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The Hosestv Fcsn.—Wa. IUtwoob, of Norwoo...
THE SOBTEEEN STAB SAT57KDAY, JANUARY 10, IK52.
THE EXaiNEERS AXJ) THEIR EMPLOYERS. INTE...
WHAT IS TO BE OUR FOREIGN POLICY. Lord P...
¦ THE CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT. The promise...
THE liULER BY VOTE AND SABRE. Opponents ...
THE RICKETTY WHIG MINISTRY ON ITS LAST L...
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NATIONAL ASSOOIATION OF TJNlTKr,. . . TR...
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( JKATIS TV 1 TH THE " DISPATCH" OF S 1 RDAY ,. JAN . 4 iu . rnflE SUBSCRIBERS to the " ^ Shrf I DISPATCH- Bill be presented ** » ? gf £ S £ coloured Chart , ah-ming bj diagrams and 1 £ ^ one view , ^ of persons who A % . during a period « £ n ^ h ^ wrsand received Crystal Mace , thenwmit of money »>?? fJ ^^ tins cliafiosi various sources at « d otter ttti «*»*^ Cgi « a to aU racur . And on SmdyVan . llOi . « ' « Owl £ « abictihet 3 . Fdrdwe « rfita / 'I « i |««^ The Cfcrt , which " ^ mounted w . h * n engrav ^ Exhibition of the Indostry of AU Nauons ^ j » " . ^ Corporals A . mission of the llojal ^^ S % X ^^^ aSSed GardnerandJ . 5 ! ack , « f UieEoyal & M ^ 3 ^ raatterscon-IiyaseaUcmantthoie inUmateacq . ^^ ^ comelaesSm 0 raera ™ HrH-J . Wood . 139 . F « r t- street « L " ndoa -
FKEKH 0 I . D MM * TO BS SOI « D ( In Ireland , wi & Parliamentary Title , ) For One Pound per Acre !!! Tn the N ' omhew SrisofKtU July last appeared an advertisMneiit headed-
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The Hosestv Fcsn.—Wa. Iutwoob, Of Norwoo...
The Hosestv Fcsn . —Wa . IUtwoob , of Norwood , asks the friends anil followers of Mr . O'Connor , if something cannot be done for that gentleman . If a proposition is made , W . IL will cheerfully contribute his mite . G . Maech , Brightluigsea . —Received . Pkeieu ) . Kedditcb . —Yes .
The Sobteeen Stab Sat57kday, January 10, Ik52.
THE SOBTEEEN STAB SAT 57 KDAY , JANUARY 10 , IK 52 .
The Exaineers Axj) Their Employers. Inte...
THE EXaiNEERS AXJ ) THEIR EMPLOYERS . INTELLIGENT CO-OPERATION . "We begin this subject by performing our last week ' s promise , of exposing the petty intrigue which has brought about tbe present struggle between the Operative Engineers and their Employers . In May last a dispute between Messrs . Hibbert and Plait , of Oldham , and their men , took place , which was apparently terminated mainly through the intervention of Mr . "W . ISetftoiv , by an agreement between the Masters and the Operatives . That agreement was reduced to writing , and duly signed by the representatives of tbe contending parties . But some
people—the Jesuits of Commerce—deal in mental reservations ; and it has transpired that Messrs . Hibbert and Platt , while seemingly negotiating in good faith with the men , were playing over again a narfc something similar to that of Pesky , of "W olverhampton , by endeavouring to stir up other employers to an organised resistance . At that time the attempt failed ; and , therefore , Messrs . Hibbekt and Platt executed an agreement which there is too much reason to suppose they did not mean to keep , and in the meantime set about exciting the feats of their brother capitalists , in order to gain allies .
