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TO THE WORKING CLASSES.
II; My Friends, HI As the great object o...
KM 1836. Then it waa said that both last...
/ *^&S A AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL.
VOL. XII. N? 586. LONDON, SATURDAY, JANU...
TO THE LAND MEMBERS. My Friends, I am no...
Royal Polytechnic Institution.—The usual...
THE VICTIMS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHE...
THE NATIONAL VICTIM COMMITTEE, AND THE M...
»- '»* THE MANCHESTER VICTIM COMMIT! EE ...
THE FACTORY WORKERS. TO TftE EDITOR OF T...
FINANCIAL REFORM. GREAT MEETING IN MANCH...
EMIGRATION TO THE TEXAS. TO THE BDIIOR O...
The BwoD.-Mr G. ( i. White statea.-fn.ca...
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To The Working Classes.
TO THE WORKING CLASSES .
Ii; My Friends, Hi As The Great Object O...
II ; My Friends , HI As the great object of all other classes of Society is so to frame laws that they may dipHde the proceeds of your industry amongst g & emselves , your object should be to secure a IShare in the making of laws , ¦ which would se-Eitire for the workman the full fruits of his pwi industry , and there never was a period fprnen the marshalliog of your strength was Snore necessary , and there never was a time fffhen it could be brought more efficiently to Spear upon the arsenal of corruption . if . You may rely upon it , that whatever changes Hive proposed by the monied classes—whether teatolitical or financial—and however your
copiiperation maybe enlisted , that your class will llitot derive benefit to the amount of a pipe of g Sobacco , a pint of beer , an ounce of sugar , or a gpudfpenny worth of soap , per year , because , now iphat labour is aggregated , and not individual-Ipsed , your wages will be keenly and statistically measured by the price of those and other If articles- whether cheap or dear . "When beef Rand pork were one shilling a pound , and when ifethe quartern loaf was three times its present p price , the labourers of England lived better , H and were freer than they are now ; but yet S your folly is manifest in your belief in every P enthusiastic sentence delivered by those who ^ . hold out great promise from the proposed I changes , while you should bear the fact in | ; mind , that
| j •« Words are bat wind , I ActoiB speak the mind ;" 1 and , in general , those who are mast p hilan-I thropic upon the platform , are the greatest tyrants in the factory and in the counting-I house . I Before I was sent to York Castle , they sent I me for a week to the Queen " s Bench Prison , I the prison for debtors ; and during that period II could not meet with a man who owed a far-S thing . I was in York Castle for nearly eighteen * - months , and there was not a criminal in the sf prison , although some were hanged on very P clear evidence . I have visited severallunatic * asylums , but I never met a madman in one of them . I have never met with a bad woman , a | P bad bottle ef wine , or a bad horse , nor have
you ever heard of a publican who could give * you a had glass of gin or a bad pint of beer . t Now , I lay down those rules for you for the t purpose of measuring men ' s language , and yefc , \ from this time till Parliament meets , your fan-; des will be tickled with the most fascinating i prospects of amelioration , while want of unity r will prevent the application of your power ! aud your strength to the adjustment of your r rights . i The labouring people of this country conr stitute several classes ; and although the inl terests of all are identical , and should be in-\ separable , yet to their jealousies and disunion , < and not to the union of their opponents , is ^ their every grievance attributable . This is I the obstacle vhich I now propose to remove , ;
? and these are the means . \ I propose that the Chartist Executive , in concert with the Trades and the Colliers , should $ name a day for a Labour Convention to meet i in London , and to consist of forty-nine dele-I gates ; and as the Labour Question has yet to he solved , and can be best solved by those who 3 hare practical experience , and as ignorance B ever has been , and ever will be , urged as La-& hour ' s disqualification to the Suffrage , I prof-pose that 150 i . shall be distributed as prizes j ? for the six best essays upon the Labour Question , and , if the arrangements are properly
j carried out , I will give 50 / ., leaving only a |> fraction more than 2 l . each to be brought from & the several districts by each delegate . 9 The Saints , the League , the Financial Rett formers , Professors of Colleges , the Repeal ^ Association , the Peace Preservers , and aU gjparties who wish to push their opinions , have ' t ^ adopted this plan ; and as ignorance is urged ^ agai nst your class as your disqualification to [| the Suffrage , let us be able to supply the really ^ igno rant with irrefutable proof of Labour ' s pknowledge ; and you must understand , that , f ¦? as it is with all other competitors , so it is with If the Essayist . If one hundred people compete ?? for a prize , although only one may receive the H reward , yet the remaining ninety-nine , who § nave competed for it , are also benefitted ; so it a is with cattle-shows , with horse-racing ,
boat-£ racing , and the other amusements—the horse 1 that loses the race is as well fed as the winner N —the crew of the losing boat are as well trained and exercised as the crew of the win-& ning boat ; and although only six out of six i hundred competitors may receive the prize for S the best essay on Labour , yet the labourers * $ themselves will be sure to select their leaders , their teachers , and instructors from amongst
p those who have evinced capacity for the office . f The Trades , from the beginning to the pros' sent moment , have been the principal obstnic-£ ' tors of the Charter , and of the solution of the Labour Question . It has been a paying trade to many who have had influence over the £ mere thoughtless , while their services in their k present situation would be no longer required , £ if Labour was liberated , and you will always f _ find that the leaders are the pets of their em 1 ployers , and are promoted according to their £ standard of value to the master , and not to i the poor .
