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Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th November 1846, Edition 2 of 3, Page 6, Power oi-Steam. -- *'It is statue .'!" s...

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  • Departments (3)
    • Craoes* fHobements
    • Caro£uoii&ettce
    • THE SHORT TIME QUESTION
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      5 The Northern Star. . November 14, 1846...

      5 THE NORTHERN STAR . . November 14 , 1846 .

      Craoes* Fhobements

      Craoes * fHobements

      Rules Of The Journeymen Weavers Associat...

      RULES OF THE JOURNEYMEN WEAVERS ASSOCIATION , As passed at a Public Meeting of the Members , the 31 st of October , 1 S 46 . 1 st . That this society be called the "Friendly Society of Jounn-ynien Weavers . " 2 nd . That the object of this society be to assist tin Union ah e > dy in exigence , to protect our wages to the utmost of our powt . r , and to see that the 'householders ' act justly t « each member of this society . 3 rd . That as soi . n as we get properly organised as a local body , it shall be the duty of the committee to take into consideration the propriety of joining the National Trades Association .

      4 tli . Tliat This socifty be governed fcy a committee ul nine persons , includim ; president , secretary , mid treasurer ; and that the president shall h : < ve the power to Call the committee together when he shall think it neces « iri to do so , and a majority shall have power to transact business . 5 th . That the committee be chosen in the following manner , viz ., the president , secretary , and treasurer , to te elected by a public meeting of the members , and tiie remainder as thev stand in rotation on the secretary s hook , and that they hold office for the space of three months . , ... . 6 th . That the entrance fee be twopence , and contributions as circumstances may require , but not less than one penny per week- # 7 th That in the event of a strike taking place , sanetioncd by this society , each member who may be under Ihe necessity of leaving the town in constquence of such strike , shall ba en itled to a certain sum of u . oney to he hir . ; jiftir derided on .

      8 th . That a registration book be kept by the secretary of this society , wherein shall be entered an account of al j jbs to be let in the 'own or neig hbourhood , such information to be obtain , d of the members at the weekly E 6 ' . tillCS . 9 th . That any memher of this society shall he allowed to examine the registration hook by paying one penny to the secretary for his trouble in keeping the book . 10 th . That the secretary of this society be authorised to keep a correspondence with thevariousmanufacturins towns in this country , in order to afford all possible information to any member of this society who may be either desirous or compelled through want of employment to leave this town . 11 th . That this society meet to transact business every 3 Ionday n i ght at seven o ' clock . ] 2 ih . That the books be audited every three months , the auditors to be appointed at a public meeting Of the members . 13 th . That aU lodge business be closed by ten o ' clock .

      SHEFFIELD . PROGRESS OF Machinekt . —The Sheffield Independent slates that a machine , invented in the United States , for cutting files by machinery , has been brought over to tliis country , and that steps are being taken by Messrs . 2 faylor , Vicfcers , and Co ., to procure a patent for the invention . A company is already formed , with ample capital , in the United States , who have several machines at work , and who , it is stated , are about to increase very considerably the number of their machines . It is stated that the machines are of cheap contraction , and that one person , competent to sharpen Hie chisels , can superintend the working of several machines . Thej Independent says , we understand thas persons of great experience who were at first ^ perfectly credulous , are now fully convinced that the machine is capable of cutting files in a very superior

      manner

      PERSECUTION OF BASKE T MAKER * . TO THE EDITOR OF THE JJOBTHERX STAtt . Sir , Silence hitherto has been a iloak to the overhearingjntolerance and persecution of the Master Basket Makers " iu this kingdom , , especially , Robert Ilaynes , of Leicester , chairman of the masters' union . In the month of August last , the United Basket Makers held a conference at Manchester for the purpose of revising the association ' s laws . 1 was delegated by the Leicester and Xorihampton district to attend the said meeting , for which offence I was immediately discharged from working under Mr . Itaynes , he stating that I was " a Chartist rascal , and kept the men in a state of discontent . " Mr . Ksynes , to counteract the exertions of our union , immediately issued circulars through the country , calling a Master ' s Conference in Birmingham , on the 5 th of October last , at which neeting they passed the following resolutions : —

      That the masters supporting this resolution do engage to employ no journeymen connected with the journeymen ' s society after the 17 th day of October . That the members of this union do pay after the rate of sixpence himself and for each and eviry man in his en-ploy for contingent expenses , as often as the committee shall levy , to the secretary of the branch or district , who shall remit the same to the general treasurer . That Mr . Robert Waynes , of Leicester , be the general treasurer , and | Mr . W . Watts , of Xottingham , general secretary to this union . That the committee shall consist of the several secretaries in the districts .

