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    6 THE NORTHERN STAR April 12, 1846.

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    Mpilal parlmment

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    HOUSE OF LORDS, Mosbay, April 7. lordBKo...

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    HOUSE OF COMMONS, Monday, April 7. The C...

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    PROGRESS OF CHARTISM IN CORNWALL. TO THE...

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    The steam-ship Caledonia, Captain Lott, ...

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    The Turn or Life.—Cube ExtraordinauY J? ...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    6 The Northern Star April 12, 1846.

    6 THE NORTHERN STAR April 12 , 1846 .

    Mpilal Parlmment

    Mpilal parlmment

    House Of Lords, Mosbay, April 7. Lordbko...

    HOUSE OF LORDS , Mosbay , April 7 . lordBKoBOHAJi moved for a return of the number of TaRway mllspaskeathions li Parliament during the last ten v ^ ra 4 BstM < Tnshing the number passed in each year , the StSSfSi . " " « J ' ** —arm * ° - * * raflwa y committee ofthe Board of Trade had reported , the gum paid per share on each raflway already authorised by AfitofParikment , and tl : c sums per cent divided by each taflway on its shares . The noble and learned lord dwelt at some length upon the extent of gambling which had taken place in raa way shares , which he contended it was desirable should be in some way checked .

    The Earl « f DiinonsiE had no objection to give aR the information in his power , but he could not give the prices of raRway stock , or the dividends paid per share . In reply to a question from the Marquis of Normanby , The 7 * -Ae of Bdcchlth said that the Sanatory Bfllin contem plation of the Government would be presented in sufficient time to afford opportunities for ample consideration of its clauses , an ~ « lie saw no reason why its provisions should not be extended to Ireland and Scotland as wefl as to England . The Marquis of Kosmasbt moved for some returns relative = o the constabulary of Ireland . After speeclsss from Lord Stanley , the Duke of Wellington , and the Earl of St Germains on the returns date ironi 1836 , the motion was agreed to . The Sugar Duties Bfll was read a second time ; after Which their Lordships adjourned .

    Tuesday , April 8 . The house sat for a short time , but were principaRy occupied only in re-discussing and explaining portions of thepreecJlng night ' s debate ; when this was ended , their Lordships adjourned until Friday .

    House Of Commons, Monday, April 7. The C...

    HOUSE OF COMMONS , Monday , April 7 . The CiiAxcELLOB of the Exchequer moved that the bouse should resolve itself into a committee of the whole Rouse upon the Auction Duties , with a view to their repeal . The Chancellor of the Excheqpeb entered into the reasons which induced the Government to propose an abolition of those duties . Owing to various exemptions and evasions , the duty was reaflypaidupon only £ 7 , 000 , 000 of property , whereas 515 , 000 , 000 of property were ascertained to be annually transferred by auction . It also appeared that this tax , amounting to only £ 300 , 000 , cost no less tfcan £ 50 , 000 in the collection . It was proposed that the Recuse for auctioneers should be raised from £ 5 to £ 15 , anil to reReve them from the necessity of taking out extra licenses , and other expenses to which they are at present subjected .

    Mr . 6 . Bankes , in opposing the reduction of the duty , contended that the county rate pressed unequally on the agricultural interest , and that any surplus of revenue might ce applied cither to that , or affording relief respect ing lunatic asylums , gaols , expenses of prosecutions , and Other maitcrs to -which the landed interest -was liable . Tcry few of the 1000 auctioneers in the kingdom paid extra licenses , and raising the license from £ 5 to £ 15 would operate so injuriously as to compel many of them to abandon their occupations ; and while this injury was inflicted upon them , no good was done to the agriculturists . Under these circumstances , he would take the sense of tie house upon the remission of those auction duties .

    A discussion followed , in Which Mr . M . Gibson , Mr . S . O'Brien , 3 fr . F . Baring , Sir J . Graham , Lord John Russell , Sir 2 . Peel , Mr . Cobden , Sir T . Acland , and Mr . Labouehere took part The bouse then divided , when the resolution for the repeal of the auction duties was carried by a majority of 167 to -30 . Mr . Uume moved that the license for an auctioneer should be £ 7 10 s . instead of £ 1-5 , a sum so large as to prevent a vast number of auctioneers from continuing their avocations . Considerable discussion ensued , bat it was eventually agreed that the amount ofthe Rcense should be £ 10 . -Thehouse then resumed , and subsequently went into committee on the Customs ( Import ) Duties BRL The various clauses were agreed to , and the bouse again resumed . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned .

    Tuesday , April 8 . The loase met at four o ' clock . The following bffls were severaHy read a second time : —The Manchester , Bury , and Rosendale RaRway ; the Bedford , London , and Birmingham RaRway ; theiliddlesboroaghand RedcarRailway ; the Blackburn , Darwen , and Bolton Hallway ; the Wear-VaHey BaRway ; the Harrowgate aud Ripon Junction RaRway ; and the Belfast Improvement Lord J . Russell gave notice that on that day fortnight he weald submit certain resolutions as to the state of the labouniigclasscs in England and TVales .

    BANKING IN SCOTLAND AND IRELAND . Sir K . Peel took the opportunity of making the following announcement;—In the c « urse of . yesterday several members connected with Scotland expressed a strong wish that before the last day of this month I should state ( be general outline of the measures I propose to introduce ¦ ri th respect , to the privileges of banking establishments in Scotland and Ireland . Whatever may be fiie i' 3 " * 3 * 1 " -0 of other business , it is impossible I should not wish to comply with such an expression of opinion . ( Hear , tear . ) I therefore take this opportunity of stating , thatl do hope in the course of the present month , on some day prior to that named by those Ron . gentlemen , X shaR bs enabled to state to the house the general outline ofthe measures I intend to propose on that subject . ( Hear , f . rar . l

    EXPLOSIONS IN COAL HIKES . 31 r . T . Buncombe wished to know when the correspondence between the scientific gentlemen who had been appointed lomguire into the cause of those melancholy accidents wliiuh sometimes took place in coal mines , and the eoalovrners of the north , would be produced S Another dreadful accident had lately occurred in the neighbourhood of Newcastle , by which ten Rres bad been lost , Acdi : ttj ^ s most desirable to Imow * if any steps could be takes io prevent such deplorable catastrophes . ( Hear , fiearj Sir J . 6 r . AHAM informed the Ron . gentleman that the answer ofthe coalowners to the report of Messrs . Lyefl and- Faraday -had been referred to those gentlemen , to know -whether they wished to make any and what observations -r-n it . The correspondence had now been completed , and he would lay it in the course of afew days on the table af the house .

    INVIOLABILITY OF-LETTEES AT THE POST-OFFICE . Mr . T . Buncombe , in moving , pursuant to notice , for leave to Bring in a bill " to secure the inviolability of letters passing through the Post-office , " could not lielp saying H : ai he felt it almost a reflection on the system of goremicent under which we Rved , as well as a reproach to Ac free institutions we were proud to possess , that it should be . necessary for any member of that house to recommend the adoption of measures to secure the inviolabflity of correspondence passing through this great commercial eouutry . In submitting this motion to tbe house he should on that occasion abstain from every remark that couM have by possibility a personal application . It was wifh flia system now that be was going to -war—it - was fee system he felt it his duty , if possible , to destroy .