During our agitation , the men who were 1 loudest and most enthusiastic upon the plat-? form , have ever been the first to desert us , \ when their own ingenuity or the cunning of \ the middle classes could find them more pro-\ fitable and less hazardous employment . And ; although I am well aware of the odium that f is attached to a gentleman who dares to in-¦ terfere between master and man , yet , as I have ' very boldly withstood that odium , I am re-; solved still to brave it as long as you are pre-. pared to assist . f No doubt that Government and their
officials hug themselves with the notion that they \ have killed Chartism ; and , presuming on this , ' . the middle classes will hope to turn the labour-: ing classes to their own purposes . I propose that every district shall—despite of the opprobium sought to be cast upon our last monster—get up Petitions for the Charter , ¦ and send those petitions to the Representative ¦ of the town or district , no matter whether he : he "Whig or Tory ; and I propose that the number of signatures attached to each petition - shall be endorsed on the back ; and that a correct account of those numbers shall be transmitted to the Executive Committee , and then I shall not be chargeable with any forgeries , obscenities , or inaccuracies .
I propose that after the Convention shall have sat for a fortnight in deliberation , and after it shall have adjudged the several prizes upon the best Essays , that a District Conference shall be held upon a given week , in the principal towns of England , Scotland , and ' Wales , for the purpose of discussing , of adopting , or rejecting , the several propositions that may be submitted by the National Convention . And having already decided upon adherence to the principles of the People ' s Charter , I propose that Labour , and the means of its redemption , shall constitute the business—the whole business—of the National Convention
and the District Conferences ; and during the sittings of both the Convention and the Conferences , I propose that nightly meetings be held in London and the several districts , at which the Delegates best able to expound the LahourQuestion shall attend and lecture , and by this means if thirty of the forty-pine delegates were suited to the task , there might be ten meetings in Loudon each night , with three delegates appointed to speak at . eac ^; and thus in the fortnig ht there might be 120 meetings , and if there was only 2 f . coUected » each , it would pay 2 / . a week to each delegate , and leave 44 * . to defray incidental expenses , while all England , Scotland , and Wales , would only he required to sent lOOUobe distributed as prizes for the best Essays on Labour .
> Then I propose that after the Convention shall have sat a fortnight , and shall have addressed 120 meetings in London and it *
Ii; My Friends, Hi As The Great Object O...
vicinity , that upon the following Monday there shall be a public meeting , to which the propositions of the Convention shall be submitted . Now there is a plan , the entire expense of which will be 320 / . gratuitously given , and 50 L supplied by me , and for which we shall be able to supply the world with the best and most practicaljsolution of the Labour Question ; and you cannot think this extravagant , when you bear in mind that the Convention of 183 9 cost the country over 30 , 000 / ., while the reward of some was transportation , and of many imprisonment , premature death , widowhood , weeping , wailing , and gnashing ef teeth . Whereas the' Brummagems / and others of the middle classes , who were the most enthusiastic ,
exciting , and dangerous , housed themselves in snug places and offices , or made treachery to Chartism their qualification for middle class patronage and support . While , upon the contrary , if you will adopt my proposition , I will take care that the nicest technicalities of Whig law shall be complied with—that there shall be no victims either to the law , to spies , or informers . If this plan is adopted , I will finish the fortnight by inviting the several delegates to a good substantial . 'dinner , and some Members of Parliament to meet them—and I will ensure the attendance of not a few—and thus we shall have associated all the elements of labour—the trades , the colliers , and the workers of all denominations .
My friends , having elected me as one of your representatives in Parliament—having elected me in defiance of the National Assembly upon the Executive—and that Executive having new elected me its President—I am not going to shrink from the lion ' s share of labour ; and if you carry out my proposition , on the Tuesday after I shall have had the honour of entertaining your representatives , I will stand up in the House of Commons , and boldly , if
not eloquently , introduce and advocate the pr inciples of THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER ; but , upon the other hand , if you fail in the performance of your duty , blame yourselves , and don't blame me . If any one can propound a more simple or effectual scheme , I am ready to abandon mine ; but no matter what obloquy , insult , or danger may be offered or threatened , and however you may be cowed and lukewarm , I am resolved , though I stand alone , to advocate the cause of
LABOUR , AND THE CHARTER to the death . Your faithful friend and representative , Feargus O'Connor . P . S . I trust next week to have an opinion upon this proposition , from every part of the country . F . O'C .
Km 1836. Then It Waa Said That Both Last...
^ 2 ^; ^ Cy ^ c ^; oK ~ M *& ^ / *^& S A \~
/ *^&S A And National Trades' Journal.
AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL .
Vol. Xii. N? 586. London, Saturday, Janu...
VOL . XII . N ? 586 . LONDON , SATURDAY , JANUARY 13 , 1849 . * ™ k tobmbmk or - __——— - — - —— -- — --- _ Five SbilMngs and Sixpence per Qitnrtcr
To The Land Members. My Friends, I Am No...