      That the United Society of Journeymen Basket Makers have resorted to an exptdient , at once dishounourable and unjust in the case of the late strike at Wolverhampton . At that town a demand was made for a considerable advance in the rate of wages , this the masters refused to give . To effect their purpose , the journeymen ' s society supplied , and arc now supplying with materials , a shop , designated a ' bee-hive . " This shop is now occupied , not by Wulverhnmptra men , but strangers , the men having nearly all resumed their work . The goods arc sold much under prime cost , to the great harm ol" the employers of that town , and not to the advantage of the men . To overthrow these designs , tiiis meeting recommends that the committee do render such pecuniary assistance to the employers of Wolverhampton as sha'l enable them to undersell the journeymen ' s shop , as it is , it will be tha means of effectually , and for ever , preventing the recurrence of such dastardly and mean attempts . "

      Such "dastardly and mean attempts , "—what is there that is " mean" in working for themselves ! If it is " mean" to work for ourselves , it is doubly " mean " to work fur men who are devoid of all honesty , reas .-n , and common understanding . Journeymen , manufacture for yourselves , and " overthrow these designs * ' of masters who " laugh aud grow 'fat" at your expense . Teneh them their dutie ? , when they will understand your rights . Let thtm work for then-selves—you for jour , selves—and see who is " mean . " Mr . Ilaynes says he ¦ wiil undersell me when I go into the market if it cost Mm £ 500 . Mr . Kaynes has accumulated his money by the meanness of selling his own goods , —let us now accumulate oy selling our goods instead of merely selling our labour , when we shall be able to compete with their illgotten £ 590 . Wm . Wilejian , Basket Maker . Xsicester , Xov . 5 , 1 S 4 G ,

      JiATIOSAL ASSOCIATION OF UKITED TRADES . Glasgow . —Monday Evening . —A meeting of the Rope Mafc-rs of this city was held to hear a lecture from Mr . Jacobs , and dtcideon joining the National Association . The lecture was received with frequent applause , and the replies to tho questions asked were satisfactorily received . The folluivinc resolution was carried unanimously : — "That the Rope Makers will be materially benefitted I-y the National Association , that we , therefore , send in our adhesion from this msht . " A vote of thanks to the lecturer was then passed , and business closed .

      iameion > aii , ebs Rise of Wages at toe Messrs , Faskbaibn . —On Tuesday , Messrs . Clouglr . ni and Jacobs proceed to Camclon , pursuant to instructions from the Central Committee , to mediate between the journeymen nailers aiid employers , relative to an increase of prices required by the former . On their arrival , the several works sent a deputation with the purposed list to the three employers in that village , leaiing the same for tl . eir consideration . In about an hour the deputation a ? ain called for a n ply . when the Messrs . Fairhairn obj- 'ctrd to some of the items in tiie men ' s list , and furnished them with a list , which they off red to pay from JS . or . aar , the 91 b ol Sorember . This list contained a consiiirrahle rise on all siz- s , still there were some sorts the men were not satisfied with . It was then agreed that the mediators should send notes to each *> f the employer :, in tiie village , renaesiinfr an inttrrjetv . This the

      Messrs , Fairbairn immediately as ? entvd to . At four o ' clock , the meeting took place . Mr . Fairbairn , during the controversy , admitted that many of the nailers earned low wages , and that provisions were dear , and hoped they wouldget cheaper before the winter , through foreign supply . After some further conversation on tiie subject , the Messrs . Fairbairn agreed to give the rise prices until further improvement in trade , when they would give another advance , which terms were accepted , the mediators sssuring them the association only sought , by peaceful aud reasonable means to better the camlition of its members . Mr . Fairbairn complained that some incorrect statements had appeared in print respecting the price fhar-ed for coals , and showed from his book that 'li « price charged by him to his men for coals was—large , per cftrt of 16 cwt , 10 s . 6 d . ; small do ., 3 s . 3 d , ; and that he , therelbre , gets no advantage on that head .

      Two other employers sent a verbal refusal to the no ' of the mediators requesting an interview , and one of them discharged immediatel y , without previous notice , one of the deputation , therefore their men are remaining out , to be employed by the association . Paisley . —Wednesday . —A meeting of the Trades of Paisley was held in the Socialist Hall , whea Mr . Jacobs delivered a lecture , which was well received . At the suggestion of the lecturer , a committee was formed of one from each trade , to organise the trades of Paisley into a district of the National Association , who are to make arrangements for the lecturer tojaddress the several bodies . Hahkhead . —Thursday . . A meeting of the Block Printers was held at th ? Public Hali , Barrhead , to hear a lecture frrin Mr . Jacobs , who gave every satisfaction . A resolution was unanimously passed that the Block Printers of Earrhead join the Xational Association . A committee was then formed to carry out the resolution and get up meetings of the other trades .