Matters were in this position when the Executive Council of the Amalgamated Society issued their circular againstcompulsoryovertime , and arbitrarily priced piecework . That was a godsend to Messrs . Hibbebt and Platt . That enabled them to terrify the alarmists into combined resistance . That was , probably , happening as it did at the time when the agreement was to he performed , just what thoy wanted . It was a pretext which exactly suited their purpose ; and as they did not think it necessary to tell the plain truth , they added to the requests of the Amalgamated Society the
matters in dispute between them and their own artisans ; assumed the existence of a wide-spread conspiracy , drew frightful pictures of tbe consequences , terrified the other manufacturers into joining them , and fixed all to the new masters' association by that strongest pledge of commcrcialists , a money deposit , to be forfeited in the event of withdrawal . Under the cover of this confusion , Messrs . Hibbert and Platt think to escape the performance of their own written bond , and to inaugurate a contest which shall degrade Labour into the abject bond slave of Capital , by depriving their men of the power in the future of
making terms with those who claim to he their irresponsible , absolute masters . Surely the annals of commerce never exhibited a more glaring instance of deliberate promise-breaking than that—no maker of false pretences ever descended to a meaner shuffle . If that be the morality of commerce , those are right who say that the savage is a higher being than those whose whole soul ia wrapped up in the love of wealth . Apart , however , from the morality of the affair , it is worth while considering it in another aspect . The papers on the side of the masters have been constantly reiterating the assertion that the Amalgamated Society is made up of a few designing scoundrels , and a host of i gnorant dupes—that the deceivers and
deceived are mingled , the small minority of the former leading the large majority of the latter to inevitable destruction . False as that assertion must evidently appear to those who are acquainted with the engineering operatives , it reall y does seem applicable in some degree to their employers . The Association have been made the dupes of Messrs . Hibbert and Platt , and a few others—they have been entrapped into a fearful struggle of which they cannot see the end , in order to cover a gross breach of faith , and it has oozed out that so sensible are some of them of this , that they have declared , if they had known at first as much as they know now , they would never have suffered themkefas to he betrayed into their present false and danga ? ons position .
It is worthwhile , also , to notice how tbbiavolantary tendency to describe themselves , while attempting to traduce others , has characterized some of the after proceedings of the Masters * Association . One of the charges the most constantly in their mouth was , that the leaders of the Operatives' Association were venal , greed y mercenaries . This is the cry always raised by those who would deprive working men of the power j o combine for their mutual support and protection . Conscious of the fact that the wants of the many will never be earnestl y represented except by men of their own order , and aware that whatever rich t jlu
men mot . .,. ~ t . i « *~ a * . _» __ . « .... _* . men may be able to do , poor men cannot give their time to the service of their follows Tntnont compensation , they are always ready « p -a - out ai tI , e fo P of tQeir Iun * rata agitators . ' TTe want , once for all . «> meet the catchword , which , contemptibly stupid as it is , when cunningly used produces an effect . -uiereis . no ^ sgrace in being paid for doing right—no siiame in receiving a fair reward for advocating that *«? JT ? riiere- Tbe mental labourer is as mncb ^ mied to his wages as the manual worker—he who aiafcea ideas , and spreads them abroad , is as useful as * "ho spins cotton fabrics , and contributes at . leant
WrS to fte real welfare of 80 ciet y- Wil 1 tboM beinpn ^ * ° WTery indignant at a working man ns a ^ anything else but physical force , show ciefip . m- - thafc does not P >' officers . Bible So-FrAir ? ^ Societies , Philanthropic Societies , and a hort t } Societies . Registration Societies , catRB « Ji . ^ tn « 8 whose name is LegionJpay advofrom rt A ^ tor 8- The state pays all its officers reVimorjl ' T to **» l *>* wt The ministers of Press rW ? raple to receivo tneir BaIaries - Th ( > which nrot ° * ' WOuM cease to exht ' Everything and » e fear , £ * . P ** 8 for *&« means of prosper ity ; paid no ^ Jf *™ ™ instituti ons we have mentioned * n ° Better than the Amal gamated Society does
The Exaineers Axj) Their Employers. Inte...
its Council , ; they would speedily cease jto exist . Just imagine a Manchester political agent , receiving for attendance at a meeting , occupying six or seven hours of his time , the allowance awarded to a member of the Executive Council . How he would turn up his nose at the magnificent sum of two shillings as the recompense of his devotion , and how determinedly he would resolve never to again waste his time on so barren a cause . This objection of •« paid agitators conies , above all , badly from the Manchester School , whose whole political history has been one of paid agitation , From the League , with its quartet of a million fund , its
swarms of employes , audits hosts of paid lecturers , and its eighty thousand pounds testimonial to the arch-paid agitator jf all , through shoals of smaller combinations , runs the same vein of payment . ! N . o set of men have ever spent more on agitation . One would think , too , that common modesty would prevent Mr . Sidney Smith , the Secretary of the Masters' Association , from being the mouthpiece of this clamour , and from writing newspaper articles in which it is echoed . The men throughout have fought this battle themselves ; the men who have stood forward have stepped from their own
ranksnone but Engineersbave interfered ; but the Masters , perhaps labouring under a sense of their own inferiority and incapacity , have engaged a sort of literary gladiator who has no personal interest in the dispute , and no right to meddle in it . Is he a paid agitator ? We suppose the'Masters pay him , for his history tells us that he would not be likely to work for them without ample payment . He was a paid lecturer of the League— -a paid looker after the registration—a paid electioneering agent—a paid political writerand the paid instrument of almost as many other schemes as there are days in the year . What right has he to talk about venal mercenaries , when he
reviews his own life ? Mr . Smith may some day come again before the working-classes . They will do well to remember his present conduct , not so much because he is paid , as because there is something like proof that he receives wages for supporting what he believes to be wrong . A man cannot conscientiously believe two opposite creeds . 5 Tet Mr . Sidney Smith , who has been stigmatizing the Amalgamated Society as Socialist , wrote , only some twelve months ago , a little book called Mother Country , ' where Socialism is vividly
advocated ; and in that same work are assertions of the physical and moral evil of such constant labour as the English operative endures , to which is traced his asserted intellectual inferiority to his Continental compeer . Tet the same man who penned that , now asserts , as a matter of business , the right of masters to work men as long as they will , and calls those who oppose this industrial slavery , ' paid agitators , ' and unprincipled demagogues . Really , with such antecedents , Mr . Smith should be more careful and courteous , if he cannot be more straightforward and consistent .