    When and whence did the Government of this country deiSTe Ihis power ? He maintained , and he had the highest legal authority for the opinion , that there was no law authorising the exercise of this power . ( Hear , hear . ) It had been an instruction to the committee appointed by that house last session to report what was the state of the law in reference to this subject , and their report merely went to the extent that " the law in 1844 was exactly the same as it was in the time of Queen Anne ;" out it did not state what the law was . The committee of the House of Lords went one step farther , and stated fliat " the provisions of tbe 9 th of Anne , cap . 10 , could only oe explained on the supposition that this power was at that time fufly recognised , for it gave no power to the Secretary of State to open letters , but merely prohibited

    Others irom doing so without a warrant from a Secretary of Stats . The power appeared to have been exercised from the earliest period , and was recognised by several Acts of Parliament . " That was all the committee of the House of Xords said with respect to the exercise of this power , admitting that there was no law to authorise it . He granted that there was an old usage recognised by Acts oi Parliament but if they referred to the cases stated in the appendix of the Commons' report , in which it ms attempted to be proved that this power bad been exercised by former Governments , there was no proof that letters stopped and opened at the Post-office had been reseated and forwarded to then * address . That system of fraud and forgery had not been perpetrated . The letters had only been used against the parties in a

    court of law ; but the law was so-defective , that the question could not be put as to where the warrant was , or who was the delinquent by whom the letters had been opened . The 8 th of Anne , cap . 10 , was now out of the question , having been repealed by the 1 st of Victoria . Tbe object ofthe Legislature was neither to diminish nor increase the power given by former Acts , and he repeated he had the authority of some of the highest legal gentlemen in the country for saying that there was no law for the exercise of this power , and that aR that was done by the Act was to relieve the servants ofthe Post-office from the consequences of a misdemeanour , in detaining or opening letters , because they acted on the authority of a warrant from tie Secretary of State , the legafltyof which , however , was left totafly and entirely untouched , just as a constable who producedhis warrant was exonerated from the consequences of its execution , although the warrant were illegal . In the same manner , if a " stranger" were

    apprehended in the gaflery of that house , the production ofthe order for his admission would be a sufficient justification to him , although when the matter , came to be inquired into it would be found they had no such power to admit strangers to their debates . The question now te be decided was , what advantages did . they gain from the exercise of such a power ! They aR knew the difficulties under which the Government had laboured in vindicating their conduct in this matterj' ^ and the bad blood and flkfeefing which had been created by the exposures Whiehhad taken place ; but if any benefit had ever been dmvedfrom this power , no sensible or reasonable man -could impose that after the disclosures which had taken * wee a ^ jpers < m engaged in treasonable conspiracy or ^^* ace would , send it ttrough the PosUffice . <* ££ Z £ ZZTi 1 b Secretaiy of State for ^ ** 'STKSf S 5 TB 3 ER :

    House Of Commons, Monday, April 7. The C...

    time that there would have been some means of regulating this practice , and placing it under some effectual control ; but he was now persuaded , that if the system had any value at all , it must be attended with secrecy and fraud . There was no medium course between complete secrecy and placing on the letters opened a pubRc mark to that effect at the Post-office . Why , then , should they not abolish the practice altogether ? Why not expunge from the statute-book this odious power * It had been stated in another place that no civUized country could go on without such a power as this . He wholly denied the assertion . When Belgium became an independent state , one of the first provisions ofthe constitution was , that the correspondence ofthe Belgian people should be unconditionally inviolate . In tbe United States there was no such power to open letters ;

    there was a power in England , Ireland , and Scotland , but no such power existed in Canada , or in any of our colonies , at the present moment . In France the power did not exist . M . Guizot declared in the French Cham , bers that in law and in fact the correspondence of the French people was inviolate . ( A laugh . ) Hon . gentlemen might laugh ; he could only say that was the statement made by tbe Minister for Foreign Affairs ; at all events , tf letters were opened in France , somebody would be held answerable for that violation of the public correspondence ; but in this country , although correspondence had been violated , they could not get at the parties who were responsible for it . When this power was questioned in that house in the time of Sir R . Walpole , it was admitted that it should only be exercised in times of great internal danger ; but from thai period tbe power had

    gradually extended to political and criminal warrants . If it were confined to criminal warrants , there could be no objection to it . But that was impossible . On a former occasion he had referred to the number of warrants issued by lord Sidmouth ; he had since been told by one of the firsf bankers in the city that he had upon one occasion applied to lord Sidmouth to issue a warrant for the apprehension of a clerk who had been guilty of forgery , but Lord Sidmouth declined , saying he never issued warrants except in cases of high treason * The banker explained this to the chief magistrate in the city , and then returned and renewed his appRcation to Lord Sidmouth , thinking he had made some mistake ; but his lordship adhered to his original resolution . The appRcant then said , "WRl you aflow us to see a certain letter passing through the Post-office on a

    particular day , which wfll enable us to find out where the de-Rnquent is concealed % " Lord Sidmouth said , that was a different question , and he would send an answer in the evening . Tn « reply was to this effect—be considered the Post-office so sacred that he would not be a party to allowing even the superscription of a letter to be seen . ( Hear , hear . ) Did Government , with all their poUce , require this power for the detection of criminals S The right hon . baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had produced one of the warrants of Mr . Pox . Was that the model now in use ? [ Sir J . Graham : " Xo . ] Then , what use was there in producing warrants issued by Mr . Fox or the'Duke of Newcastle ? ( Hear , hear . ) let them rather have the model of the warrant under which his letters were opened . ( Hear , hear . ) This svstem was infectious , and produced a most demoralising

    effect on the servants and subordinates of the Post-office . He could give a striking instance of this in the notice issued at the General Post-office not many months ago with reference to certain letter-carriers who had been detected in baring opened the letters of some sporting gentlemen . The announccmentran thus : — " The Postmaster-Cfeneral having bad papers laid before him relating to the gross conspiracy which has existed among certain carriers , and having ascertained that Lang , Bell , and Saunders have been in the habit of opening the letters of sporting gentlemen , his lordship is pleased to dismiss them the service . " These servants ofthe Post-office had been guilty of a misdemeanour which subjected them to transportation ; but in consequence of the exposures which had taken place in that house the Post-office authorities were afraid to prosecute them , knowing the defence they had determined to

    make was , that they had only followed the example of their superiors . ( Hear , hear . ) Such was the demoralising effect of the system on tlie officers of the Post-office , while in this instance it interfered with the adequate punishment of such offenders . Their dismissal from the public service was not sufficient punishment for these parties } they ought to have been much more severely dealt with . He had formerly analysed the report of the committee ; and he would be glad to know what its members thought of the continuance of this power ? The only novel discovery they seemed to have made was , that the most obvious reason of all for the exercise of this power was , that by informing the Minister of the Crown of the real state of conspirators aud the extent of their combination , he would be prevented from taking any exaggerated view of