      Fa isivy . —Friday . —A general meeting of the Block Pr . tittsrs and Xailers of this town washeld attlie Chartisi Church , to hear a lecture from Mr . Jacobs , The lecturer w ^ s jrected with thejusual approbation , several questions wera asked by influential members of the weavers body , and satisfactorily answered , ft was then agreed that the committee caU another meeting for a second lecture ,

      Rules Of The Journeymen Weavers Associat...

      at the earliest moment , that the lecturer may enlist those into our ranks who yet hold aloof from the society . NB . —ThemiBSionarv hopes that the Ship Carpenters of Glasgow who were disappointed of his attendance on Tuesday evening , wiil take his visit and service at Camelon ns a sufficient excuse , as he did not return therefrom till ti n o'clock . Funher , having received many appMcationsfcr his services the same night , he requests those needing him to send him word at least a week belorc hand , addressed 62 , Xorth Frederic Street , Glasgow . The Carpet Weavers of Kidderminster have presented the following testimonial to their employers : — Gentlemen . —We , the Carpet Weavers in your employ , hejr most respectfully to lay the following memorial before vou , hoping you will give it your serious consideration . Oninj ; to existing circumstances , we consider it

      a duty incumbent upon us , injustice to ourselves and our families , to solicit you for an advance of wages . We think . Gentlemen , when yon consider the depressed state of the trade generally , and tho consequent suffering we and our families have to undergo , owing to the high price of provisions and other necessary articles , that you will give us that attention which the importance of the subject demands . We appeal to you asfellowmen and as Christians to assist us in our present degraded position as poverty is the chief cause of the evils which afflict us as a body . We a . « k you to help us to remove the cause , by p ' acinp us in the fame position we wereinl 827 . You must he aware that for a man to find his family the necessaries of life it requires him to be wholly cccupiedinphysic . il labour , instead of having a portion of his time for the cultivation of those faculties which distinguish man from

      the hrute creation . We have a mind as well as a body , which requires food for its development and support , without « hich man will ever fall a prey to ignorance and cupidity ! As monopoly and restriction are passing away , and w- are entering on a new era in our history , all we ask for is a share in tho general good ; and that you , in your new arrangements with the Merchants and Consumers of Carpets generally , will adopt such measures as will allow you to raise our wages , so as to enable us to give our children ut least a suitable education . It is not direct from you that wa ask for an advance , hut from the consumer through the medium of you , our employers , We are encouraged to ask for an advance from

      the answers which the carpet Manufacturers of tha north gave to their men , when making a similar request upon the Brussels and Scotch , ( having obtained upon tbe Scotch , ) which was , that if the Kidderminster masters could be induced to give it , they ( the carpet masters of the north ) would readily comply , ' as it would make no difference to them , providing all masters would raise alike , as they could then meet equally in the markets . Having said this much , gentlemen , we leave the subject for your consideration , trusting you will take a benevolent and cbristian-like view of what we have laid before yon . —We ask it not as an act of favour but as a matter of equity . We remain , yours respectfully , —The Cabpet Weavebb .

      P . S . —Gentlemen , your memorialists will call for an answer this day fortnight , as they now appear before you . 2 fov . 9 th . 1846 . The Keigulkv Turs-Oht . —We think it right to republish the facts of this conspiracy of the master woolconibers against tlieir hands , as set forth in the fallowing statement , read at the recent public meeting held at TCeieliley , which was presided over by Mr . Ferrand , M . P . : — We , the wooleombers of Keiehley , are compelled , in justice to ourselves and the public at large , to give the following outline of our present condition , vouching at the same time for the truth of our statement .

      The wages of an ablebodied and industrious wool combers for working 15 successive hours per day will not average above 10 s . per week , and after deducting from this sum the expenses of rent , fire , soap , and candles , which at a lot ; calculation cannot be less than 3 s . 6 d . per week , he has only 6 s . 6 d . left to provide himself and family with meat , clothes , and other necessary articles . The want of workshops has driven us to the necessity of following our employment at our own homes , and most frequently in our own bed rooms . This circumstance , from the close n-. ture of the employment and the effluvium arising from the comb-pot , the oil , soap , and wet wool , pr . duces disease amongst us and our families to an alarming extent , and it has been proved , from an in . vestigation lately made in Bradford , that the average of life is less amongst the wooleombers than amongst any other body of workmen in the kingdom .

      In nine cases out often when a young man gets married he has little or anything to commence housekeeping with , and he frequently gets into such difficulties , by fur nishing his house and providing himself with the necessary articles he may want , that he seldom or ever recovers from the effects of his outlay . The difficulty of supporting himself by his own labour makes it always necessary that his wife should either comb along with him , or labour in a factory , two very improper occupations fer married women ; but when he becomes the father of two or three children then his situation grows wretched indeed .

      The labour of himself and wife then becomes so necessary to prevent actual starvation , that family and housekeeping are almost entirely neglected . It however frequently happens that a depression of trade arrives , when he is either only partially employed , or altogether out of employment , in which case he is reluctantly driven , in the youth and vigour of life , to become dependent on the tender mercies of the Poor Law Guardians ; but when overtaken by old age , sickness , or any of the thousand casualties to which we are liable , he is compelled to spend the last of his days in an union bastile , without ever having known the comforts and pleasures of a home .

      In making this statement we have no wish to overdraw the picture of our situation , but prefer keeping it rather under than over . It must be remembered that in manufacturing towns rents , highway and poor rates , and a variety of other necessary expenses , are high , and that we are confined entirely to our bare wages . We have no plots of ground , no convenience * for keeping pigs , cows , or other things to be found amongst a rural population , and we shall challenge any man to prove that we can support ourselves and families out of 10 s . per week without being placed in the condition we have described .

