has puzzled the faculty . This then is my prescription : — Firstly . —Elect a Convention of forty-nine Delegates , to meet in London , and there to discuss the grievances of Ireland , and propound the simple remedies , making Repeal of the Union the great means to the end . Secondly . —At every election put the following pledge to every " Candidate whom you propose to support , and let him sign it and let it be witnessed , as I shall describe . ¦

      " I , A . B ., do solemnly and sincerely swear before God , that , if elected as a Representative to Parliament , 1 will accept the Chiltern Hundreds , and restore the trust committed to my charge , whenever required to do so by the Committeeof Observation , whose names are hereto attached , together with my signature . " . Now the names hereunto attached should be the names of- six laymen , being non-electors , and the six Roman Catholic Clergymen whose parishes furnished the largest number of voters ; and those twelve should elect an elector as chairman . If I am asked why appoint six Roman Catholic Clergymen ? my answer is ,

      Firstly . —Because they are , as a body , the best patriots in Ireland , Secondly . —Because they would more rigidly insist upon compliance with the terms of the contract , and Thirdly . —They are more subject to popular vigilant control than any other class . I submit this test in order to secure the dismissal of the traitor the moment that a majority of the committee shall demand it ; while there conld not be a better guarantee for the seat of the representative , as long as he acted honestly , as in such case the Observation Com mittee dare not demand the resignation of his trust .

      Now , my countrymen , when you reflect upon the fact that Parliament invariably selects the commencement of a session for the enactment of coercive measures , and that the same Parliament as invariably resists coercion and talks of remedial measures as dissolution approaches , you will see the value of this ingredient in my prescription . I would , then , demand the following pledges from every candidate asking popular support : — "JI do solemly swear and declare that I will not accept myself , or solicit for another , place , pension , emolument , or patronage , from any Government that rules the destinies of Ireland in a foreign land .

      " That I will not court the favour of any man in power , nor will I dine at the table with any minister or ministerial official , until my country is freed from the foreign yoke . " That I will take my seat in the English House of Commons upon the first day of the Session , all other business being laid aside , and that I will there fight the battles of my country without reference to party interests or political factions .

      " That I will' support every measure which promises ' the slig htest advantage to Ireland ; while , upon all questions upon which the fate of an administration depends , if benefit to Irelaridshould not be involved , I will give my vote figainst the ' existing Government , from a

      To The Irish Phople. ' ' J{T Coustrymkk—...

      firm conviction that a united band of fifty , or even forty , UNITED IRISHMEN , acting upon the obstructive principle , would hold the balance of power in the Senate House . " Now I proclaim to you , my countrymen , and to the world , once again , that I would expect more from seven parliaments elected b y the present constituency within seven years , than I would expect from a seven years' parliament elected by Universal Suffrage , and for the reasons I have before assigned . Now shall I be told that any portion of my machinery is complicated , or that any ctae of my terms is even rigid ? Shall I be told that it is a hardship t o demand of the trustee a restoration of that trust

      which he has failed to execute according to the terms on which it was granted ? Shall I be told that a place-hunter and beggar of patronage is a fit and proper representative of a nation whose liberties are now handed over to the keeping of one man ? Or , Shall I be . told that it is a hardship to deny the Irish representative a feed at the luxurious table of the tempter , while a whole nation is in hourly dread of famine . If any shall be bold enough to advance ( such an argument , I can only say for myself , that I would rather , much rather ,. live upon an equality with a nation of comfortable peasants than live , in splendour , sumptuousness , and affluence , ' gleaned from the parings of their poor board . ^ " .- * '""'" ¦ ¦ ' -. ' .:: / . . ,:..,-., ¦

      Irishmen , there is nothing in what I propose that can be distasteful to the honest representative , and Ireland needs none other . In thirteen years you have seen your Repeal ranks dwindle down from forty-two to twentyfive ; while twelve years' of out-door agitation has taken place , and one year of MONSTER excitement , when vows for Ireland and Repeal were offered up which must have made the God of Justice smile , And within that period , if you would discover the deficiency , you will find it made up of placemen and pensioners , sopped off by the Government that has given YOU Coercion in return for your representatives' prostitution .

      Mark now what I am about to enforce ; it is this—that so long as Repeal was the simple guarantee of fitness , the pledged Repealer remained untested during three whole parliaments . The parliament that sat from 1835 to 1837 ; the parliament that sat from 1837 to 1841 ; and the parliament that sat from 1841 to 1847 . , And those pledged Repealers held themselves free to act upon all other questions , the Irish people making the question of Repeal tbe one that absorbed all others .