    the case , and from demanding extraordinary powers to meet and suppress the supposed danger . Hon . members might picture to themselves the Secretary of State sitting in the back parlour of the Home-office , and being put into a dreadful state of alarm by reading of some horrible conspiracy in the columns of the Morning Herald , or some paper of that sort , the organ of the Ministry . ( A laugh . ) Acting upon such questionable Information , let them imagine the Minister preparing himself to go down to Parliament with a message from the Crown asking for increased powers to meet the frightful exigency ; and then all of a sudden , finding by means of some letters that after all it originated inthe language or conduct of some Conservative association or of some Chartist body , they need not be surprised to see that Minister throw tlie message and tlie Morning Herald behind the Sre , and refrain from

    troubling the house at afl with the subject . ( A laugh . ) Another reason for the exercise of this power , one that always appeared plausible until examined , was , that the Government ought not to be made the medium for transmitting letters of a treasonable character , and therefore that it should have power of protecting itself against being so . If that argument were good in this case , so it would be if appRed to aR omnibus cads and cab . drivcrs . { "Hear , " and a laugh . ) It amounted to this , that even if he were to offer to take a letter to Edinburgh , it might be said to him , " Will you allow yourself to be made the vehicle of treason ? Depend upon it there is treason in that letter , and you are justified in opening it . " What would any body say to that ? Would they say it was honourable ? No ; they would say it was equally dishonourable . ( Hear ) So he behaved it was with tlie

    Post-office and the case of a person who put a letter into the box .- aad paid for its transit . ( Hear , hear . ) He wished to take this power away from the Secretary of State of issuing his warrant at his caprice . Then how would the law remain 1 Why , if treasonable correspondence was going on , if there was treason at the Post-office , the Government would hare power under the existing laws to issue a search warrant , and to seize any letter or paper in that Post-office just the same as they had to seize any treasonable paper on his person or . in his desk ; and such a seizure would be much more honourable to the Government and much less offensive to the people than the present system . ( Hear , hear . ) Why should they demand extraordinary and obnoxious powers ? They had their rural police in every county , and what was called their municipal poRce in every borough and city . What

    could they have more ? ( Hear , hear . ) More they had , tfthey knew how to use it well ; they had a loyal and affectionate people , and if they would only treat them as such , it would be much safer for the throne and the Government than aR those dirty tricks they had been exercising . ( Hear . ) He asked for a bftl that would affect tlie conditional repeal of this power , if by Act of Parliament such power really did exist . He was satisfied that no middle course could be pursued . The system of opening letters , the fraud and the forgery , must either continue or cease . He would be no party to any bill that was not seriously intended . He would not be made a tool of , to have leave to bring in a bill only to be frittered away , or strangled and defeated . He asked for the distinct vote of the house as to whether this power , if it existed , should continue or cease . ( Hear . )

    He was not m the least degree aware of what were the intentions of the Government ; but he hoped tbe righthon . gentleman would declare to the bouse that this was a power not only odious for a Minister to exercise , bnt repugnant to the best feelings of a free people , and that the right hon . gentleman would take the question off his hands , and say that tbe authority for the exercise of this power should be expunged from the statute-book , if there it could be found . ( Hear . ) In the hope and expectation , and upon the clear understanding that such would be thecoursc taken , lie would declare his conviction that every Ul feeling which the subject had given rise to , every suspicion which had been awakened , just er unjust ,

    would be buried in oblivion . ( Cheers . ) Perhaps that was not the only debate which might arise ; but if any minister or agent of a foreign despot should come slandering and sneaking to their doors , the Government would be able to say to him , " This power no longer exists . " Whatever redress or protection he might demand , that they would be able and willing to give according to the law of England and the law of nations ; bnt with regard te this species of treachery , should he soRcit it at their hands , they would be able to say—pointing to the new Act of Parliament— " Such power is no longer at our command . " ( Cheers . ) Thehon . gentleman then concludedby moving for leave to bring in " a Bfll to secure the inviolability of letters passing through the Post-office . "

    Dr . Bowsing , in seconding the motion , suggested to the right hon . baronet that he should make inquiry into the truth of the charges of conspiracy and violence which had been brought against an unprotected foreigner in this country , and , if he found them unfounded , the right hon . baronet would , he was sure , make such reparation to tbe character of tlie accused as his own sense of justice would prompt . Sir J . Gsabah . —Sir , I wfll commence tho observations which it will be my duty to address to the house by first noticing the questions put to me by the hon . gentleman who seconded the motion . Upon a former evening I stated , and stated with accuracy , that until the hon . member for Finsbury mentioned in tills house an article in the TFestmtnster Beoieio , in which is a defence of a portion of

    Mr . Mazzini ' s conduct which I had brought under the notice of the house , I was not aware of the existence of such an article , I then stated that it would be my duty to make inquiry in order to the removal of certain doubts respecting that portion of the transactions in which Mr . Mazzhti was concerned , and to which I had alluded . Since that statement was made by the hon . gentleman , I felt that it was my duty to institute further inquiries in respect to that transaction . It is fair to myself to say , that I only heard of that article on Tuesday hit ; and since then I have not received any information on the sub . ject As soon as I do I shaR feel it my duty to redeem my promise and lay it before thehouse ; and I shall make as frank a statement as to the impression on my nind as possible after a fufl inquiry . Having said this , I think I

    House Of Commons, Monday, April 7. The C...

    may relieve the house from any further observations upon that part of the subject . As to the other part of it , psiinful as these discussions have been to me on many former occasions , I am bound to say , that the hon , member for Finsbury , in introducing a grave question—a question of great importance—for the consideration of the house , has done it in a manner as fair and dispassionate as possible . ( Hear . ) And certainly , however painful my experience has been when I have had to follow the hon . gentleman on former occasions , I feel comparative delight in foflowing him upon the present occasion , when the debate is stripped of all personal and acrimonious topics . ( Hear , hear . ) I am so far from contending against many ofthe positions of the hon . gentleman that they have my entire approval . For instance , I agree with him that upon this question no middle course can be taken . This power must either continue or cease . I do not believe that

    it would be useful to maintain this power unless secrecy is preser-red ; and if the power is continued I do not think the exercise of it can be materially altered . To these leading observations I entirely assent . I need hardly to state to the house that the lion , gentleman has treated this subject in a manner which has almost seduced me from my strict line of duty . I admit at once that this power is an immense and odious power—one that is viewed with jealousy , and justly with jealousy , by the people of this country ; and if it were consistent with my sense of public duty , after the painful experience I have had , could I accede to the motion of the hon . gentleman , nothing , I assure him , would exceed my delight in doing so . But I am forced to consider this question with reference to the pubRc interest , and to the public