We are glad to say , however , that all the efforts of their opponents have not , up to this time , frightened the operatives or alienated them from their natural leaders ; and it is probable that the result will be what the masters never reckoned on . They thought to force the men to consume in idleness the funds they have accumulated , and starve them into abjectuess ; but it is likely that the result will be such an Intelligent Industrial Co-operation as has never before occurred . If the roasters are mad enough to
strike , and refuse to help in doing the pubiic work , the men will do it themselves , without the roasters ' aid or the burden of the masters' profits . Easton and Amos's men have already subscribed their money for a Workmen's Factory , and the Amalgamated Society contemplates the application of £ 10 , 000 of its funds to the same purpose . In this effort the workmen are not alone . Men of station . and capital , disgusted with commercial tyranny and falsehood , are coming to their aid with offers of substantial help , and the Masters' Association of deceivers and
deceived , with their active and talented Secretary , bid fair to find that in striving to aggrandise their power into despotism , they have brought it to the verge of annihilation . Well , wiser men than they , sharp as they no doubt are , have , before now , realised the fable of the dog and shadow—losing the good they might have enjoyed in a greedy attempt to grasp the fancied benefit which they were unable to attain .
What Is To Be Our Foreign Policy. Lord P...
WHAT IS TO BE OUR FOREIGN POLICY . Lord Palmerston's dismissal and its causes still continue to occupy a large share of public attention , and various statements are put forth in the daily papers , each professing to be the most correct version of tbe affair . The general conclusion to be deduced from these explanations however is , that the substitution of Granville for Palmerston may be safely taken as an indication that the tone and tendency of our Foreign policy is not to become more liberal . However little may have been thought of-the lateJForagfl Minister's attachment to Constitutional Government ,
or his desire to aid foreign nations iu any legitimate attempt to secure the power of self -government , we shall have to think still less of the Foreign Policy directed by Russell , and administered by a younger member of the Family Party , if by any mishap these two * noble lords' should remain long in ofiice . It is tolerably certain that the coup d ' etat which so suddenly ejected Palmerston from ofiice , was entirely Lord John ' s concoction , and , though the fact has been denied by the ministerial 'Times , ' that it was with tbe previous knowledge and sanction of the Austrian Court . In fact , we shall probably find , when the
Parliamentary explanations are made , that the dismissal of ihe late Foreign Secretary was the price demanded by Prince Schwartzenberg for the official reception of our Ambassador , after he had been kept kicking his heels for six weeks in the ante-rooms of the Palace at Vienna . Should this be the case , it will demonstrate beyond the possibility of cavil , that the Whigs , whether in or out of office , do not intend to make common cause with the people of this country , so far as their feelings and opinions were
manifested by the enthusiastic reception given to Kossuth . Instead of fraternizing with the oppressed peoples of the Continent , and giving them such aid as we conld fairly give to enable them to free themselves , we shall , if this policy is consummated , once more see English treasure lent to despots for the purpose of trampling out iu blood every vestige of freedom in Europe ; perhaps even our fleet and our army may be called into action to aid in tho unholy and brutalizing task .
At the present juncture , the foreign policy of any English government ia even superior in importance to its domestic . No one will suspect us of undervaluing the movement for Suffrage Reform or other measures long claimed and patiently advocated ; but when on all hands tho indications of another war against freedom by the combined despots of the Continent thicken around , it must be evident the first duty of to-day is to prepare for resistance to such a disastrous and threatening aspect of affairs .