TO THE LAND MEMBERS . My Friends , I am not going to write you a long letter , I am merely going to impress upon your minds , and to call your attention more minu . tely to the following proceedings at a meeting of the Royal Dublin Society , and which was published in last week's " Star . ' ' Here it is iECLAMATION OP WASTE LAXDS . At the last meeting of the Royal Dublin Society , Sir William Bentham presiding , Mr Hill read a paper descriptive of tbe effective reclamation of boj ; and wastelands , particularly upon the property of Mr Colthwrat in the county of Cork . The Chairman said the paper read was a rery impor . tant one . It had been stated that though a bog- was reclaimed it retnteed intwo jearsor bo to its Original barrenness and aselessness ; bnt Mr Coltburst had demonstrated that it couid be made permanently productive . He approved highly of the suggestion to employ the able-bodied poor ia workhouses in reclaiming land . Mr Haughton pointed ont tbe necessity of self , reliance and industry in working ; out tbe improvement ! on land , instead of relying upon the Legislature , and the nenenitr ef rendering the nurchaieof land imnrnonc *
Mr Hancock observed , that the position of MrColfc . htirst was peculiar , and hepoisessed advantages vrtlt ' ch other landlords or tenants did not enjoy ; and a * regarded tbe advance of manufactures is Scotland , if they had in Ireland the same laws to facilitate their advancement he was sure that a similar result would follow . The Earl of Devon bore testimony to the effective exertions of Mr Coltburst . He had not only drained bog effectually , but had railed upon it a superstructure essential to the purposes of agriculture . The ordinary method of cenveying earth to place upon the sariace of bog was the expensive one of carting ; but Mr Coltburst had adopted a more economical and desirable method . The preeess adopted fcy him was highly desirable for , and
applicable to , many parts of Ireland ; but he should Bay there were several places in the country where the improvement of land at present under cultivation , would prove a far more remunerative source of agricultural pursuit , and one more calculated to repay tbe expenditure of money than the reclamation of bog . He did not desire to discourage the reclamation of iog ; he would he glad to see Mr Colthuraf s plan followed in many localities ; but they would fall into a mistake if they supposed that this was the first point in the improvement of land to which they should direct their attention . He agreed with one of the speakers , that they were too apt to look for support and countenance from government . The suggestion of Mr Hill , that tho government should forward the adoption of the plan recommended by Mr Colthurst , had not been overlooked when the legislature framed an Act based upon the land commission ; but those engaged in that commission considered it desirable
that if public money were to be advanced , it should be for purposes connected with tbe improvement of land under cultivation , in preference to the reclamation of bog . It was said tbat the purchase of land should he rendered more easy , bat under tbe law as it at present stood , a great deal of land could be easily purchased , a a good title obtained , aud that land made productive by those who desired to improve it ; but he feared that what was wanting was that confidence nhlch would induce people to lay out their money in the purchase of land . The difficulty which they had to encounter arose not so much from any want of legislative interference as from a want of private industry , energy , and confidence in developing the resources ef the country . He hoped that much would be dons in reclaiming bog , bnt he considered that it would be more j adicions and more desirable to apply their capital in the further improvement of lands at present under caltivatien .
Now , I have only a few words to say , by way of comment . In my heok upon the management of Small Farms , I told you that one acre , or half an acre of a useless hill , would give ample surface to a hundred acres of bog . Well , you see that Mr Coltburst recommends the very same . But read Lord Devon's speech , the chairman of the Great Devon Land Commission . See what he says about the reclamation of waste lands , and the better cultivation of arable land t and then bear in mind
that I told you that bog and waste land was the cold meat in the larder , the selvidge round the cloth , which might be nibbled at as population increased ; that the reclamation of waste land would pay the capitalist a good per centage upon his capital , hut that the labour of the husbandman should be applied to the better cultivation of land , which was not now cultivated to one fifth part of its capability .
A , « j « a . V —«— , — w — -. n 7 J ~ - will be the question ef questions , and as 1 have stood my full share of taunt for making statements , now corroborated by the highest authorities , and commented upon by the Press , that has been lavish in its abuse of me , you will not consider me vain or egotistical in citing those authorities in support of my Plan . Your faithful friend , Feargus O'Connok .
Royal Polytechnic Institution.—The Usual...
Royal Polytechnic Institution . —The usual attractions of this admirable exhibition are enhanced durine the present week , by the delivery of lectures on The Cultivation and management of the Voice in Singing . ' The committee have engaged Mr G . Clifford , professor of music , for this purpose , and his first lecture was delivered , before a numerous and very attentive auditory , last evening . The lee turer s remarks were very agreeably diversified and forcibly illustrated by the performance of a variety of favourite vocal pieces , from the works of several eminent composers ; and thei r very creditable execution elicited repeated and hearty plaudits from the co mpany present ,
Royal Polytechnic Institution.—The Usual...
We extract the following admirable letter , from the " Times . '' It contains a very severe and proper stricture upon those ehopkeeping aristocrats , who cater for customers by feeding their game upon their neighbours , and though ; no doubt , loyal subjects , prefer violating an Act of Parliament to losing their customers : —
HAEE-KILLIffG BILL . 70 THB EDITS * OP THE TIMES , Sib , —Parliament enables any occupier of land , having the right t » kill bares , to do so without being taxed at the rate of £ 1 3 s 4 d per annum . For this , as a small farmer , I an eternally indebted to the wisdom of the House , eparred Into practice by Sir Harry Verney and others , My success may be almost said to depend upon ray immunity from the depredations of hares , three of which , it is ascertained , will eat a dinner for a wager against any sheep in England , and very probably win i ' . too . It is my misfortune , however , to have for one neighbour in the parish of Ruislip , Middlesex , a large wood of about 800 acres swarming with hares , and for another a gamekeeper within 200 yards of the place selected by the vermin as a suitable spot for an inroad into my premises . I have set snares ' according to Act of Parliament , ' and
hare succeeded in catching a fen" of my enemies . Bat I find that for every three snares set , two are inrarlaWy gone in a few hours after . They appear to be pulled through the fence with a hooked stick , and certainly in broad daylight . Now , who takes them ! Who but a keeper would do so ! this man's masttr is a rich linendraper , whoTents aU the shooting in my neighbourhood ; and it is master , not man , J . must quarrel with , Now , I do not believe that any game preserver in the House of Commons would give his keeper instructions to prevent the free exercise of a now constitutional right on the part of an independent tenant or neighbour ; but it seems that rich lineadrapers are not so nice . Will you use your influence to protect me and my class fromty . of this
ranay description by poistingoutin your columns one great omission in tn « Kare-kUUng Bill ' . A clause should hare been enacted , imposing a heavy penalty on any person ( not' having the right to do so '; ' maliciously and feloniously stealing , or causing to be stolen , one snare , value Id ., ' from any fence or field , such snare being set for the purpose of killing' hares according to law . Until this b » done yny gratitude to Parliament is somewhat tempered by bitterness , and I must seek my remedy by retaliating upon the linendraper ' s pheasants and partridges , whereof I breed a considerable number for this knight of the yard every season . I am not a bad shot , and I understand how to coax birds from a distance . Let' yard-measure' beware in time . Your obedient servant , Habebbain .