    interest only . If it were tlie first time tbe question had arisen as to whether this power should exist or not , I might hesitate in deciding that it would be wise to exercise it . But this power having been entrusted to the executive Government from the earliest period , bearing date even to the revolution , and being exercised from the time of the revolution downward , being confirmed by the practice of the best of times , not having been abused , —for the committee tell you so , —and not being exercised from personal feeflngs , or from political hostiRty , but for the public interest , I say it is quite another thing that the house should how declare that this power , so estabUshed and so exercised , should no longer exist , and that the General Post-office should be made a medium in future for the transmission of correspondence , whether foreign or domestic , of the most treasonable and dangerous character . Having given the subject my best consideration , I have come to the conclusion that

    it is for the safety and advantage of this country that this power should bo retained in the Runted form I . have described , though I do not set very great value upon it , nor lay very much stress upon it . Indeed , were this the first time it was about to be proposed , I do not think I should be anxious to support it . But , looking at aR the circumstances of the case , particularly with regard to aliens and their foreign correspondence , I must repeat that I cannot , consistently with my sense of duty , support the motion of thehon . gentleman . I entirely agree with the hon , member that any bill merely to amend the law would be Rlusory , and that if any enactment on the subject is to be made , the most intefligible and direct mode of proceeding is by way of a bill to repeal entirely the power at present vested in the Government ; but it is with reluctance that I am bound to say , on the part of the Government , that I cannot give my assent to the motion of the hon . member for Finsbury . ( Hear , hear . )

    Lord J . Russell , —I agree in the observation of the right hon . gentleman , that nothing could have been more fairly stated than this case has been by the hon . member for Finsbury . He has brought it forward as a constitutional question . He has stated the arguments which maybe fairly urged for the abrogation of the power at present possessed by the Government for the opening of letters , and has called upon the house to consider whether a legislative enactment for its abrogation may not be passed . I find myself in the situation of neither agreeing entirely with my hon . friend the member for Finsbury , nor with the right hon . gentleman who has last spoken . I think that there is great force in one observation made by my hon . friend , to the effect that the exercise of this power having been much questioned , and discussed both among the public and in this house , is no longer of the same

    utility as in former times ; and that there now is a sort of notice given to aR persons , who may bo supposed desirous of using the Post-office as a vehicle for the carrying on of treasonable and seditious correspondence , not in future to attempt to make use of that department for such a purpose . ( Hear , hear . ) In the course of the discussions which have taken place on this subject it has been urged that this power ought in future to be used with more formaUty and precaution , for the sake of the Rberty of the subject , than have hitherto been shown in its exercise ; and a noble friend of mine , Lord Radnor , who has adverted to this subject in the House of Lords , is prepared to propose—I do not know whether he has done so yetthat in all cases of opening letters there should be information on oath , on which the warrant should issue . I understand , also , that it is the opinion of a person of

    high authority , lord Denman , that there should be this control laid on the issue of warrants lor the opening of letters ; aud considering the discussions which have taken place , and how desirable it is that aR powers of this nature should be brought as much as possible into a legal and definite form , I think that this restriction should be placed on the opening of letters . ( Hear , hear . ) But my hon , friend ( Mr . Buncombe ) seems to go beyond this , He considers that letters in the Post-office should hare a peculiar inviolability , and that persons carrying on treasonable and seditious correspondence should have a security given them by the bifl whichheproposes to bring in . I cannot , therefore , vote with him for the introduction of that bill ; but if a biR come down from the other house , or should be introduced in this house , such as proposed by Lord Radnor , I am prepared to give my vote in its

    favour . ( Hear , hear . ) Such a bifl would have one effect , which I , differing from the right hon . gentleman opposite , think , would be beneficial . I take it , that if a restriction of the kind I have referred to were imposed , there would then be no danger , tf any representations were made by the Minister of a foreign power that letters should be openad for the purpose of preventing insurrection in a foreign state , that the power of opening those letters would be exercised . I look upon the opening of letters for such a purpose as an unjustifiable use of the power ofthe Crown . ( Hear , hear . ) I have now expressed shortly my view with respect to this power ; and I cannot give my vote in favour of the proposed bill of my hon . friend ; but I shaR be ready to impose on the use of this power such a restriction as I have already stated , and such as , I understand , has the authority of lord Denman in its favour . ( Hear , hear . )

    Mr . Warbueton thought that Mr . Buncombe had brought forward the only motion which it was expedient to make on this question . Even lit you could show that the Crown had in early times possessed this power of opening letters—a proposition which he utterly deniedit was a power that ought not to exist at the present moment . He maintained that neither by common law nor by statute law had Ministers any power to open letters in the Post-office . lord Hoviick said , he could not give his vote in favour of the motion of Lis hon . friend the member for Finsbury without stating in a few words why he did so . He thought his hon . friend had made rather a larger concession to the right hon . baronet opposite than was altogether discreet . His hon . friend had at once admitted that the power of opening letters could not uscfufly exist at

    aR , unless it was allowed to exist m its present state , and under the existing regulations . With this he ( Lord Howick ) did not agree ; he behoved the power might usefully exist , provided the svstem of exercising it secretly were abolished , ( Hear , hear . ) He believed if they did not resort to the practice of reseating the letters and defacing tho postmarks—( hear , hear)—if it were known in what cases letters had been opened , and in what cases they had not , the power might be safely and usefully exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) Ifhishon . friend should carry his motion , it would be perfectly competent to any hon . member , in the discussion on the bill , to move the insertion of a clause saving the exercise of the power under this restriction . ( Hear , hear . ) He should be prepared to vote for a clause of that kind upon this simple ground —that although under the system of doing it openly

    they would not obtain the advantage of spying into men s secret actions , yet they would secure the advantage of preventing the Post-office being safely used for carrying on treasonable correspondence . No man would be able then to carry on such a correspondence without running the risk of having a warrant issued , his correspondence seized , and his letters brought in evidence against him . If the power were exercised openly , no man would venture to abuse it . ( Hear , hear . ) On the oilier hand , if they said the power must be continued as it was or not at all , ho was perfectly prepared to say they ought not to have it at all . ( Cheers . ) He was prepared to say that the danger from the abuse of that power was greater than the advantage that might result from the use of it . He would say more than this ; the system of forging the seals of letters * and defacing the

    , postmarks , was what the hon . member for Shrewsbury ( Sir . D'IsraeU ) had called an " organised hypocrisy . " ( Cheers . ) It was a practical falsehood carried on , under the authority of the Government , and he objected to it as demoralising , and discrediting the Government . Ho held the opinion expressed by the noble lord the member for Dorsetshire ( lord Ashley ) in the discussion on the Factory BRl last year , — "What is morafl y wrong cannot be politically right . " He was of the same opinion ; it was " morallywrong , " and could not be defended on any ground of morality , to deface their own post-marks meant to show the day and hour a letter was posted , so as to conceal tbe detention of that letter , and prevent the

    party to whom it was addressed suspecting it had been detained . He contended that was an acted falsehood ; it was morally wrong , and could not be politically right . " He would not for a temporary advantage give a sanction to fraud or perjury . If driven , therefore , to choose between the exercise of tho power as it then stood , or parting with it altogether , he would altogether dispense with it . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed it was tlie practice of some states to exercise the power openly .. Let them follow tho example ; let them go no further in adopting measures of fraud and perjury , which , to a despotic Government might seem right . He should support , the motion . .