Nothing is more certain than that the achievement of Political Emancipation for the millions at home will largely depend on the issue of the struggle for national freedom abroad . We cannot separate ourselves from Continental politics if we would . We are now , to all intents and purposes , part of the mainland . Steam ships , railways , and electric telegraphs , have placed as in direct communication , and we must be affected by all the perturbations—share in all the successes or reverses—which may occur in the course of the great struggle for Freedom .
If the British Government enters into alliances with the Absolutist Courts , the terms of which are shrouded in diplomatic secrecy , we shall know what to ' expect . Louis Kossuth has taught the great lesson that the only national foreign policy that can tend to national benefit is that which is honestly and openly proclaimed . That lesson we believe has sunk deep in the minds of the people of this country , and of the United States , as constituting the starting point of a new species of national diplomacy under
which the juggling and swindling of despots and their tools would be impossible . In the absence of such an avowal there is reason to fear that vtr ***»" again be involved in a similar war to that which at the closing straggle at Waterloo left us involved in debt , and which in its consequences has ever since hung like a millstone round our necks , and formed the ready answer to all appeals for the redaction of taxation or public improvement . That is a consideration which ought to set every man in Great Britain and Ireland thinking .
¦ The Co-Operative Movement. The Promise...
¦ THE CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT . The promises we : havo made in relation to the Cooperative Movement we mean to fulfil , not onlyifrom our own love of the subject , and our belief in its importance as a movement in the right direction ,. but also from the fact that Co-operation , in some former other , / issfouad in every corner of the Kingdom amongst the most liberal and enlightened of the working people ; not only as a faith , but as a most important living reality . forced
This faith in Co-operation is not a growth , springing under the breath of a vigorous agitation—it is rather a thing of slow and natural development , beginning , in its present form , with the people themselves , supported by them , arid managed by them , natural in its birth , healthy in its growth , and promising , in its ultimate development , large advantages to the masses of the people . ., ••¦' We do not mean that Co-operation , so far as it has gone either in shopkeeping or manufacturing , •'• however successful such concerns may be , should be regarded as final or satisfactory ; but as first steps they are most admirable .
Unadulterated food at prime co st , adding the cost of distribution , is a very great advantage , so is selfemployment in a Co-operative Workshop ; but the great value of a Co-operative Store does not Hein thc-e , so much as in the union of numbers which they command , and the machinery which they afford for organising completely the , consumption of the people , and controlling , by such organised consumption , the labour necessary for employing it . ' ••• ¦' ¦ The weekly consumption of the whole of the the
English people supplies , in a considerable degree , labour by which the working people subsist , and the larger the control they get over this by the means of co-operative shops , the more completely will they be enabled to command their own future destiny . ^ There aro means of development in the Cooperative idea , which many of those engaged in the work of Co-operation cannot now see ; but the more they work as Co-operators the more they will comprehend their true duties to the idea they are seeking to promote .
In Lancashire and Yorkshire , as well as in Scotland , these shops abound , and most of them have surmounted the difficulties and dangers of their infant efforts . In many of the towns in these localities they are doing very largo trades , and have obtained a character for honest dealing , and superior goods , highly creditable to them . Hitherto , however , individual men only , have cooperated with each other in their respective neighbourhoods . It is now full time that the stores and
manufacturing establishments should co-operate . Those engaged in this movement must not continue to call themselves Co-operators , unless they really mean to cooperate , and trade in perfect good faith tho one with the other , each aiding tho other by advice and custom , in fact by every species of assistance which men should render who are struggling in tho same
cause . Co-operation will never be safe so long as it allows its resources to flow into tho coffer of competition . Those who have tbe practical management of it , betray the cause they should promote , when they expend a single shilling outside their own movement that might be spent in it , as in doing so they are putting-the sinews of war into the hands of their enemies . Every member of a Co-opovative Store
should put every order he needs executing , whatever it may be for—shoes , stockings , shirts , coats , hats , bread , butter , tea , sugar—everything , and all things —into the store , and compel the managers to execute them , through organised labour if possible , if not possible , then the best way they can . Co-operation to be efficient must be complete , and it never can be complete unless it supplies all the ' wants of all its members with the produce of organised labour .