      To improve this our miserable condition by an advance of one farthing per pound upon combed wool , which would only have increased our wages about ninepence per week , ouremployers have combined against us , and thrown betnixt 1 , 200 and 1 , 500 of us out of employment . It is now about ten weeks since this happened , and during that time we hava suffered everything that want and privation could inflict , and we are now depending entirely upon the charity of the public . Keichlet , Tuesday , Nov . 10 th . —The position of the wooleombers remains nearly the same as it was last week . Lund ' s weavers continue out , and appear determined to remain so tilt tlieir employer agrees to do something like justice to the combers . The manufacturers continue to exercise the most barefaced tyranny

      towards those weavers working in their factories who dare venture to raise a voice in behalf of the combers . Some of them make a regular practice of walking round their factories to detect persons collecting money for their support ; and their orders to the hands are now issued out in nearly the following terms : — " If I can find any person in this factory collecting money for either themselves , or the combers , or producing a book for that purpose . I will instantly dismiss them from my employ , meat ; and if I find any overlooker allowing such a prac tice , I will dismiss him also . " The combers and weavers are now busy enrolling themselves in the United Trades ' Association , the combination of their employers having proved , that henceforth the tyranny of the manufacturers will have to be opposed by somethipg stronger than local unions and casual support .

      Wednesday , Sov . lltb . —It will be recollected that last week the mill hands of Mr . William Lund turned out on behalf of the combers . almost immediately after a party of the Anti-Wages League waited upon a magistrate to know if they could not send the turn-outs to prison for lea \ ing work without a fortnight ' s notice . The magistrate said , such a thing might be possible , but that it « o « ld be very cruel and imprudent to send some hundreds on that account . They then wanted to know if , in case they stopped all their mills they could not demand a party of soldiers to protect their property and the peace

      of the town . He told them that that also was possible , only they would have to pay the expenses themselves ; and he considered it would be much better to give the money to their " combers than the soldiers . This morning the Leaguers are posting up notices to run their factories three days per week . They are doing this for the double purpose of doing with less combed wool , and of preventing their workpeople from having anything to spare for the combers . They have always been bitter opponents to a Ten Hours' Factory Bill ; but it appears they arc not so much opposed to the Short Time measure when it suits their own purposes .

      P . S . —Mr . Bohert Mullan , Tyrell-court , TyreH-street , Bradford , is authorised to receive money on behalf of the Keighley wooleombers , from persons residing in that neighbourhood . Wages ix Pakces . —The . Glotfow Examiner states that though trade is brisk at Paisley , the weekly averace of the weavers' wages does not exceed seven shilings . 1 KiLMiBN-ocK . —The staple trade of this district is at present in a very depressed state .

      Qoahrel Among Workhouse Authorities.—Mr....

      QOAHREL AMONG WORKHOUSE AUTHORITIES . —Mr . Weale , Assistant Poor Law Commissioner , has just made , at the request of the board of guardians , an investigation into a quarrel between the master , matron , schoolmistress , and the porter of the Loughborough Union workhouse . It appeared that it originated in an avowed personal dislike on the part of the matron towards the schoolmistress , who had been but newly appointed . The matron lost no opportunity of annoying the governess , and inciting the schoolchildren to dispute her authority over

      them . Tho porter was charged with impropriety towards the female paupers by ; ilie matron ; and " he , in retaliation , charged the matron with having persuaded a lunatic pauper to prefer uross and lalsc charges against him . This was sworn to bo the fact . The porter admitted ^ having had " a lark " with some { of the female inmates , bat called witnesses to show that it was not of an improper nature . The proceedings resulted in the compulsory resignation of the master and matron , the dismissal of the porter , and the schoolmistress retains her situation .

      Caro£Uoii&Ettce

      Caro £ uoii & ettce

      Fallacies Of Free Tradf. [Under The Abov...

      FALLACIES OF FREE TRADF . [ Under the above head Mr . Oastler has addressed a letter ( the concluding one of a scries ) to the editor of the Morning Post . The entire letter is very lengthy , we , have , therefore , been compelled to omit a tew ot the least important paragraphs . ] Sir— " It is along lane that has no turn . " The self styled " philosophers" have had a wearisome run , wiion—bounce they have * tricken their shallow pates against a heap of rotten potatoes ! There they arc aghast—at bay—a standing monument of the folly and

      wickedness of forcing the people "to live on the coarsest sort ef food . " Why , except upon the principles of manern " philosophy , " should potatoes be the food of millions ? They now acknowledge in terror , by their act ? , that the poor have a right te live—that rents must yield to labour's due— that poverty has rights more urgent than the landlord ' s claim . Common sense has warned them oft—they would not listen ; but now , the conceited ell ' s have fallen into the pit they digged for the poor ! Still , though forced , inactf , to deny tlieir avowed principles , they stoutly maintain , in words , that they were right .