      Upon the other hand , by the adoption of annual parliaments , you hold your representatives in proper check upon all great questions . Indeed , I have been taken to task b y both parties for testing the fledglings so early , both by old Irelanders and young Irelanders . Mr M'Gee , of the Young Ireland party , says— " I do not blame the mover of the Committee of Inquiry into the Union—though he might have shown more consideration for Ireland than to drag our undisciplined levies into the field on a fortnight ' s notice . " I shall answer this remark by asking a simple question . If the Irish levies were undisciplined after thirteen years'drilling and training , how many centuries would it require to prepare them for action r .

      Of a truth , I never heard more absurd rubbish than has been written upon the expediency of my motion . Why , my countrymen , the very scampering of the rats proves the absolute necessity of testing them at the earliest possible period , in order that the Irish people may know their friends from their enemies . If I had not tested them thus early , those who voted for Coercion would have deluded the Irish Repealers with the delusion that the insurgents , who alone were to be put down by the Coercion Bill , were the greatest enemies of Ireland and Repeal ; that they voted for Coercion because they were sincere Repealers ; and that they acted upon the maxim that— " The man who commits a crime is Ireland ' s greatest enemy . "

      I tell you more , that , as long as I have a seat in Pariiament , I will take the first opportunityill each session of having a discussion upon Repeal , and will resist every infraction of the constitution until there shall be equal security for the life and property of the poor man , as for the life and property of the rich man ; as I never will recognise , any distinction in these respects , between the monarch on the throne and the poorest subject in the land .

      In conclusion , my Countrymen , you must cease to revile your English brethren , who are your best , your bravest , and most consistent friends . You must adopt the Land Plan in Ireland , and believe me , that one thousand virtuous , moral , industrious , and peace-loving Tipperary men , located in their own castles , each standing in the centre of the husbandman ' s labour field , would create an agitation in

      Ireland , which no foreign invader could suppress until industry was set free , and every bloody statute was erased from England ' s bloody code ; when crime would be branded as sin , when its causes were removed , and when every honest labourer would cheerfully join in the pursuit of the criminal , without being compelled by Act of Parliament , because each would then have an interest in the preservation of

      peace . In the namejof God , then , my Countrymen , discard your every dissension fling your every causelof difference to the wind ; and if the terms "OldIreland " and " Young Ireland '' threaten to perpetuate that strife which desolates the land , let all call themselves'' Irish Repealers , " and under that defined and distinct appellation , let all contend for fatherland , vowing to sacrifice life itself rather than abandon the pursuit of liberty .

      Willing to take every one of the above pledges as the test of my fitness to represent even an English constituency , and holding fast by the immutable principle , that the cause of justice is the cause of God , and that Ireland is my country though the world is my republic , I remain , fellow countrymen , Your sincere , devoted , and unpurchaseable friend , Feakgus O'Connor .

      'S ' V '' ' """" Z S ' " < '"'' " " S S ...

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      Gkeekwich And Defiford—At The Chartist M...

      Gkeekwich and Defiford—At the Chartist meeting at 39 , Buteher-rbw , Deptford , on December 20 tb , Mr Floyd in the chair , Mr Hawes opened ihs adjourned discussion , and made some very appropriate remarkslas to tho probable results of the enactment of the People ' s Charter , , and the abolition of Class legislation . Messrs Gibson , Morgan , and other gentlemen , spoke in the same strain . Mr llawes cou d not see that the Charter would ho of such vital importance . He ( Mr Hawes ) did not stand between man-and his franchise ; he considered that it was his natural right , but he could not see that the Charter would set the Thames on fire , or alter the social condition of the people . He thought we ought to reform ourselvea and neighbours , and so commence a social reform . He should like to go tor one thing at a time . The first important step was Sanitary Reform . After a few remarks from the chairman , the discussion closed .

      Camberwell ano Walworth . —The members of the National Charter Association and National Land Company residing in this district , are informed tbat the meetings will be in future held every Monday evening at eight o ' clock , at the True Temperance Coffee-house . No . 10 , East-street , Walworth . The members of tho Land Company are informed that all levies and local expenses must bo paid on or before the 10 th instant . John Simpson , sub-secretary . Tun West Hiding Deugatb Meeting will be held at ; Butterworth ' s Buildings , Bradford , on Sunday , January 2 ad , at halt-past twelve o ' clock .

      The Metropolitan Delegate Com Ml F-; Teb...