In Colonial and Foreign produce , the Central Agency , 76 , Charlotte-street , can do this admirably , and it is to be hoped that no one of tbe stoves neglects so excellent an opportunity as this establishment offers . If it is so , co-operation , so far as these parties are concerned , is a dead letter , and cannot be expected to do much good in their hvnds . In all movements , whether political or social , the great thing needed is a full comprehension of the work to be done by the people engaged in it . Sham republicans , and blind republicans , have assisted to destroy the Republic in France , and they did it too , with the vpry instruments given to them for its protection . Universal Suffrage and Vote by Ballot , in their hands , worked as effectually for the establishment of "despotism as tbe swords of the Cossacks could have done .
Let us not play this blind and false game in England ; let each man know his work and do it , wisely and faithfully , whether he be Chartist or Co-opera tor , and we doubt not that liberty in its truest forms will take root and grow in our land . We desire to see this , and as far as we can , to help it , and therefore we call upon all who can furnish us with the sober facts of the Co-operative Movement to da so , and we will take care that they shall be used for the benefit of the cause . % We shall return to this subject again and again .
The Liuler By Vote And Sabre. Opponents ...
THE liULER BY VOTE AND SABRE . Opponents of Universal Suffrage point with exultation to the vote by which M . Bonaparte has just been created Dictator in France . They consider that it demonstrates conclusively the . incapacity of the masses to distinguish political right from political wrong , and their consequent unfitness to be entrusted with the exercise of political power . We confess that if we looked upon that vote as tho free and unbiassed approval of the people of France of tbe acts of a perjured usurper and wholesale murderer , we should feel less sanguine as to the
progress of humanity than WO now do . But there are many reasons why this conclusion ought not to bo come to . In the first place , it is notorious that the only portions of the Press permitted to exist in France were in the hands of the Government , which dictated exactl y what it thought proper to appear , and , it is now confessed , has manufactured falsehoods upon the most astounding scale to suit its purposes . In the next place , the voting , however apparently accompanied by all the accessories for a fair and free exercise of the right , was defective at the very commencement , inasmuch as it left the voter no alternative but
a Dictator or no government at all . Besides , there was tho conviction , that even if the requisite majority was not deposited iu tho ballot boxes , the convenient tools whom M . Bonaparte had thrust into office throughout the whole country , would have no hesitation in cooking a majority to make things pleasant . The destruction of tho ballot papers immediatel y after tho result was ascertained , was a capital device foi preventing any scrutiny in after years , or any detection of the frauds that might be perpetrated by those functionaries . But with all their care and anxiety to their
please unprincipled employer , they have uncoasciously discovered the fact that the votes have been tampered , with . The whole population of France is about thirty-aix millions , and upwards of eight millions of adult males are s . aid to have voted . Now , it is a high average to take ono adult iu every five of the population , and that would give a " total of forty millions instead of thirt y six . The zealous functionaries have overdone it . They havo given us too much of a good thing , and it is clear that the return of tho number of votes is as much to he depended upon as Louis Napoleon ' s oaths .
Making all allowance , however , for these deductions , there still remains the fact , that a very large proportion of the people did say ' oui' to the demand of a man who had violated his most solemn engagement ! to the nation , and in the pursuit of a low selfish ambition , caused tho people of Paris to be shot down m the streets with as little compunction as if they had been game at a battue . How are we to account for that fact ? _ Perhaps the following may help to a solution : —It is now well known that the working classes took no part in tho late usurpation . They had nothing to fight for . It was , they saw very clearly , merely a struggle between the majority of the Assembly and
ineruESiDMT , which , should gain the upper hand . Why should they interfere ? All they knew of that majority _ was , that it had been the determined and coufijantfoe of Republican institutions and Republieaa freedom . It had cut off at least one-third of the Totes by which it w as elected , and systematically pursued a course of coercion , oppression and tyranny as far a 8 the liberty of speech , writing , and public meeting was concerned . The President had told themLwt . on . * but several times ! that the majority
The Liuler By Vote And Sabre. Opponents ...
was ever ready , to hound him on in attacks upon public liberty , but as invariably united to .. oppose him whenever he desiredto do anything for the amelioration of the ouviiei'S ; and , they had seen too many instances in which-this assertion looked like the truth . From the majority , therefore , they had nothing to expect . On the ' other hand , they saw M . Bonaparte offered them the restoration of the Suffrage , and by his audacious coup d ' etat ,, they , found he had swept that portion of their enemies out of the way . The political game became less . comp licated . Instead of having to ' deal with many tyrants in future , they would have to reckon only with one . Louis Napoleon could no longer throw the blame upon , the majority if he did not satisfy the demands of the people . By the
very mode he had himself se lected he became directly and personally responsible for the whole policy of his Government , and if he failed to fulfil either his prorhises or their expectations , it would be easier to settle accounts with one than many . They got rid of a complicated irresponsible Government , and had . in its place-a simple , definite , and responsible ruler . ' If , after a fair trial , that ruler abused , instead of using theimmense powers placed at his disposal , it was only necessary for the proletarians to have their coup d ' etat and sweep away , by force , a Government based upon force and bloodshed , and perjury—which has no moral claims on the allegiance or the confidence of the country , and which will only be tolerated as long as it is successful .