      I shall render my country good service if , once for all , I explain the unchristian , and consequently antisocial principles on which the modern " enlightened and liberal philosophers" found their shallow , loose , and selfish scheme , which , for so many years , they have been substituting , bit by bit , for that old , compact , and substan t ial fabric—our universally protective Constitution . I have Mr . Cobden ' s testimony in reference to the authority of Dr . Adam Smith . Nothing oan be more conclusive than the evidence furnished by Mr . Cobden , in that memorable passage which I have before quoted , and which I now repeat , that it may be more firmly impressed upon the minds ot your readers . It is to be found in the first number of the Anti-Corn Law Circular , and is as follows : —

      At length , however , the obvious truths which Adam Smith , Ricardo , and others had so clearly demonstrated , that those restrictions and prohibitions upon trade tended , in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred , to dnert the national industry from its natural and profitable pursuits , into artificial and less productive channels , wtro recognised by the statesmen of this country ; and pattly to stimulate industry ( with tho view of meeting the heavy charges of the government and debt of the nation , ) and partly , perhaps , from n conviction of tardy injustice of th « measure to that party whose interest had been , and still is , lost sight of by the advocatas of monopoly—the consumer , the principles of Free Trade were adopted and openly avowed by the Liverpool Administration .

      From that time the question of the justice or injustice of the Corn Laws assumed a new shape ; it w nolonger one of doubt lo the honest Inquirer , but presents itself simplified and divested of every difficulty . All attempt to carry us back in our discussion of the subject beyond the period when tbe principle of Free Trade was applied to the manufactures , commerce , and shipping of Great Britain and her colonics , should thirefore , by sedulouxly avoided as supererogatory , and calculated only to mystify what has , from that time , been a plain and unembarrassed question . This is evidence sufficient to prove that Dr . Adam Smith is one of the recognised leaders of the new school of " philosophers ; " that : he is esteemed the leader , may be gathered from a quotation from Mr . Cobden ' s " England , Ireland , and America , " where the lucky agitator says : —

      " We have our Banksian , our Linncean , our Hunterian secieties , and why should , at least , ourgrcatcst commercial and manufacturing towns have their Smitiiias societies devoted to the purpose of promulgating the beneficent truths of ' The Wealth of Nations ?"' No matter , as I iiave in a former letter shown , that Dr . Adam Smith doubted the truth of his own theory . There can , however , be no doubt that he is the recognised oracle of the Free-traders , and that the ' Wealth of Nations " is the book in which we may safely search for the foundation of their " benih ' cent" principles .

      If , then , that book contains a most important assertion that is in direct contradiction to the principles of the Holy Bible , it will be proved that the foundation of the free system is anti-Christian . To establish this most important fact , it is only needful that I should make a very short extract from the " Wealth of Nations . " I have extracted those words before ; they cannot be too often repeated . Dr . Adam Smith says : — " Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command . It is his own advantage , indeed ; and not that of the society , that he has in view . But the study ot his own advantage , naturally , or rather necessarily , leads him to prefer that employment which is most advantageous to the society . "

      I would not misrepresent Dr . Adam Smith ; I would rather urge the admirers of his creed most carefully to analyse his great work , and , if they can , to find therein any other foundation for the scheme of unrestrained , unregulated action—Free Trade . I think they will search in vain . Nay , I am persuaded , on reflection , it is evident that the princi ple of free action can only be defended on the premises assumed by Dr . Adam Smith—the belief in the unerring perfection of his man , his very selfishness being esteemed his most important virtue . Were I to ask Mr . Cobden or Sir Robert Peel , if

      a scheme , founded on a principle thatis so utterly at variance with Christianity , can ever associate itself with a Constitution so essentially Christian as ours ? —they , being mere politicians of the modern " Liberal " school , would , most likely , smile at my folly ; not so , the Bishop of Oxford . lie cannot assume to be a mere politician ^ He dare not , even in the House of Lords , divest himself of his sacredotal character . Ue is a Bishop of the Church of Christ . The Right Rev . Prelate may not defend a principle that is contrary to the fundamental doctrine of Christianity—the fall of man .

      If there be any other principle on which to establish Free Trade , than that propounded by its great apostle , it is manifestly due to the Church of Christ , and to his own episcopal character , that the Bishop of Oxford should , without delay , publish it , or reconcile Dr . Adam Smith ' s assertion with Holy Writ . When the Bishop has done this , when lie has esfablished man ' s infallibility , he will have proved the excellence of Free Trade ; he will have done more , he will have demonstrated the usefulness of his own order . I believe that man is a fallen , selfish , ignorant being , and that every unregulated and unrestrained action of his is fraught with evil—that , if left without the restraining and regulating laws of God ( which , by our Constitution , must be part and parcel

      of the laws of the land ) , instead of preferring such schemes , in the search of his own advantage , as would be advantageous to the society , his selfishness would lead him to injure all for his own benefit . I learn this from the Holy Bible . I have often witnessed it . I am not to be convinced against Bible truth , and every day ' s experience , by Sir Robert Peel ' s declaration that Mr . Cobden has established a contrary truth ; or by Mr . Cobden's assertion that Dr . Adam Smith has "clearly demonstrated" another fact ; or by the Bishop of Oxford ' s doctrine enunciated in these awful words— " Be he labourer or be he farmer , what is it that makes him valuable to those above him ? It is competition ; " or by a shoal of smirking Manchester men chirping " Free Trade is commbn sense !"