The Victims. To The Editor Of The Northe...
THE VICTIMS . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , — -Being a constant reader of the Northern Star , I confess I was surprised when I read the leading article of Saturday last , with reference to the case of Mrs White . Your informant says , that two friends made a collection for Mrs White , and the Committee refused her the money . This is altogether false , as your informant must be aware if he was present . The facts of the case are simply these : —A person makes an appeal to a public meeting on her behalf . Twelve shillings is collected . The chairman of the meeting had not arrived . A general shout was made about the other families , which brought Mr Frith to the platform , not a member of the Committee , I believe .
Mr Frith made some remarks about the families of West , Leach , and others , and it was put to the meeting whether it should go to the Victim Fund , and Mrs White have her quota , So yeu will see it was the men who gave tbe money , not the Committee , who refused Mrs White the money . I believe there were only six hands held up for her to have the money , aud the rest for the Victim Fund . Now , Mr Editor , these are the facts of the case , as far as the Committee are concerned . If the
nerson that made the appeal to the public meeting had been a member of the Chartist Association , he would have known that there was a Committee appointed to collect money for the families of the victims . In my opinion , he ought to have appealed to them and not to the public . Nothing , I believe , damages Chartism more than this mode of proceeding , because the meetings are not composed entirely of Chartists , but of all parties , and it tends to prejudice the minds of many .
With your remarks I entirely agree , and am very sorry that the families of those who have defended the rights of labour should be reduced to such a position ; but , sir , it is those fools who ought to suffer who have shouted and cheered , and cried out ' Pike and gun , ' but when you ask them to pay a penny to aid the Chartist cause , they will tell you candidly they will not , but that they are better Chartists than you are . Away with such hypocrites I Yours , truly , Thomas Harper . . Woodhouae . Leeds , Jan . 2 nd , 1849 .
The National Victim Committee, And The M...
THE NATIONAL VICTIM COMMITTEE , AND THE MANCHESTER VICTIM COMMITTEE . I am instructed to intimate to the Chartists of the country , that the National Victim Committee have resolved to share their funds with the wives and families of the Kirkdale prisoners , in common with the wives and families of the victims confined in the prisons of London . The friends who compose the Manchester Committee , in their recent appeal , solicit support not only for the prisoners themselves but also tor their
families—now , as the National Committee have to support the families , those persons who subscribe to the Manchester Committee will do so only for the prisoners and not for their families . The National Committee do not make this pnblic statement with a view at all to interfere with the Manchester Committee in their support of the men in prison , but that ) as the National Committee have to support the families , all monies intended for their assistance may be sent to the general fund .
The National Committee make this announcement with feelings of high respect and consideration for their friends and brother Chartists of the Manchester Committee . James Grassby , Chairman .
»- '»* The Manchester Victim Commit! Ee ...
» - ' »* THE MANCHESTER VICTIM COMMIT ! EE Brother Democrats . —We deem it highly necessary to call the attention of true Chartists to our present state . With regard to tbe imperative duty the Exeautive and the country have ealled upon ua to perform in behalf of our respected brethren now in Kirkdale gaol—Laach , Donovan , Rankin , White , West , Grocott , Clark , and others—these generoushearted and noble-minded fellows are Buffeting because of their labours in the service of the people !; they are punished because of tbeir devotion to that cause , the triumph of which would be the emancipation of millions from the thraldom of Whig and Tory misrule . They have cheerfully braved the dungeon to render U 8 good aervioe ; we owe them a sacred duty ; they have performed theirs , let ill perform
oars promptly . Would it not be most disgraceful to nil as a party , if our neglect of those brave menia bandage reduosd them to the miserable alternative of having to give up the poor privilege of firat-ohw misdemeanants , and submit to tbe felon ' s fare and treatment ? These men are best known in Manchester , and as far as we are concerned no exertions shall ha wanting , in order to make our brethren comfortable . We do not presume to take the power ont ot the hands of the general Victim and Defence Committee , but to co-operate with and assist them , in accordance with the advice of the Executive . We appeal to the Democrats of the Unitsd Kingdom for their cordial support , in our endeavour to illume the gloom of the pa riots ' cell with a ray of comfort and sympathy . We are happy to state that the Chartists of Manchester , since the arrests in August last , have
done their duty nobly . . Brother Damosrats , to the present time our mends in Kirkdale gaol have not been in want , but owing to the low state of onr funds we have not been able to support anv of their wives and families . We now appeal to all " the friends of humanity , to lose no time in forwarding their donations , for if this is not responded to , our brave patriats will be in want of food . Give cheerfully , give prudently , and where it is moat needed , in such manner as may do most good . Hapin ? this will not be in vain , but responded to , We remain , jours truly , members of the committee formed for the protection of the Manchester victims , Thos . Whitwkbr , Hbnrt Ellis , Wm . Shelmerdinb , John Smith . Thos . Ormbsher , secretary , Thoh . Roberts , treasurer , Thcs . Fildes , chairman .
All money orders must be sent to 'Thos . Ormesher , 62 , Bridgewater Street , Manchester ; ' made payable to' Thos . Roberts , 25 , Mount Street , Hulme , Manchester . ' "" Committee Boom , January 9 , 2819 ,
The Factory Workers. To Tfte Editor Of T...