      THE METROPOLITAN DELEGATE COM Ml F-; TEB TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . Frienbs . —Having been appointed by you to take steps to disseminate among the people a knowledge of the true principles of political justice , and to adopt every available means for accelerating the progress of the Chartist movement , we feel it our duty on this occasion thus briefly to address you . THE METROPOLITAN DELEGATE COMMIT- ; TEB TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . Frienbs . —Having been appointed by you to take steps to disseminate among the people a knowledge of tVi « . true nrinninlp . n of nnlitical iustice . and to

      Since the memorable year 1839 , there never was a more favourable moment than the present for a recommencement of the struggle for liberty . In whatever direction we turn our eyes , the direful results of blundering "Whig and Tory legislation are discovered ; whatever class of the commnity we scan , or interest we examine , we find proof multiplied upon proof , of the utter incompetency of those who have usurped authority over us . The rottenness and iniquity of the present system are demonstrated by the appalling fact that , in a land abounding with the triumphs of scitnee , the adornments of art , and the riches of nature , misery almost indescribable is made tbe destiny of the greatest and worthiest portion of its people . If you turn your eyes to Ireland , you are almost petrified at the torpid mass ol misery and slavery that cover its surface . This unfortunate Island has been for

      centuries the footstool of despots , the sport of factions , and the prey of robbers . It is at the present moment the focus of every misfortune—the victim of every wrong , and in the depth of its sorrow it is mocked by "Whig quackery and imbecility . The renovation of its social state is imperiously demanded by justice , and the first measure introduced to realise this object , by our sages , is a Coercion Bill . Such is the Whig mode of awarding justice to Ireland . So long , Friends , as the present iniquitous system endures , ( and it only endures by the people ' s tolerance ) these direful and damning consequences will blast the destinies of those subject to its baleful operations . To put an end to this system , should be . an object dear to the heart of every ho .

      nest man—to struggle for its annihilation is a service the most valuable he can render to his country . Now is the time to raise the solemn voice of the nation , and let its soul-animating cry be—annihilation to Whiggery and Toryism—Justice , political and social , to man—The Charter and no surrender . We trust that every Chartist will henceforth be found at his locality meetings , communing with his brothers , | md placing his shoulder to the wheel of progression , for these are times not for apathy or inaction , but , in the forcible language of the immortal politician ; " They are times to try men ' s souls . " You may rest assured of our untiring devotion to that cause , to promote which this body was called into existence .

      Fnends , we have now briefly to bring before your notice a project which , if carried out , will not fail tc give strength and stability to Metropolitan agitation . We have always been unfortunately destitute of a central place of meeting—this desideratum should be immediately supplied . We are unanimous in the opinion , that were the Democrats of London in possession of a commodious central Hall to be used for lectures , public meetings , & c , that incalculable benefit would accrue therefrom to the cause . We do not decry small local meetings periodically held , neither would we advise their discontinuance ; but our conviction is , that they are not calculated to affect the public mind to that extent which , would ensure success for the labours of the people ' s friends ,

      We propose to obtain a Hall worthy the cause to which it is to be devoted ; a Hall in which our principles shall be promulgated in all their sublimity and purity , and vindicated from the calumnies and misrepresentations of the prostitute Whi g and Tory press , : We cherish hopes of seeing every Chartist in London a shareholder in the proposed Hall ; for the necessity and value of such an acquisition must be admitted upon all hands . Let no man say that it cannot be done , we affirm that it can—and more than this , for we are determined to do it .

      We call upon yon to emulate the conduct of the people of Oldham : they , to their honour , have erected a noble structure capable of holding 400 O persons . The Chartists of Leeds have a Hall in the greatest thoroughfare of that town , which will hold between two and three thousand persons ; while the sterling men of Manchester have bought ground , and on it built a beautiful edifice which will hold 2000 persons . Up , then , men of London , you know something now of the power of union and the concentration of means : every party in the metropolis have . their Halls hut you : remain no longer in the back ground but to the work with vigour , and rely upon it , ihat the day is not far off when you will have the pleasure of consecrating a splendid public edifice to the holy cause of Democracy .

      Prospectus Of A Plan For Raising A Metro...