      Sir , this is a serious question . It will be found to be so , before England has done with it . It is essential that the followers of JeSus Christ should know what manner of spirit that of Free Trade is . We have been assured that Free Trade was tho only way to make bread " cheap" to the poor ; and its opponents have been denounced as persons who wish to withhold corn from the poor . As if to stamp that assertion with falsehood , since the triumph of the principle of Free Trade , with an avowedly good Aar . vest , corn has risen to an alarming price . The

      speculators could , if they would , tell us why . Well might Mr . Francis Horner , the greatest statesman in the Free-trade school , when speaking of Dr , Adam Smith ' s theory , describe it as— " A popular , plausible , and loose hypothesis , as good for the vulgar as any other-. " and "give up the perusal of 'The Wealth of Nations , ' on account of the insurmountable difficulties , obscurity and embarrassments in which the reasonings of the fifth chapter arc involved ; " declaring— " that discovery that I had not understood Smith , speedily led me to doubt whether Smith had understood himself . "

      So much for Dr . Adam Smith and his Cobdenian " clear demonstration of a plain and unembarrassed question—so clear as to render further discussion supererogatory !" There is still another acknowled ged master in the Free-trade school , to whom it is nesessary that I should refer . He had carefully studied " Tbe Wealth of Nations , " and having traced the principles of Free Trade from their native place , the sellishnesa of man , and having a more astute mind than Dr . Adam Smith , he ventured boldly and clearl y to enunciate the natural result of the free and irresponsible principle , and feared not to work it out to its inevitable result . The Rev . T . R . Malthus states - :

      " The only authors irom whom I have deduced the principle which formed the main argument of the essay were Hume , Wallace , Adam Smith , and Dr . Price ; and my object was to apply it , to try the truth of those speculations on the ' perfectibility of tnan and society which at that time excited a considerable portion of the public attention . " I say , then , Sir , when the Itev . T , R . Malthus , the bright luminary of the nineteenth century , discovered this naked avowal of an unnatural and anti-Christian dogma , ho no longer parlied with Nature or Christianity ; but , perceiving that " Smith ' s loose hypothesis" could only be established on an unnatural and unchristian assumption , lie proceeds to describe of whom " the society" to lie benefited by the Free principle consists . lie plain ) v announces that the poor , or the labourers , do not form part of that " society , " save when the wealthy may happen to require their services .

      Fallacies Of Free Tradf. [Under The Abov...

      Hence , " emigration and no right for the poor to Hye" have been received by our " liberal and onlightened" philosophic statesmen as established political truths ! , l . . Wc are told , by high authority , that we must judge of a tree by its fruit . The fruit of the Free principle of actions is proved to be , banishment or death ! Have I placed the Rev . T . R . Malthus in too honourable a niche in the temple of our new ' philosophers ? " Let the great " schoolmaster" ot those philosophere" apeak . Lord Brougham thus described the Rev . T . R . Malthus to the wondering Lords : —

      May I step aside for one moment , and do justice to a most learned , a most able , and most virtuous individual , whose name has been mixed up with more unwitting deception , and also with more wilful misrepresentation , than that of any man of science in this Protestant country , and in these liberal and enlightened times . When I mention talent , learning , humanity , tbe strongest sense of public duty , tbe most amiable feelings in privutG life , the tenderest and most humane disposition wh ' ch ever man was adorned with—when 1 speak of one , the orna . inent of the society in which he moves , the delight of his

      own family , and nvt less the admiration of those men of letters and of science amongst whom he shines the first and brightest — when I speak of one of the most enlightened , learned , and pious ministers whom the Church of England ever numbered amongst her sons—1 am sure every one will apprehend that I cannot but refer to Mr . Malthus . The character of this amiable man has been foully slandered by some who had the excuse of ignorance , and by others , I fear , without any such pallialive , and simply for having made one of the greatest additions to political philosoply which has been i-ffected since that branch of learning has been worthy the name of a

      icience . Again , when Lord Brougham apologised for the ignor ance of those eminent statesmen " who framed the statue ( 43 ) of Elizabeth , " which established by law the right of the poor to live on their native soil , his Lordship said : — They were not adepts to political economy—they were not acquainted with the true principles of populationthey could not foresee that a Malthus would rise to enlighten mankind upon that important , but as yet illunderstood branch of science .

      After this , no one can fay that I have too highly j exalted the Rev . T . R . Malthus . ' lam not about to " misrepresent" or to " slander " the " most learned , most able , and most virtuous Malthus . " I shall permit that" most enlightened , learned , and pious minister of the Church of England" to speak for himself , only expressing my opinion , that it will require all the cunning and sophistry of his clever eulogist to reconcile the principle of the Rev . 'J ' . R . Malthus with the Word of God , or with the books of that Church of which he was a minister . Still , I am bound to acknowledge that the reverend author has honestly developed the principle of Free Trade , and has faithfully described its result , assuming always , that Dr . Adam Smith ' s "loose hypothesis" is correctly described by Mr . Cobden .