THE FACTORY WORKERS . TO TftE EDITOR OF THB NORTHERN STAR . . Allow rfe , air , to address a few words to your readers on the ever standing and really important subject— 'The Condition of the lac ory population of Yorkshire . ' During a late visit to tbat district of England , J mixed occasionally with men of all classes , a » d was myself an observer of the signs of the times . A good trade is expected , that sure stimulus for exertion . A Bradford manufacturer assured me that a good trade was inevitable—the following Jsa brief but correct condensation of a protracted conversation . ' A good trade is inevitable because the depression has been of long continuation—the disturbed state of the continent has
affected us materially , Germany more than France ; but if quiet can be restored , trade will be excellent . We are all preparing for a go w , ' after New Year . The good trade will not be of long duration—there are so many of us—the competition is unlimitedbut , as I often say , ' Every man for himself in this world . ' wfettMifit make the mojfc ' of it while it lasts . The Ten Hoots Bill has not as yet been tested—I think it wrong in principle , it is wrong to interfere with raaster ^ and man—it has not been tested , because trade has been eo dull—its effects will how be felt , nC ^ e ^^ oLu ^ fwa ^? . Jtt Jjtit ^ ij , )! sqd ridiculous to suppose that men can have twelve hours' wages for ten hours' work—we can't do it ,
sir—it is impossible , and the Legislature will find it out . It is quite true that in some factories th re is as much work done in the ten hours as was formerly done in the twelve ; this is accomplished by increased attention on tbe part of the workers , and by increased speed in the machinery . The same means would have been at our command in the good trade—the result is evident—we then could have done as much work in the twelve hours as could be formerly done in fourteen . Such would have been to our advantage if the Ten Hours Bill had not passed . You must know that time is everything with us—good trade continues so shori a time that we must not lose an hour—we must make the
most of it . It is all very well for theorists to speculate—I am a practical man and guided by experience . As you ate a practical man , may I ask if the American manufacturers iajure you in the markets of the continent , ' * Not at all . '' Not at all , you say , —I am ¦ surprised . America possessing so many natural advantages and protected by to fine a navy , led me to suppose that in some branches of English industry she must have been a formidabla rival to England . ' ' Nonsense , we can always beat the Yankees , they have no chance with us . ' ' How do you account for the success of the English manufacturers over the Americans ? machinery in America is as good—land as fertile—water and minerals as plentiful—and the workmen as frugal and
industrious—I may notbe ' ableto account for our superiority , but I know whet I have said to be correct . 'I suggested that one cause of English success might rest on this—manufactures have baen longer established in England than in America . ' He replied— ' I think it is so . Trade is a strange thing . To remove a factory from one locality to another , even if in the same parish , is always ruinous . 1 was lately offered a factory in Lancashire on what was thought to be advantageous terms , It had formerly been used in a different business from mine , but I asked , where could I find hands to work it ? 1 was told , I could learn them . I replied it would cost me a fortune to do so—business must be done expeditiously now or not at all . '
The conversation next turned on the condition and habits of the factory population . My friend said , the workmen were improvident and of careless habits , had little thought of tbe future ; in many cases , the higher the wages they received , the poorer they were . He declared , with an air of serious confidence , ' That the Chartist leaders were rascals . Every man of them ought to be hanged . ' I smiled at so emphatic a declaration . We stepped out of the omnibus at tho Low Moor station , bidding each other good by . He found his way to a first-class carriage , and I was , in due time , seated in the rank below ; among a number of butchera and cattle dealers , who were on their way to market .
I reflected that the gentleman with whom I had just parted was an excellent type of his class , possessing an aptitude of business talent—shrewd , keen , calculating—a scanty genius for a conception of remote causes , no visioned dream in the future destinies of men or nations to realise ; a narrowed appreciation of the refined in art , or the elevating in nature ; in the counting-house or on the Exchange , a clever merchant , in the jury-box a propertied par * tisan ; at an election a man of influence j in the church or chapel a member . At Bingley , a small but beautifully-situated town , lying between Bradford and Keighley , I found two mills working extra time . This I presume is managed by working relays of hands , or by working male hands above the ages specified in the Factory Act for regulating tbe hours of labour .
I conversed freely with many of the factory operatives of both sexes , and all agree that the Ten Hours Bill is the best measure tbat could have been passed for their interests . They argue pretty nearly as follows . ' We are not free agents . We , who produce all , have no power of ourselves to limit production * , we are part of the ay & tem , and are merely a live cog in the wheels of the machinery ; in good trade , we are worked until we are worn out , and nature decays ; in bad trade , we are chiefly dependent on the parish for support . The manufacturers deduct so much for interest on the outlay of their capital—so much per cent , to be appropriated as poor rates , to sustain us in
existence . We are here at the bidding of our masters . It is true enough that we desire individual independence , but we cannot accomplish our desires . We are slaves , and it is as much an act of justice and humanity to protect us against cruel usage as it is to prevent horses and dogs from being slaughtered in the streets . ' They feel the good effects of the short hours of labour , and will cheerfully submit to any curtailment of their scanty earnings rather than return to the long hour practice . The Ten Hours Bill , however good in itself , viewed as a restrictive measure of imperative necessity , is but as a drop in the bucket compared with the remedies necessary to physically , mentally , and morally , elevate our factory population . The causes of the decline of the
workmen are remote—and whilst immediate checks are necessary , to" balance against avarice and rapacity , a change of system is inevitable , before permanent and sure results can follow . I am often told of England ' s manufacturing greatness and the success of her industrial civilisation , but 1 never see these huge halls filled . with polished iron and brass , all in motion and moving with mathematical correctness , but I reflect that amidst these proofs of man ' s greatness , and beside this fine and God-like machinery , are a miserable little tribe of men-machines , living but half a life , produging wonderful thii » s , but not reproducing themselves , who propagate only for death , and perpetuate their class only by incessantly absorbing other populations who are engulfed there for ever . '
The remodeling of the old system , or a reconstruction of a new one , will not be the work of a day , but of years . How different are the ideas of the manufacturer and operative on the same subject , and that , too , under circumstances the same in themselves , and seen by each every day , and reasoned upon by each differently , every hour of the day : Truly , if the millenium be at hand , these are stornay signs to be indicative of a calm ; yet from these stormy , differing , and opposing interests the future must be regulated .