    Mr . Hohe thought the country was indebted to the hon . member for Finsbury for the courage and tact he had displayed throughout the discussions of this question . The question ought to be , had they any proof that the practice was of advantage at afl * Hadit been productive of any public good * He knew of none ; he had heard of none . The right hon . baronet had not afleged that any had been produces . Then why should they continue the power He ; dtnieithAtftiips *» rwi trottednir

    House Of Commons, Monday, April 7. The C...

    prerogative of the Crown ' ; would the prerogative fine liim JE 5 for sending a letter by a private hand ? ' The wli » le of the Post-office was established by Acts of Parliament , and by Act of Parliament it ought to be regulated . The ag itation of this subject had damaged the riglit hon baronet both in his public and private character ( loud cries of " Oh ! eh ! " from the Ministerial benches ); those hon . gentlemen might not think so ; but he ( Mr , Hume ) thought otherwise , and a large portion of the people of Eng land thought with him . Mr . Duncombe repfled . He was sorry to hear the determination of the right lion , baronet . He waa convinced the country would not be satisfied with that decision ; it would not be satisfied with the retention of this power by tlie Government . The noble lord the member for the city of London had said ho ( Mr , Buncombe )

    appeared to think letters passing through tho Post-office ought to have some peculiar privilege over all others . He had never said any tiling ofthe sort ; what he stated was fljis _ that if they took away this power the Government had assumed , but which he denied it possessed , then letters passing through the Post-office would stand exactly in the same position as papers in tlie writing-desk of any individual , liable to be examined under a search warrant issued on oath . If they were apprised that a treasonable correspondence was passing through the Post-office , they would still have the power of seizing it . One member of tlie committee ( Mr . War-burton ) had spoken that evening ; no other member of it had condescended to give an opinion on the question ; he had a riglit to assume , therefore , that his hon . friendhad expressed the opinion of that committe . ( Hear , hear , and alaugh . ) No other member of it had come forward , He saw the noble lord the chairman of that committee ( Lord Sandon ) opposite ; had he given any reason for the continuance of the

    power ? The noble lord had not ; he ( Mr . Buncombe ) might be accused of a " prurient curiosity" in submitting such a question to him , but he would ask him whether ho thought such a power ought to bo continued ? It was impossible this question could stop here ; a high authority had stated that this power was not a legal one ; and when the petitions of these foreigners were presented to the house the right hon . baronet had said , if the parties were aggrieved , let them indict those of whose conduct they complained . These individuals were poor , and had not the power of seeking legal redress ; but if there was law or justice to bo had , he ( Mr . Buncombe ) would test this power ; he would prove that his letters had been detained and opened , and he would try whether it had been done by law or not . If Lord Denman and Lord Campbell said this was not a legal power , and if the Government required a biU ' of indemnity for what it had done , he did say the right hon . baronet was not justified in telling the house he had acted in strict accordance with the law .

    The law officer ofthe Crown was present ; he should like to hear his version of the law on the subject . If possible he ( Mr . Duncombe ) would take him into the Court of Queen ' s Bench ; he should there defend this law , and then the extent of it would be tried . The right hon . gentleman said last year , let these individuals indict those who had detained their letters , and then the warrant would be produced . He would now see whether it would be produced or not , when the case was carried into a court of justice . He had hoped that the house would have entertained the question , and that there would not have been that anxiety to stifle this discussion he had observed during the speech of the . hon . member for Kendal , Hon . gentlemen evidently had more consideration for their dinners ( laughter ) than for the reasonable wish and desire of the majority ofthe people of this country that tins odious and iniquitous power should be extinguished .

    Strangers were , then ordered to withdraw , and the house divided . The numbers were—For Mr , Buncombe ' s motion 78 Against it ... 161 Majority against the motion —J 33 INTEEMENT IN CITIES ' AND LAIIGE TOWNS . Mr . MacKinnon , previously to bringing forward his motion on the practice of interment within large towns , presented a petitism from the labouring classes in Manchester , stating that they worked hard , lived hard , and died hard , and that they thought it doubly hard that after death their famUies should be put to enormous expense for their interment , ' and that after their interment their remains should be desecrated . Three years ago , when he first brought forward this subject in Parliament , he had been met with jeers aud laughter , and a statement that

    his notions were quite absurd . There had been a great change of opinion since that time ; and a strong feeling now pervaded the country that there was a paramount necessity for making some alteration in our laws with respect to interment . Our present practice ought to bo altered , and , with , the view of abating an existing nuisance , he should propose a resolution , that the practice of interments within the precincts of densely populated districts was injurious to the health of the inhabitants , was offensive to public decency , was contrary to the social and reflgious feelings of the people , and that some legislative enactment , having due regard to vested rights , ought to be framed to put a stop to it . He might be asked why he did not himself bring in a bill for that object . To that he would reply that a private individual could not bring in such a bill with any chance of ultimate success . He

    would , however , move his resolution , and , if it were carried , would bring in a bill to give it effect , thus acting as a pioneer for Sir J . Graham . He then referred to the fact that three commissions had been appointed by the Government , and that one committee had been appointed by tlie House of Commons to inquire into this subject , and read extracts from the different reports which they had presented , for the purpose of showing that they had all been of opinion that the practice of interment within tlie walls of large towns was most injurious to the health of the public . ' He read a letter which ho had received from Mr . Brace , of Surrey-street , Strand , containing some startiing particulars as to the abominations of Buon Chapel , and told the house that if it wore of opinion that such a

    plaguespot should continue in the centre of the metropolis , it would be difficult for it to justify its conduct . There was no other civilised nation in the world in which this practice of interment within the precincts of large towns continued to exist ; and ho thought it a most disgraceful circumstance that we should persist in a practice so abhorrent to human nature as to bury the dead in tho midst of the living . Ho concluded by moving a resolution to the effect that it . was inexpedient and injurious to the health oi" densely populated districts , and contrary to public decency , to continue the practice of interment in their precincts . Should he succeed in his resolution , he would bring forward a bill upon the subject , which bill he would be prepared at any moment to resign to the care of her Majesty ' s Government if they would undertake it .