      Nothing can be more clear than the fact , that upon tho testimony of those two great masters ( Smith and Malthus ) of the new " science" of "liberal and enlightened political economy , " tbe sole benefit to be derived from the practice of that" science" is for the rich — cheap corn , cheap clothes , cheap dwellings , cheap everything for them ; but nothing for the

      poor . The Rev . T . R . Malthus himself shall describe the share of the poor in a society that submits to be governed by the Free principle . He says , " A man born into a world already possessed , if he cannot get subsistence from his parents , and if society dote not want his labour , has no claim of . right to the smallest poition of food ; and , in fact , has no business to be where he is . At nature ' s mighty feast . there is no vacant cover for him . She tells him to be gone ; and will quickly execute her own orders if he do not work upon the compassion of some of her guests . If those guests get up and make room for him , other intruders will immediately appear , demanding the same favour . "

      Having " got rid" of these troublesome and unbidden guests , the state of society will be exhibited , as blessed by the operation of Free Trade , as propounded by Dr . Adam Smith , and explained by the Rev . T . R . Malthus—the advantage , of all being secured , by the selfishness of those who use their capital for their own benefit ; ergo , the infants , the aged , the maimed , and the " surplus able-bodied labourers , whose services the rich "do not want , " will all " bkgone !" To complete this "beneficent" scheme , to make

      it work with . the least possible suffering to those whom " nature tells to be gonc , " | ( Marcus , supposed to be Lord Brougham , ) has published a pamphlet recommending that infants should be destroyed painlessly on their entrance into life ! Thus crowning the " beneficent '' theory of man's free action withjjjthe crime of infanticide ! The process of " painless extinction" ( the name given ) to child murder by these " philosophers , " ) being considered more humane than the infliction of that suffering which would be entailed on the unbidden " guests " under nature's fiat— " Begone . ' "

      Many persons who profess to be Christians , who support Free" Trade , startle at the conclusions arrived at by a study of that " science" by Malthus and Marcus . It appears to me that these deductions are honestly drawn from the theory which Mr . Cobden has pronounced to be "beneficent" —Dr . Adam Smith ' s theory of Free Trade ! If I err , let ; those who embrace the philosophy of Dr . Adam Smith [ explain , where and how Malthus and Marcus are inconsistent with Smith . Strong confirmation of the correct interpretation of Malthus is turnished by the fact that the " liberal and ^ enlightened" statesmen of the Free Trade school , had avowedly determined to reduce his theory to practice by the New Poor Law , that being , as Earl Fitzwilliara said , " a step to no Poor Law at all . "

      That those " wise men " had resolved to reduce the poor to absolute destitution , is suggested by " the ulterior projects" threatened by Lord Brougham , that determination is proved by the secret instruction given by a "liberal and enlightened " Government , to its officers who were entrusted with the duty of drawing the New Poor Lf . w Bill . Those instructions contained the following murderous recommendations ;—' The commissioners shall have power to reduce allowances , but not to enlarge them . " After some further suggestions , there are the following : —

      " Alter this has been accomplished , orders may be sent forth , directing that after such a date all outdoor relief should be given partly in kind ; after another period , it should be wholly in kind ; after such another period , it should be gradually diminished in quantity , until that mode of relief was exhausted . From the first , the relief should be altered in quality , coarse brown bread being substituted for tine white ; and concurrently with these measures as to the out-door poor , a gradual reduction should be made in the diet of the in-door poor , and strict regulations enforced . " No wonder that the guilty authors of these audacious recommendations dare not avow them in Parliament . The late William Cobbett , M . P ., for Oldham , had caught a glimpse of them . He

      challenged Lord Althorp to deny tlieir existence . The noble lord was silent . When , afterwards , John Walter , Esq ., M . P ., for Nottingham , declared that such secret instructions had been given , Sir James Graham acknowledged that " he had a faint recollection of their existence . " The Duke of Wellington ( who must then have felt ashamed of his connection with the philosophers" ) stoutly denied that such instructions had ever been given . Mr . Walter had , however , obtained possession of a copy of them , and , to his immortal honour , he produced it in the House of Commons , thereby he tore the mask from the " benevolent" countenances of the oppressors of the poor , and paved the way to the repeal of the inhuman enactment founded on the recommendation of that diabolical secret document . Let it never be forgotten that those instructions , and the new Poor

      Law ( as a step to no Poor Lnw ) are /«« t , if the principle of the free action , maintained by Dr . Adam Smith and the Rev . T . II . Malthus , arc founded in truth ! Mr . Cobden truly states " The principles of Free Trade were adopted and openly avowed by the Liverpool Administration . " It is also a fact , that every succeeding Government has been loosening the bonds of Protection—destroying one monopoly after another , until the sole remaining one is that ot wealth . This is called Free Trade . Under its uperation the poor have been promised " a big loaf and better wages . " But what do they find ? Millions starving for want of food , in a land Irom which the daily exports of food are most enormous . Such is t lie result of the free action of capital upon the Irish . " Dear bread and worse wages , " resound from the manufacturing districts .