There lies off the way-side , on the road between Keighley and Colne , the small village of Sutton . The trade ot the village is increasing , the fabric is a mixed one of woollen and silk , and consists of gown pieces , vestings , & c . Sutton , unimportant of itself , is important as illustrative of the progress of bur manufactures . Some thirty years ago , the weaving in Sutton was carried on in the houses of the workmen , the majority of whom either owned or rented small plots of land , probably from one to four acres each . They were then an independent and hardy race of industrial settlers , their families were to them a store of wealth , rich in their guarded plenty , and frugal from habit and desire ; their monied wages were three times their present amount , and their industry was spread over the parish to its
The Factory Workers. To Tfte Editor Of T...
boundaries . Each house represented a corporati community—parents and famil y having One common Interest . Things have changed—the factory system is established—tbe average wages are probably not more than six shillings per week ; there are few self-contained cottages , and fewer small farmers ; the last specimens of independent weavers are yet to be found , but , no longer able to unite weaving with their garden pursuits , they are reduced and poor , and only serve to instruct the observer in the history of the past . How many villages and towns I could name in Scotland and England which exhibit a similar sketch of the past and present , and represent the true tendency of the age , in its worst
form , joint accumulations of wealth and poverty , side by side , in unnatural contrast . I observe by the reviews in the press , that Mr Macaulay , in his new ' History of England , * has furnished bis readers with a picture of the past and present condition of England ' s labourers , showing the great advantages the workmen of the present day enjoy as compared with their predecessors . Facts are stubborn things , and it v : iU require more potent arguments than any that can be used by the brilliant Whig historian , to convince the Sutton weavers that they are richer than their fathers were . They know that house rent was never higher , nor wages lower , than they now W ^ # W % ^ sl ! P ^^ g ^ eftxers are politicians ; they know thai their labour is their capital , and tbat if their annual income be fifteen pounds , and the monied wages of their fathers was
forty-five pounds per annnm , their capital has decreased two-thirds in value , and as they pay taxes and debts from their wages , their liabilities have increased in a like ratio . And as money is not intrinsically valuable as a consumable commodity , but valuable or valueless , depending upon the comforts and luxuries it enables its possessor to command , it follows that the incomes of the fundholders , clergy , and landowners , & c ., have increased in a like proportion . No essay on picture galleries , museums , gas lamps , statuary , poetry , the printing press , railways , or any of the other hundred and one illustrations of modern improvements , . can drown the plain statements of wages , which nearly every workmen in England fully understands . By the way , M . A . Thiers would be the better of a weaver ' s lesson on this subject .
As a whole , I may . safely own that it is next to impossible , for any one removed from the scenes of misery everywhere to be seen , to form a correct notion of the wretchedness , poverty , and degradation of our factory population . Many of them seem to have lost all sense of self-respect , order , and propriety , and live more in the character of animate machines than human beings endowed with moral and intellectual attributes . Those who speak and write of England as a model nation for the world , will do well to visit Manchester , Leeds or Bradford , before they be too profuse in their adoration of manufacturing greatness and modern civilisation . And
if idle men—distorted . naked aud hungry ; prostituted J children and women—drunk and filthy ; narrow cellars—dingy and dark ; proud capitalists—vulgar and rich ; a magistracy over-re itching and despotic ; a constabulary obstinate and coercive ; a workhonse large and over-crowded ; a gaol filled and requiring enlargement ; be the inevitable and ever indispensable elements of civilisation—let us pray that we may be either favoured with a restoration of barbarism , or a speedy approach of the day of judgment . A Leaf from the Annals of a Shoemaker ' s Garret . London , January 8 th , 1849 .
Financial Reform. Great Meeting In Manch...
FINANCIAL REFORM . GREAT MEETING IN MANCHESTER-. On Wednesday evening a meeting of L beral electors and others was held in the Free Trade Hall . The hour advertised for the commencement of the proceedings was half-past seven . Admission tvas by ticket only , but such was the pressure and eagerness to be present that shortly after six o ' clock tbe doors were besieged , and before half-past that hour the vast area and galleries of the spacious building were crowded to excess . It was calculated that from 6 , 000 to 7 , 000 persons were present Mr Cobden , Mr Milner Gibson , Mr Bnght , and the other members of the committee , were most enthus'astically received .