    Sir J . Gbaham was impelled by a sense of public fluty to resist this resolution . He was aware how closely the subject was connected with tho feelings of the humblest classes of the community , and therefore it was that he paused before he legislated on it . The example of foreign countries on this point was inappRcable to our own ; for there various artificial means to facilitate the decomposition of dead bodies were employed , which would not be permitted here . It was a difficult thing to say that a man should not be buried where his relations were buried before him ; and any legislative measure which should be founded on such an interdict would interfere with warm feelings which ought not to be hastily violated . He looked upon it as a gross exaggeration to say that our practice of interment in our large towns was abhorrent to human nature and made foreigners view us as savages

    aud barbarians . He knew that the practice was said to be incompatible with the public health ; but he could scarcely beReve the assertion to be well founded , when he rejected that there was no other metropolis in the world in which the state of the public health was SO satisfactory as it was in London . He demurred to the assertion that health was endangered by residence near a churchyard , aud told the house that the Bishop of London had resided for some years in Bishopsgatc-churehyard , and had in . formed hhn that he and his large family had never enjoyed better health than they did during their residence in that spot . He considered the abstract resolution of Mr . Mackinnon to be an impediment to aR legislation on this subject . Mr . Mackinnon had told tho house that he . had a biR prepared to carry out his resolution . Now , he pressed on that gentleman the

    propriety of withdrawing his resolution , and bringing forward his bfll . When tho remedial enactment was doubtful , was it prudent to assert that our practice of interment was inconsistent with the public health , was contrary to pubRc decency , and was opposed to the social and religious feefing of tho country ? Mr . Mackinnon bad complained of the indecent proceedings in Spafields . He had ordered a prosecution to be commenced against the parties concerned in them ; and if the facts were proved he had no doubt that the law would be able to grapple both with the offence and with the offenders . So , too , in tho case of Bnon Chapel , which appeared a uery fit case for further inquiry . He was afraid that if the house pro . coeded to put a stop to those proceedings , and also to the practice of intermural interment by any very stringent enactment , public feeling would be strongly excited against it . He did not assert that this subject might not hereafter' come under the purview of tho Council of Health ; but he had carefully abstained from placing it under their jurisdiction in the first instance , lest prejudice

    should be created against the council by its having such a duty assigned to it . He spoke in terms of warm approbation of Mr . Ghadwiek ' s report ; but the proposition of that gentleman bad convinced him more than anything else of the difficulty of legislating on this matter . He befieved that the adoption of the measures recommended by Mr . Chadwick—namel y , the abofltion . of all private interments , and the under , taking of all burials by the Government—would be generally repudiated by the country . He denied that the church was opposed to any alteration in ^ the mode of our interments , and stated that the Bishop of London had turned his attention to the subject and intended , he beUeved , to introduce a measure upon it . But caution must bo observed in adopting it . If he had matured a measure on the subject , he would have introduced it to Pariiament but he had not , and until he had done so , it was his duty to attend to the measures introduced by others . Having given his attention to this resolution he thought it very inexpedient , and if it were pressed should meet it with a decided negative .

    Mr . Bebnal said , that the practice of interment in populous districts was condemned by experience and science . Cemeteriesi were , no doubt , on the increase , but the poor would be but Rttle benefitted by them , for they were b y necessity compeRed to resort to cheaper buna ! places , from which all the mischief complained of emanated . Dr . BowMNCSaid that S pain , Germany , France , and all the countries of the east , had removed their places of latermeat to a distance from their large towns , and MM ii milei the house to Mow their example -,

    House Of Commons, Monday, April 7. The C...

    Lord Mauon said , no question was more essential to the health of large towns'than that which Mr . Mackinnon had that evening laid before the house . The Government was preparing measures for the better ventilation and draining of large towns ; but those measures were but trifles in comparison with that referred to by Mr . Mackinnon . Of what avail would any measures for the better ventilation of a large town be if the air passed through the miasma of crowded churchyards ? And of what avail would any measure for its better drainage be if the water which flowed through the streets were tainted with the drippings and distillations from buried corpses ? He could not , however , concur in the terms in which this resolution was expressed . He would , however , vote in favour of any resolution which should declare that interment within the walls of large towns was injurious to the health of their inhabitants .

    Lord Ebbington hoped that Mr . Mackinnon would alter his resolution in the manner suggested by lord Mahon , in order to conciliate to it the greatest amount of support . He read several extracts from Mr . Cliadwick ' s report , foi the purpose of showing that Sir James Graham had underrated the danger to health from the miasma of churchyards in the sentre of large towns . Mr . Hawes agreed with Sir James Graham , and pointed out the difficulty of legislating upon this subject . Mr . Bortuwick also suggested to Mr . Mackinnon the propriety of modifying his resolution . The Earl of Lincoln took the same view of the question as had been taken by Sir James Graham , and expressed a hope that Mr . Mackinnon would withdraw his motion , and move , hereafter , for leave to bring in a bill , which would receive the serious attention of the Government .

    Mr . T . Duncombe said , that having consulted with his hon . friend Mr . Mackinnon , he would move as an amendment upon his resolution the following resolution 1 — " That the practice of interment in the precincts of the metropolis and of large towns was injurious to the health of the population , and demanded the serious attention of Parliament . " Ho thought that the great difficulty in this question would proceed from the clergy , and not from the laity . ' Mr . Mackinnon concurred in the amendment of Mr . Duncombe . Sir R . Iseiiis thought it quite feasible for parishes in London to unite in buying burial-places beyond the suburbs , and making such arrangements as would afford due protection to rested interests . Sir G . Grey said that no bill could be introduced upon the subject with any chance of success , unless it was introduced by some member of tho Government .

    Sir J . G bah am again deprecated the policy o £ proceeding by resolution on this subject , and contended that even if the amendment now proposed were carried , it would excite false expectations in the country . He showed that the remedies which had been proposed for the present system , and which were founded on the practice of foreign countries , were most of them inapplicable to the present state of society in this country . He thought that it would not be impossible to got over the difficulties of the clergy on the subject ; but it perhaps would not be so easy to overcome the objections of the Dissenting clergymen , who had burial-grounds attached to their chapels , and who derived from them a benefit which they shared in common with the rest of their congregation . He woulo ! gladly aid any member who would bring forward a biR upon this subject ; but he had stated to the house the difficulties which environed any legislation upon it , and he confessed that he did not know how to remove them .

    Mr . Mackinnon then withdrew his resolution , where , upon Mr . Buncombe ' s amendment became the original question . The house then divided , when there appeared : — For Mr . Buncombe ' s motion ... C 6 Against it 49 Majority in favour of it —17 The announcement of the result was received with loud cheers by the house .

    AGBICDXTUBAL STATISTICS . Mr , M , Gibson moved a resolution as to the necessity of adopting some means of obtaining agricultural statistics . Last year he had made a similar motion , and the object of it was approved by the Government . His object in renewing his motion was only to ascertain what had since been done in accordance with the pledge given by Ministers to take the subject into consideration . Sir G . Clarke explained all that had been done , and said he had no objection to lay before the house all the information they had as yet been enabled to acquire upon the subject . Some discussion ensued as to the practicability of obtaining the requisite statistics , the Government being most anxious to get them if possible ; after which , Mr . Gibson asked if Sir R . Peel would object to a committee of inquiry , in order to see if the difficulties in the way of acquiring information might not be overcome .

    Sir R . PEBii said , he was most anxious that this information might be obtained , and if the executive Government were unable to devise a plan likely to effect the object , he would not have the slightest objection to the appointment of a committee . Mr . Gibson then withdrew his motion . The remaining business was then disposed of , and the house adjourned .