Reasoning like this , though unsuited to our sober country , where Parliamentary Government and popular agitations take the place of coups d ' etat , would be quite in place in France ; and it appears to us satisfactorily to' solve the otherwise anomalous fact , that such a man—or rather monster— -should have been placed in such a position . But the end is not yet . On the contrary , his troubles , perils , and difficulties are but beginning .
The Ricketty Whig Ministry On Its Last L...
THE RICKETTY WHIG MINISTRY ON ITS LAST LEGS . Last year the conclave of incapables , who have misgoverned the country since 1846 , broke down soon after the meeting of Parliament , and it was only because there was nobody willing to take their places , that they were allowed to retain office . This year , although we are so near the commencement of the Session , it is doubtful whether they will take their seats on the Treasury Bench . If any number . of public men of reasonable standing and abilities can be found to accept Ministerial responsibilities before that time , we shall be happily rid of the greatest
caricature of a Government ever seen in this country . But are there any such persons to be found ? We candidly confess that at present wo do not see where they are to come from . The composition of parties remains almost the same as it was last February . Tho Whigs are weakened by the dismissal of Lord Palmerston , but their political rivals are not strengthened . Lord Derby will still have to face the ' impracticable' men of his own party , who will look upon anything short of the restoration of ' Protection ' as a treason . There is still the same want of men accustomed to the routine of-office , and familiar with administrative functions—all the reasons which induced him on two successive occasions to decline the . duty of forming a Cabinet , exist as strongly as
ever . On the other hand the overtures made by Lord John to such practised officials as the Duke of Newcastle , Sir J . Graham , Mr . Cardwell , and others of tho Peelite section of the House , are said to havo experienced a similar reception to that of last year . They have been rejected , and , luixUhey been accepted , their accession would not have strengthened the Cabinet in popular estimation , but the contrary . Thoy are excellent chiefs of departments— ' good men of business '—but no one expects any large or liberal policy from them ; and Lord Jom ? has shown , that whatever may have been his pretensions in former times , he is becoming more and more reactionary ,
and opposed to popular progress . The course he has pursued has also had the effect of repressing whatever amount of administrative ability might have been found in the ranks of his own party . His Gorcrvmont has been purely a family clique . Out of fifteen Cabinet Ministers nine belong to a family cabal . The three houses of Grey , Bedford , and Howard consider they have a right to monopolise the Government ; and if the secret infiuenccs could bo traced , by which the nine * brothers-in-law ' and ' Cousins' have been induced to let in the six , whoso relationship does not appear in Debrett ' s Peerage , no doubt the same element would be found predominating .
This system of breeding in and in seems to be as fatal to Cabinei Ministers as it is to men and animals . It produces a stunted , feeble , imbecile race . If tho present Ministry were enumerated one by one , and described as they really are in truthful terms , the nation would be ashamed of having been so long subject to a body of men not fit to rule tho affairs of a petty corporation . We are certain that not one of the large merchants who sit behind the Chancellor of the Exchequer would give him £ 150 a year in their own counting-houses ; and yet they have been content to see him mismanaging the national finances , and committing , year after year , such arithmetical
blunders as would have drawn down smart punishment upon any boy on the third form of a public school . The few members of the Government not affected by congenital stupidity , or intractable capriciousness , are worn out , physically and mentally . 0 f some of them it may be literally said , that they can scarcely stand on their legs . Feebleness or wrong-headedness is stamped upon the Russell Ministry at a crisis in European affairs when energy , combined with farseeing wisdom , are peculiarly and urgently requisite . If we look outside the pure Whig party , to that which assumes the name of 'liberal' and gives the Government what is called an'independent' support , the prospect of finding efficient statesmen is not much improved . There are , no doubt , in the ranks
of that party , men of considerable ability , many of them in the prime ofiife , and accustomed to the transaction of business ; but their faculties and powers have never been systematically trained and applied to public business . Instead of applying themselves to the task of or ganising a party acting up ju one clear and definite principle upon all occasions , and mastering the details of administration , so that when the time came they might take office with the confidence of the country ; each individual 'liberal' has ridden his own hobby , despised all action in concert allowed Whigs or any other party to take the initiative in practical business ; and but for an oratorical display now and then , have been made mere political nobodies . Tbe light in which the head of the family clique looks upon them , may he seen by the insolent
snubbing he gave to some of them when they asked for an interview on the subject of the promised Reform Bill . Such , then , is the state to which aristocratic and middle class Government has reduced the nation at this momentous juncture . They have repudiated popular Government , and their own has expired from inanition . No violent revolution has thrown tho state machine out of gear—no factious opposition has caused the Ministry to break down . It has stopped cf itself , and there is no chance of its being set a going again , until it is wound up anew , and fresh springs and motive powers are added to it .