Mr George Wilson , Chairman of the Anti-Corn Law League , presided . He commenced by saying that it was really a monstrous meeting , and he was glad it was so , for they had met to consider questions of no ordinary importance . He had sesn that hall filled on previous occasions so as he never expected to see itfilled again , but he confessed , looking to that vast assemblage , it did appear to him to contain more than the usual complement in numbers , and whatever apathy might exist elsewhere , whatever changes bad taken place abroad , however old institutions had crumbled to pieces , and new ones had arisen on their ruins , at all events there was no change or re-action or revolution among the
Liberal electors of Manchester . He i > espoke their co-operation in favour of no ill-advised scheme , of no immature project , of nothing which should involve violent changes or changes to be accomplished by violent means . ( Cheers . ) Their aim was to collect into one focus tbe mass ef floating opinion in the district , to give it force and direction , and concentrate it , for a time at least , upon the practical objects of economical and financial reform . ( Cheers . ) It bad been asked , why stir at all at present ; why , in the unsettled state of Europe , do anything which might in the slightest possibility interfere with the arrangements of the Government ? In the United Kingdom there was no class of men more in favour of the best institutions of the country , none more interested in
supporting order at home and peace abroad , than the industrious and mercantile community of that district , but they reserved to themselves the right cf expressing their opinions freely on all the great subjects affecting the public interest , and 7 , 000 or 8 , 000 people could not be collected together unless the subjects were of great national interest . It was for such a meeting to stand by Mr Cobden in promoting financial reform . ( Cheers . ) Ten millioas was no slight amount in this money-loving country , and that amount he proposed to make flow back into the pockets of the people , instead of passing through the fingers of the tax-gatherers . ( Cheers . ) "He called on them to adopt the resolutions which would be proposed to accomplish with the slightest waste of power , and in the least delay , that most desirable result .
Mr Cobden , who was received with much enthusiasm , proposed the first resolution : — 'That this meeting resolves to co-operate with the Liverpool Reform Association and other similar bodies in their efforts to reduce the public expenditure to at least the standard of 1835 , and to secure a more equitable and economical system of taxation . ' They had formerly been charged to being the farmers * enemies , now they appeared in another character—as the farmers' friends . They had subjected the agriculturists of this country to competition with the foreigners ; the farmers complained that they were more heavily taxed than the foreigners , and they now came forward to
offer them the right hand of fellowship and union , to effect a reduction of £ i 0 , 000 , 000 in the cost of onr government . ( Cheers . ) In 1835 , the affairs of the government were carried on for £ 10 , 009 , 000 less thanthey were this year , and in tbe letter he had pnblished be ventured to propose that they should go baek to that expenditure . He had waited three weeks before he had an opportunity of saying a word in defence of his views , to see what would be said against tbeir recommendation , and he confessed he had not much to answer . It was said that the population had increased since 1835 ; onr cent
numbers were 12 } per : more than in that year , and it was but fair to allow a larger sum for ( he government of the greater number . So far as civil government was concerned , be admitted the argument ; he allowed forty per cent , more for civil government than waa expended m 1835 ; but then , he said , that thirteen years of additional peace waa no valid argument for any increase in our forces . ( Cheers . ) In 1835 , we spent ^ 611 . 600 . 000 for Army , Navy , and Ordnance ; he proposed that they should not expend more than £ 10 , 000 . 000 , and he would take the re * mainin g £ 1 , 600 , 000 from the expenditure fer warlike purposes , and tdd it to the civil expenditure of
Financial Reform. Great Meeting In Manch...
1836 . Then it waa said that both last ytsr and tho year before there was a deficiency of revenue / we spent more than we received , and borrowed money , and therefore , even if his plan were carried out , there would not be £ 10 , 000 , 000 to dispoicot inrtwiobion of taxes . His answer was this—if tbe revenue had fallen eff , it was Kueause the balance theets of the merchants and manufacturers had fallen off likewise ; but now , with feod ot a moderate price , and taarfo reviving , hatantly they would see the revenue incroased , l nd this year or the next , they are certain t « have \ surplus revenue as surely as there war , h defi . " - ency last year . Give him the expenditure again of 1835 , and he would gaarsntee the remission of £ 10 , 000 , 000 taxation . ( Cheers . ) Tbe county - . vanted to reduce the duty on tea one-half . If they wanted 1835- T ° en it waa said that both last yesr and ttfl
to abolish altogether the taxes on timber , butter , choeee , soap , paper , malt , hops , and housa-wimlow * , —if they wanted to put an end to the ejatem that curtailed those necessary comforts , let them raise their voieta simultaneously for the expenditure of 1835 . ( Chwrs . ) \ VherewaBthedifi \ : uUyotretttrB « ing to that standard ? The whole question depended on the amount of our warlike armaments . Tho question mt , would the Government be cons ent to warte £ 1000 . 000 on an unproductive service like our fighting establishments in time of peace i If not , why not ? Ho had the Government on tho defensive . He asked therfl whether they made the msafc of the money they had got ? How did they dispose of that money ? They had one hundred and fifty admiralg , besides filty retired admirals . How many did they employ when they had one thousand pennants flying during tho heat of the French war ?