    Ar00606

    Progress Of Chartism In Cornwall. To The...

    PROGRESS OF CHARTISM IN CORNWALL . TO THE EOlTOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear Sir , —It will , no doubt , be within the recollection of many of your readers that we commenced our local warfare , under the able directions of Mr . C . Doyle , last November . At that time we secured the election of a truly honest Democrat , Mr . J . B . Bead , in the council , whose exertions through life have been unceasing in the cause of suffering humanity . We were not mistaken in our choice ; his conduct has created such an amount of confidence , that the people are determined to have the management of their own affairs . On the 1 st inst . we elected four assessors and two auditors of our own choice ; in this instance , the ruling few let us do as we pleased . On the 25 th every Jack in office was at . his post ; yes , and

    some of the workies , to their shame be it spoken , were there ' to assist in the dirty work ol crushing pubRc opinion . Wagers were willingly offered , ten to one , that we should be beaten ; every means that could be used were , to divide the people , but aR vanished as air before the united intelligence of tho mass ; which is a convincing proof that if the people are determined to be free , they wRl be so . Triumph we did ; and I am satisfied that a more glorious and unsullied triumph has never been achieved in any borough in the kingdom . Though the league against us was apparently all-powerful , they gained not an inch—we carried all our own way , thanks to the goodly band of sturdy Democrats , who , " come weal , come woe , " are resolved to crush tyranny , and dissipate corruption , wherever it exists . Wc have elected thirteen men for the Board of

    Highways , amongst whom are Mr . John N . R . Miflet , So-Ucitor , whose unflinching opposition to local tyranny is well known , and whose conduct during this contest entitles him to the thanks of every one of Labour ' s sons in this borough ; Mr . J . B . Read , the people ' s own , whose truly able and efficient appeals animated us , and struck terror and dismay into the ranks of out' opponents ; Mr . Charles Reynolds , sen ., Cordwaiuer , the father of Chartism in this locality ,-whose hatred of tyranny , love of justice , and consistent walk through life wiR not be questioned even by his veriest enemies ; Mr . Solomon Ezekiel , a Jew , an honest Democrat , and a very intelligent one too ; Mr . William Pengefly , Grocer , who has for years been found uniting with the people of this town , when any act

    of oppression was about to be perpetrated , and at one time made a very great sacrifice in defending their in . terests . The remaining eight are men well tried , namely , Messrs . Martin , Bramble , and William Trenwith , Cordwainers ; John Paul , Curriw ; Joseph Wallis , sen ,, and Thomas Edmonds , Carpenters ; William Dounitborne , Butcher ; Richard Kcmpc , Parmer ; and Edward Harvey , Architect ; the last named is a member of the Town Council , and I should be wanting in my duty if I did not say that he richly merits tbe thanks of every working man for his noble and patriotic conduct . Our local struggles have rallied around our darling flag ( Charter ) men , who otherwise would not have examined our beloved principles ; and it has caused hundreds to look on us , as a poll , tical body , in a far different light to what they formerly

    did . With regard to tho overseers of the poor , the 25 th of March is passed , but no notice of vestry meeting has yet appeared ; what the magistrates' intentions are I know not , but if we get fair play wc are ready for action . It is painful to record that the aristocrats , through a dastardly employer , have victimised one of our most worthy members , W / . J . Guscott , Statuary , formerly our sub-secretary , by discharging him ; but he , noble feflow , though a fond and lovely wife with four lovely children are solely dependent on him , braves all , rather than give up one iota of

    his principles as a Chartist . Our lads are determined to do aU they can to lighten his sufferings ; he goes on tramp next Thursday . Were I to close this report without returning thanks to the brave fellows who aided in bearding the tyrants in their dens on Tuesday , I should charge myself with ingratitude indeed ; and to none more than the truly independent Cordwainers of this town , who can with propriety be termed the " bravest of the brave " amongst Labour ' s sons . Their example is worthy of imitation by every town in the kingdom . They are not only foremost in the fight for local rights , but they lead other trades in union for promoting their trade affairs .

    If Mr . O'Connor will but redeem his long promised pledge , he shall have such " a rally around him" as will not be inferior in spirit , though it may in number , to the best he has ever had in the kingdom . Yours truly , in the cause of Chartism , P . J . O'Brien , Sub-Treasurer . Ptnzance 27 th March , 1843 . [ Withheld last week through want of room , —Ed . N . S . ] DEPUmiKE OF THE CALEDONIA FROM LIVERPOOL . —

    The Steam-Ship Caledonia, Captain Lott, ...

    The steam-ship Caledonia , Captain Lott , sailed at eight o ' clock on Saturday evening , for Halifax and Boston , taking out her full complement of passen gers , not less than 60 , 000 newspapers , and an equal number of letters , and a bearer of despatches from Government to Mr . Pakenham , Minister at Washington , conveying the declaration ofthe Government respecting the Oregon , for which purpose her detention from Friday to Saturday was , no doubt , ordered by the Admiralty . She was telegraphed off Holyhead at half-past five o ' clock on Sunday morning .

    The Steam-Ship Caledonia, Captain Lott, ...

    GREAT MEETING OF THE METROPOLITAN BOOT AND SHOEMAKERS . A public meeting of the trade , convened by the Conference , for the purpose of creating a good feelin ? and cementing the bonds of union in all branches of the craft , was held in the Hall of the Parthenium Club , 72 , St . Martin ' s-lane , on Sunday evenincr April 6 tb . g ' Mr . Hyde , chairman of the Conference , was un animously called on to preside . The chairman said , he believed that the object of their assembling to-night was to promote a better union of the trade than had hitherto existed . The state of the trade , as maue known by the delegates , was of a truly alarmine description , and clearly proved the necessity of a better feeling and a more compact union . ( Iloar hear . ) In conclusion , the chairman called the atten ' tion of the meeting to the following paragraph ' from the Northern Star .- — unl

    Thus armed with popular confidence and the iaw i . toleration , we call upon the Trades of England to arOUS , from their long and enervating slumber—to shake oft thehr destructive apathy—to rid themselves of their aris tocratic pretensions—to doff the garb of slarcrr which " they have so long and so willingly worn , and to put on the armour of self-defence . They may rest assured tint united , they are omnipotent—that their President will stand by them to the last—that their legal adviser will keep them clear of the meshes and trammels ofthe lawthat their organ , which we have the honour to eonOuet will honestly , faithfully , and zealously represent them- ^ that their enemies will dread them—their friends respect them—and the world admire them , when they assume the position of freemen , and manifest the determination to be no longer slaves . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Pittau ( City Men ' s-men ) moved the first resolution : —