me only immediate practical solution o ! tbe difficulty appears to bo a dissolution of Parliament and a General Election . Perhaps that mi ght so alter the Constitution of the present Parliament , that the ^ mpoi se of parties which imposes political sfcagnation upon it , would be succeeded by such a prepondeuSZlTJH r ° "I ° ° ther ' as ™* 1 Enable wouldbo Ul 1 I ' d ° bac Wd . Anything of aU hLl ! S 5 , T th ? «» i ^~ th 6 negation ot all healthful life and action-to which we have been accustomed for the last few
years miSb » i l * ff ' ' the People at large which hitfV ^ ° - , ? > P ° M * A » P » 4 . Jhfl nLJI- n at . " J us « fied by the appearance o ctrTn % * £ ° °£ ; TherG ™& t ™ ft » be J chance of getting a Reform Bill worthy the nam - * toJaf rn ^ U r ^ terly impossible as low as Lord John Russell , or anybodYhe will call to his assistance , remains in office
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National Assooiation Of Tjnltkr,. . . Tr...
NATIONAL ASSOOIATION OF TJNlTKr , . . . TRADES . ^ T . S . Du . vcoMBE , Esq ., M , P . President . " PUT JOSTITU . " ' ¦ ' " " If it were possible for the - working classes , by conjbiy among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general tau' " wages , Jt need hardly be saidthat this would be a thing not ( <" punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced at . "—Stuart liat , ' ™ We have been for a longtime aware that amonjM a small section of the democratic party a eonsbjl able hostility or jealousy existed against Trades ' Unions generally , and the National Association in particular . We have seen several manifestatioq 0 f this feeling , Wo have seen hybrid National 8 So
^ ciatious cunningly framed to catch the social , in ( jn a trial , and political tastes of the day . And wo lia J seen the difficulty which even the promoters haw , found in . framing workable institutions amidai the conflict of differing and opposing opinions . AiidWfl have seen with regret immense sacrifices of time ay talent—we think we may say wasted iu elaborating Eutopian—because impracticable socio political con . atitutious—which have died in their birth from wani of nourishment ; but we have not seen that any fo ^ man beings among the working classes o f * Greav Britain have been socially , industrially , or politically morally , or physically benefitted by these well ! intended , but unavailing efforts .
It certainly appears that the groat bulk of thj working classes of this country are either not demo , cratically inclined , or want faith in tho prudence and judgment of the political leaders of tho day . ft a know not how else to account for their apathy . ; But although , unfortunately , working men of En . gland will not , of do not , combine for political pur poses , they have always evinced a strong and \< ety natural disposition to band themselves together in , defence of their industrial rights , and it certainly j s not correct to . say that . these , their efforts , have been uniformly and entirely unsuccessful . It is equall y
incorrect to say that reductions of wages have not been prevented to a large extent , and in very many instances , by combination , and its usual weapon strikes . The Iron Trades of England have main , tained their wages by a non-political combination . Mr . Ernest Jones attributes , this to the absence of surplus labour . He is mistaken . During the years 1848-9 , they expended upwards of Eighteen Thousand Pounds to protect themselves : from the competitive action of redundant labour—this they could not have
done but ¦ by . combination . The Building Trades have maintained their wages by combination and strikes . The Great Builders' Union of 1831 , notwithstanding many serious defects in its constitution , and its consequent dissolution , completely established the power and eificacy of Union , and although existing now only in . isolated bodies , they still are so animated with the . spirit of Union , that every attempt to encroach upon their wages or . ' privi . leges have signally and invariably failed .