ihey never employed more than thirty-sir admirals at one time , and with all their icgennity thoyconld only now nod active service for fourteen admirals . So in the army there was a colonel for every regiment who did the work , and they had another colo * hel to every regiment who never saw it , but wJjo supplied clothes and got the profits of a tailor ? ( A laugh . ) He would not lend himself to tLe delusion of those who told them that by economy in the dockyards they might effect & saving , bat there must be no reduction of force . He told them plainly from the outset that in order to effect , . such ; t reduction of expenditure ss would afford a mMonal relief , and would be felt in the homes and firesides of tbe * ¥ eophj of t & iresnUtryy-theymuatie'deoa the nnrnber of men—they must be content wHb . a sioaller manifestation of brute force in the eves of the world . ( Lood cheers . ) Why had there been this great increase in our armaments ? They had
increased enormously tha number of the men . Lord John Russell last session stated the increase for army , navy , and ordnance since 1835 Inthatyear the nnrnber of men of all three servicer was 135 , M 3 , and in IBid they were ISO . Otv , showing ah increase since 1835 in army , navy , and ord « nanoa of 60 , 320 men . The expenditure du'iog the same period bad been increased from £ , 11070 , 000 to upwards of £ 18 , 000 . 000 . When the number , of men was voted there must be large corresponding establishments in all directions ; and if they wanted a material reduocion in tbeir armaments , they must at once boldly adopt the plan of reducing the men engaged in those services . Why should they not reduce them ? Why had they been increased i There
had always been some ready excuse for every augmentation , whether of army or navy , but when the occasion of that increase had passed away 'there never was anv diminution . In 1835 was the lowest point ; in 1836 the fear ef invasion from Russia was the pretence for increasing the navy ; and is 1839 the Monmouth riots were made to cover an increase of five thousand men to the army ; but when tranquillity waa restored they never heard of those fire thousand men being reduced . A similar course was taken when we had a dispute with tho Amerioani about the Maine boundary and about Oregon . Ho contended that there was nothing even in the aspect of affairs § h the continent of Europe to justify us ia keeping up such large armaments . It was the
interest of France to preserve peace ca the the continent . The mass of tbe people in this country were favourable to peace and advene to war . Besides , we had this additional guarantee , that it any government or population on the Continent chose to carry oh a waref conquest , it would weaken rather than strengthen their position ; but , taking the very worst that conld happen , suppose that some of the continental states should attack their neighbours , was that any reason why we should be armed to take part in the struggle ? We must leave ether people to manage their own affairs . They were spending too ranch as a nation , and while that was so their lecal taxation would go on increasing . He promised one thins—he would never cease
the advocacy of this question till he es , w the cost of our armies reduced to £ 10 , 000 , 000 , until he n & jt the expenditure of the country reduced to what it was in 1835 at least . He did not eay bo would stop there . ( Cheers . ) That was the least they intended to do , and it was something werth the struggle ; but he repeated he would not stop there—( cheers ); and he sincerely believed that with their assistance , and the growing tendency for peace throughout the world , they would not long continue to witness the horrid waste of i 610 . 000 . 000 on a fighting establishmentin time of peace ; but they would livatoaee the day when one-half that sum would be considered enough —( cheers ); nor did he thick that time would be long in arriving . ( Cheers . )
Mr Cobdsn spoke tor about an hour and a quarter , and was followed throughout his spesoh with mush Cheering . Mr Hehrt , M . P ., seconded the resolution , which was unanimously agreed to . 3 f r Mimnn Gibson , M . P ., proposed the second resolution— « That no permanent reduction of taxation could be effected until the people obtained a more direct control over the House of Commons by an extension of the system of electoral representation . ' The hon . gentleman entered into an explanation of his own conduct in respect to his late connexion with
the present Government , and stated his reason tor his resigning office , and that he preferred the confidence of his conetituents to the favours of any Government . He repudiated the notion that there ¦ vasnny reaction on the subject of free-trade , and urged its extension to other articles of commerce as well as corn . Adverting to the condition of the Irish Church , he gave it as his opinion that there would never be peace in that country until it was pulled down , and its funds applied to to the general purposes of the oommunity . Tha resolution was seconded by Mr W . RiwsoN ' ,
and carried unanimously . Mr John Bbiohi , M . P ., moved the third resolution , to the effect that the meeting approved of the course adopted by the Anti-Corn Law League in the extension ef the forty shilling freeholders , and their system of watching the register , also authorising the chairman of the meeting to take steps for thecomation of an association to secure the objects of this meeting . He observed that the justification for that meeting was to be found in the fact that £ 60 , 000 . 000 of taxes were annually squandered by a Government ! whiah did not represent the views of the people , from whom that enormous amount was extracted . He urged the infusion of more democratic blood mte the House of Commons , and concluded by moving the resolution which Mr A . Kay seconded , ana which was carried ntm . con .
Thanks having been voted to the gentlemen who addressed the meeting , and to the chairman , the procsedingaterminated at near midnight , when the vaas assemblage quietly separated .
Emigration To The Texas. To The Bdiior O...
EMIGRATION TO THE TEXAS . TO THE BDIIOR OP THB NOBTHEBN STAB . M-irVroB —At tho request of maay of yout « . a « r « I fo ? w 7 rd youfa report of the proceedings r ? a . ^« Jwho agfeeingwith you on 'the Land i ^^ jtiS ^ bJatr to better their condition in this country , on account of the corruption of its Government , and the apathy pt the people , have determined to seek a home in the far west , and so to combine educational , agricultural , manufacturing , and commercial arrangements , as to secure to each otutt & lUhe advantages of town and oeuntty life , without tbe inconveniences which now attend each , and by tho establishment of co-operative stores to ensure to all the just toward of honest toil , which , in this country , is denied the most ^ useful portion of society . The name they boat u the North Tens [ fMrmisflHon Company . They propose . to purchase
twenty five thousand acres of land in the most healthy part of Texas , United States of North America , te divide the estate into allotments of twentyfive acrea ; and In order to prevent the evils wmott attend the large farm system , to allow no shareholder to possess more than four allotments or one hundred acres . For the sum of £ 22 payable at once , or by weekly instalments of Is . 6 d „ each shareshareholder will obtain twenty-five acres of land , — transit from this country to the estate , Proj'sionS during the transit , and for eight months after location . A portion of the payment need only be made in this country , the remainder m cash oi' produce after they havetaken possession . Such ^ M beeu tjj success of the Company , that early « F « brB « y ^ "J agenTto purchase land , accompanied by Pioneera aid the Company ' s surgeon , will ^ t sail for the !« nT >« f » dontion . Already they have the means of
purchasing the land , and they brown mmiw hope , before many months have elapsed , that hundreds of their fellow-countrymen , who now toil for others , will enjoy the advantages now iffsred . On Thursday evenings the public are admitted to the members' meetings held at Mr Ellis' s School Room , 8 , George Street , Euston Square , when every information on the subject may be obtained . Hoping yon will favour your readers with every information respecting this interesting Society , I am , yours respectfully . John Vises ? r .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 13, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_13011849/page/1/