    That it is the opinion of this meeting , that tlie object of aR associations is protection , and that protection cannot bo procured without an extensive union , combining all brandies of the manufacturers of boots and shoes . This meeting , therefore , pledges itself to use every extr ^ tion in its power to consolidate the Trade into one united body . It appeared to him that the time had arrived when they ; should effectually unite and organise for the protection of their labour . It might be said the previous uniong had been failures ; well then , it was necessar y that steps be taken to form a better , and let past failures act as a light and a beacon to guide them in their future operations . ( Cheers . ) The reason of those faUures was , that they had been pulling and

    fighting against each other . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) On a late occasion several thousand members joined tlie union in a few' hours , and he could only attribute the comparative failure of that association to the placing too much power in the hands of the Executive as regarded strikes . ( Hear , hear . ) He contended that a consolidated union was the onlr effective means of putting an end to the present baneful state of things . ( Cheers . ) In attending public meetings , he had frequently heard it stated that the Land was the one thing wanted . He perfectly agreed with that . ( Cheers . 1 But with those men who said Trades Unions had done no good lie could not a"ree ( Hear , hear . ) He was fully prepared to go on the Land . Some parties advocated Labour demits : ho .

    thought the shops in this great metropoRs showed a superabundance of manufactured goods already . ( Hear , hear . ) He , therefore , much preferred tfie establishment of a fund for the obtamtnent of the Land . ( Cheers . ) Other investments might fail , but the parties entrusted could not run away with the land . ( Hear , hear . ) If strikes were to take place , for the future , let them not be sectional , but national , for tlie benefit of all , and receiving the support of all , ( Loud cheers . ) Mi * . John-son ( Strong Men ' s-men ) , in seconding the resolution , said he believed that nearly everything had been tried to benefit their trade , but all haa failed . However , a Conference was sitting , in which the principle of union was personated in the delegates from all parts of the kingdom , and he expected

    great benefit would result from their meeting . He regretted exceedingly when he looked back on the immense amount of money which had been spent in strikes , and reflected on the great quantity of land that money would have purchased for the advantage of their members . ' Like his friend Pittani he was much disposed to go on the Land . ( Loud cheers . ) He cordially seconded the resolution . Mr . G . Smith ( City Men ' s-men ) , thought it was but a very small minority indeed that would be found to disagree with the Land question . ( Cheers . ) But bethought the best means to be taken in effecting this great desideratum was , first to obtain a thorough union of their whole body —( hear , hear)—and that once effected , the Land question would be carried sweepingly . ( Loud cheers . )

    Mr . James ( City Men ' s-men ) was glad to meet such a large assemblage of his shopmatcs . Sufficient time had now elapsed since the Birmingham Conference , to allow them to judge ofthe working of the rules of the Mutual Association , and to remedy any defects that might be found therein . London was generally looked up to , and unless the Men ' s-men of London took part in the movement , that movement would fail . He therefore thought it was necessary they should have a General Union—( cheers)—and he hoped they would all unite hand in hand , until thcy obtaincd a fair day ' s wage for a fair dav ' s work .

    ( Cheers . ) Mr . Malcolm , Southampton , next addressed the meeting . Mr . tlERDAK said , he thought the subject under discussion was settled by their meeting of last Sunday , and by the appointment of delegates from the several sections of their trade to the Conference ; he would , therefore , much like to hear the sentiments ofthe delegates on the ultimate objects to be obtained by their union . Mr . Haslet , West-end Men ' s-men , said , the resolution now before the meeting was highly important . Whefl lie was elected he had no speoitie instructions , and , hence the necessity of holding thismoetiiig to elicit their opinions . ( Cheers . )

    Mr . ( Jum , Bradford , thought the only means of effecting a union was to exhibit union amongst themselves , by causing an immediate amalgamation of the Mutual Assistance Association and tlie Philanthropic Society of United Boot and Shoemakers . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Skelton , Womau ' s-man , next addressed the meeting , and tlie resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . Haxlet said he perfectly agreed with the resolution he held in his hand-That it is the opinion of this meeting that tlie differenca between a portion of tlie members of our trade as to its organisation , is calculated to destroy that harmony awl good feeling which should exist among all classes of operatives , and which is essential in a union whose object i » the protection of Labour . "

    Mr . J , M'Geh , Birmingham , seconded the resolution . Mr . M'Cahtuy thought the calling of this meeting reflected great credit on the Conference , and that it was well calculated to create a union . He was well aware that great grievances existed , aud that a remedy should be found ; and he was also sure that , lorany union to bo complete , it must embrace Londont ( Cheers . ) Mr . Wykehan , West-end Men ' s-mon , most cordially supported the views put forward by liis friend Skelton ; he was sure the West-end Men ' s-men were . in favour of an extended union . ( Cheers . ) The resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . M'Lean , Preston , then moved the third

    resolution—That to unite our Irish brethren , and induce them to to adopt our laws and to conform gencraRy with the principles of Union , and erase for ever the prejudices » n & apathy now prevailing between shopmates residing in the sister kingdom , we invite our shopmates in every city and town in Ireland to establish , without delay , a general sys . tem oi reUef , without exception to class or locality . Mr . Quisjf , Bradford , briefly seconded tlie motion . Mr . Smyth , Bradford , addressed the meeting very ably in its favour , and was followed on the same sids by Messrs . Shute and Grove , Devonport . The rcso ' lution was carried unanimously . Mr . Scon moved—That the thanks of this meeting arc earnestly due , and are hereby given to die proprietor , editors , and reporter of the Northern Star , for their great and continuous exertions in Labour ' s cause . Mr . Shute seconded the motion , which was carried unanimously . A vote of " thanks was given to the chairman by ac clamation , aud tlus important meeting separated .

    The Turn Or Life.—Cube Extraordinauy J? ...

    The Turn or Life . —Cube ExtraordinauY J ? Holloway ' s Pills . —A respectable woman , ag «« forty-seven , named Graham , residing in Scotlandroad , Liverpool , was in the most critical aa " dangerous state for nine months , being sometimes almost choked with phlegm , shortness of breath , palpitation of the heart , together with a genera . derangement and debility of the whole system . Her life was in the greatest danger , when she commenced the use of these miraculous pills , winch restored her to the highest state of health in five weeks . They are the finest medicine in the world for females of all ages , and certainly at pavticul & t periods . Representation of Greenock . —Mr . Baine , i & h chief magistrate of Greenock , has issued an a ddrcsi to the electors , as a candidate for the vacant seat He professes himself a supporter of free-trade pr " ciples .

    Lord Rosse ' s Telescope . —Marvellous rumop are afloat respecting the astronomical discoveri es made by Lord Rosse ' s monster telescope . It is saw that Regulus , instead of being a sphere , is ascertained to be a disc ; and stranger still , that the nebula nt thebcltofOrian is a universal system—a sun , wicfi planets moving round it , as the earth and hc rfolloW orbs move round our glorious liiminary . —Lite ral Gazette . Oi ? Sidket Smith it may be truly said , " e ' en in hi ashes lives his wonted j / ire , " for the posthumous panl phlet which is nowincii'culation decidedly proves tltf fact . A curious phenomenon is here evolved—that ofa silenced canon firing a shot after being finally sp iked . — SatiHst .

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 12, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_12041845/page/6/