The Printers , the' Coopers ^ the Paper Makers , Brush Makers , Cork Cutters , and many other large and important bodies , have equally proved by experience the advantage and necessity of combination ; and although they have not yet discovered a perfect substitute for strikes , we believe they never resort to them but as a last resource . We cordially admit with Mr . Ernest Jones , the Editor of the 'Times ' and other opponents and enemies of Trades' Unions , of the evils of Strikes , and none could have worked more sedulously to introduce a more rational policv to both employers and employed , than the Executive of the National Association .
Our experience has proved that tho present impossibility of superseding strikes mainly rests with the employers . ' Thoy will not be dictated to . ' Mr . Perry and his friends would not be dictated to , and the machine masters will not be dictated to , ami hovtever averse tho men in either case may betoastrike , thc masters force it upon them . If tho men and masters cannot be brought mutually to concede the abolition of strikes , by submitting their disputes to impartial arbitration , we know of but one mode by which so desirable a consummation can be effected , and , that is , by a National Federal Combination , where each separate branch of labour will ho under the care ,
guardianship , and protection of all . Strikes , then , and not till then , will become impossible . But Mr . Ernest Jones is more opposed to tho nationalising of labour , than to isolated unions . He says ' That it appears to me much preferable that strikes should he supported on the voluntary principle , than by any organised compulsory subscription—the latter always fails to realise their objects . ' (?) And then he proceeds : — ' That he believes tho voluntary support of tho same trade and tho same neighbourhood is much more likely to be rendered when the emergency arisea , than a sum to be collected beforehand , for prospective cases which may or may not arise . Experience proves the truth of this . '
We beg respectfully to assure Mr . Jones that our united experience proves exactly the reverse , and is altogether in favour of the small compulsory payment , ranging over a wide field , and collected from a variety of different trades , instead of the voluntary subscription of men in the same trade , and in thessme neighbourhood , for tho following amongst other reasons * . — 1 st . One penny a week from 12 , 000 men is equally effective and less burdensome to the donor than one * shilling per week from 1 , 000 . 2 nd . The twelve thousand , consisting of different trades , and located iu different places , are less within the reach of tho counter combination of the capitalists , and entirely unaffected by local parochial and municipal middle-class influence .
3 rd . The regular and continued payment of the small compulsory penny is more to bo depended ou than the large voluntary shilling . A strike conducted and supported upon this principle can never fail , if the men are true and faithful to themselves and each other , and abstain from acts of illegality . A strike having nothing to depend upon but voluntary aid , seldom succeeds ; tbe act of voluntary contribution is very fatiguing , and soon tires the contributor—a fact which we thought Mr . Jones had already discovered in tho many unavailing efforts to recruit the Chartist exchequer by voluntary means . Ia short , if any improvement has taken place within these few years , in the conduct and policy of Trades ' Unions , it has certainly been by an extension of thejr base , by an amalgamation of isolated sections of the
same trade into one organisation , as is the case with the Engineers , Printers , Masons and many others , We therefore advocate an extension of this princip le . We think that Mr . Jones ' s opinion upon the general question is merely theoretical , which a moro intimate practical acquaintance with the subject would havo corrected , or materially modified . However desirable it may be that the working classes evince a move lively interest in their political position , we are of opinion thoy would commit a fatal error , if they permited the political question , upon which there are so many , and such wide differences , to be mixed up with tho wages question , upon which there is nearly an unity of sentiment .
We are not quite sure , that if the Charter were carried tomorrow that the position of Labour would be materiall y changed . We fear that the mere capitalists would , for a long time , greatly preponderate in tho Chartist Parliament , as wo find to be the case in the United States Congress , where the imprescriptible ri ghts of man are still held subservient t o the conventional rights of property . Need we refer to the protection still awarded to the slave owner ? I ' is not so much political as social changes we require , and a more extended knowledge of our social requirements would infallibly lead to the political action necessary to obtain them .
If we think the opinion of Mr . Jones , upon the general question of Trades' Unions , is crude and unsatisfactory , his views of tho National A ssociation of United Trades is still more lax and opposed to facts . We beg to state , for Mr . Jones ' s inform ation , that the wages of tbe members of the National Association have not been « constantly' reduced since ilieir adhesion . On the contrary ( we believe without one exception ) every attempt that has been made to reduce our members wages below the market pr '" has been defeated , and generally without the intervention of strikes . In many instances , ad vance have been obtained and maintained , while the part ieB
remained members of the Association , of which the ; were deprived immediatel y upon their withdrawal-The Wolverhampton affair , which Mr . Ernest Jon ® selects as a proof that tho National Association' has failed in its object , ' , has established the very oppoa » J conclusion . If tho Messrs ; Perry have to this pen
Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 10, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_10011852/page/4/