      PROSPECTUS OF A PLAN FOR RAISING A METROPOLITAN DEMOCRATIC HALL . Caoital £ 5000 . In 10 , 000 Shares of Ten Shillings each , Treasurer—F . O'Connor , Esq ., M . P . Sub . Treasurer—Mr , P . M'Giath . AmUi ™ \ Mr . W . Rider . Auditors . j- , AFtBMMiN 0 < Bankers . — -The National Land and Labour Bank . Committee of Management . William Cuffay , Thomas Clark , John Sewell , E . Stalltrood . John Shaw . J . AUnut , Julian U & ney , Messrs . Lucas , Me . Grath , Doyle , Dixon , Tapp , Grasby , Rogers , Brewerton , Milue , King . Secretary—Mr . James Grassbt . Rules , 1 . —That tbe shares to each individual be unlimited . 2 . —That each Shareholder be entitled to one vote in all matters connected with the obtaining of tho Hall . 3 . —That the deposit upon each share be one Shilling , Sixpence of which shall be appropriated to create an Expense Fund , from which to defcay incidental expenses ; Sixpence per share shall be paid annually to support the Expense Fund . 1 . —That six months be allowed for the payment of shares . Persons not paying within that period , unless prevented by illness , or want of employment , to forfeit their subscriptions . James Grasses Secretary .

      The Repeal. Feakgus O'Connor And John Oc...

      THE REPEAL . Feakgus O'Connor and John OConnell . That pusillanimous , cowardly thing , and bullyingwithal , called the Nation , publishes at the bottom of the sixth column , a cunning little ambiguous paragraph , purporting to be an extract from , or to refer to another column for Mr O'Connor ' s address to the Irish people . The address is not in the Nation Perhaps , in the estimation of the greasy little broguemaker , it would take up too much space . But that excuse wilt not satisfy the subscribers on < ne present occasion , because three columns are occupied with a rigmarole about one 'William Molyneux , in which no one takes the slightest interest at present . Now , Mr C G . Duffy , a word in your ear , if you please : do not imagine for a moment that you are in Belfast , where it was profitable for the Vindicator , agreeable to yourself , and pleasant to the imbecile Liberator , feo publish every little Whig lie that you could lay hold of against the character of Mr O'Connor and the principles ot the People ' s Charter . While at the same time you had the audacity to publish as your own every historical fact you could filch from the columns of the Northern Star , a paper which you affected to despise . Out upon such trickery . It is sure to have an ignominious end . Peteb . Pei'PER . Dublin , 24 th Dec . 1847 . P . S . —As I reside here in Dublin , I shall feel it my duty to Pepper this little Trickster . What did the creature say , think ye ? Why , indeed , that the articles about . thelrish Catholic Clergy were very fair while Mr Hill was the editor , but now , since Feargus O'Connor became editor , tbeywere disgusting . The poor devil did not know that those papers about the Irish Priesthood were written by Mr O'Connor . P . P .

      Ma.Xciiesten.--The Annnal General Meetin...

      MA . xciiESTEn .--The annnal general meeting of the shareholders of tho People ' s Institute , on Tuesday Evening , January 9 : h , for the purpose of receiving he accounts and electing a new directory . Kendal . —Chartist Committee Room , Golden Chair-yard , Ilighgate ; Mr William Thomas- ' COJli tinnea to deliver lectures on Sunday evening ? , in the above room , to a full attendance of . members am * friends . He has taken for his subjects the Land , the Charter , and tho Coercion Bill . His lctturvs are exceedingly argumentative and eloquent , and excite much enthusiasm . The Land members , r . j . 3 increasing , and , thanks to Mr Thomas , t } w ovac hi . Chartism bids fair to flourish in this toy , !! . ¦

      South London Chartist ILvn .. -Ms l :, u \ w'h , < will lecture in the above Ha ! . -. ¦• . . vuj . o ; . y v . y f ; next , January 2 nd , at eight" cw . vh . " ohjort v ; f : otrrcssion ; the Charter , t . K- \ w \ , & a . ' A yiars holders' meeting of tfe * ^ ¦ ¦ U . Uf . ^ ioe ini ^ uaday evening next- . ' vlm-. v :.-. ., a- ¦ ¦ , ; "ta' - . crW rA the Chartists of Oti » pl . uv , ¦ ¦ ¦ v . ouu-isy , Janjiia | y . ^ nfc at six o ' clock in . ' . rtweriz : * . V ! T ]' £ ' : > $ ' W . >! . ' . UK- vkhiie ' ou' ^ un-: v ::-,., Ai -:. V llUvrc rk ^ . ¦ > ir- a : n ! Uooson \ vihaddrafes o . ¦ :.: . Sun-lay , January . 2 n 8 y * -s- r . ' ^

      ^ :.V^ • ""' ¦?I 11 <* N J I " ; ^ I X -...

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      ^ ¦ • ¦U. Uf. ^Ioe Ini ^Ua-.V :.-.•., A-...

      \ j »» 34 mS ' $ Jm

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 1, 1848, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_01011848/page/1/