      Ever since the inoculation of the Liverpool Administration with the princi p les of Free Trade , ( and , he it remembered , the whole period has been one ot peace ) , our laws have tended towards the Free princple of action , until it arrived at its climax last session . Now , if those principles were really wise and " beneficent , " the condition of the labourers and artisans would necessarily have improved during their adoption . Let any one look back to the former period , and compare the condition of the induati'ious classes tlten aud at present , and he will find that " more work for less wages" is the result .

      I he object cf this letter is , to convince those sinccre'friends of the poor , who has unhappily embraced the anti-Christiavn philosphy of the age , that they have mistaken the effects of the free , unrestrained , and unregulated principle of action , and that while they had hoped , by the removal of monopolies , to render the access to- food easier to the . poor , they have re . illy been erect ing a stronger barrier between food and labour , by eu / JSuraging the great monopoly of wealth . These good i uen have found that '' There is a way that , seaneih rigl . ' - t unto a man , but the end thereof arc the wates of o ' eath . "

      It is absurd to suppose th ifc any member of a civilised society should give up'his right to life an i liberty . 1 maintain that the whole people have a

      Fallacies Of Free Tradf. [Under The Abov...

      ight to life and liberty in the land of their birth , and that , ' while able and willing to labour , that they have a right to be supported by their labour in that land , and that , if unable , either from infancy , age , or infirmity , of obtaining employment , thev have still a right to support , and that , in their native lawl , I maintain also . that rich and poor have a right to perpetuate their race m tha t land . I recognise no claim in land or property of any kind , anterior to those inalienable rights of every man . If tbe rich claim more , when every man in the society is not protected ^ ( I do love that word ) in the enjoyment of the indefeasible rights I have named , their claim is unjust . I have well weighed this matter . If I am not correct , I call upon Mr . Cobden , Sir Robert Peel , or the Bishop of'Oxford to prove the contrary .

      That statesman would not permit tbe food of man to be drained from a country that is declared to be in a state of famine ; nor clothing to be exported where the people are in rags , fle would no longer permit the sacrifice , by overworking , of hundreds of thousands of the industrious inhabitants of this nation to the cravings of the covetous and wealthy . He would restore to the domestic hearth of the labovivev and avtisan—the wife ' , and thus SfiCUvG the required comfort of his home . He would find their properplace in society for the improvements in

      science and machinery , making them the helpmates of labour , not its competitors , He would at once rcstere the right of all , by law , to life and liberty . The statesman we want would know how to increase the wealth of the nation by making that wealth mscful to all . In fine , he would regulate all his measures by that infallible rule of right- " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself . " I remain , Sir , Your obedient servant , lllCJMBD OkSTLRR

      P . S . —I am invited to visit Yorkshire , there , once more , to plead the cause of the factory workers . I am told that I shall be expected , on the same errand , to traverse Lancashire and the manufacturing districts of Scotland . I shall rejoice to be en * abled to answer all those calls . I wish that statesman would attend all our meetings . He would then know whether the manufacturing operatives were or were not for a Ten Hours ' Factory Regulation Bill . He would also ascertain if Messrs . Fieldcn and Ferrand , or Messrs . Cobden and Bright , were the true exponents , in the House of Commons , of the condition and feeling of the masses engaged in our busy hives , the factories . Believe me , Sir , he would gain more " useful know , ledge" by attending those meetings , than by the perusal of raanv books . I wish he would attend . R . O .

      The Short Time Question

      THE SHORT TIME QUESTION

      Renewed Agitation For A Diminution Of Th...

      RENEWED AGITATION FOR A DIMINUTION OF THE HOURS OF LABOUR IN FACTORIES .

      GREAT MEETINGS AT HUDDERSFIELD . On Tuesday evening the Short Time Committee for Yorkshire recommenced their [ agitation under the most favourable auspices , hy holding a public meeting in the Philosophical Hall in this town . The room and galleries , which are capable of accommodating two thousand persons , were fully occupied , and not one dissentient voice was heard throughout the entire proceedings . John Fielden , Esq . M . P ., W . B . Ferrand , Esq ., M . P ., and Richard Oastler , the old and tried friends of * the factory operatives , assisted at the meeting . Several clergymen and manufacturers were also present . The Rev , J . Batemas , Vicar of Huddersfield , was called to the chair , and he opened the proceedings by expressing his cordial concurrence with the advocates of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill , as necessary for the physical , intellectual , moral , and religious welfare of-the factory workers .

      Ihe Rev . R . Mankind , of Huddersfield , moved the first resolution , which was—That a reduction in the hours of factory labour is a growing necessity , from the great increase and high perfection of machinery , whose use is to lessen , and not to argument , human labour ; that lo * g hours , though at first not felt to be so great a social evil , are now found to be very injurious both to the person and pucuniary interests of the parties employed . Mr . T . Uvnkyakd , an operative , seconded the resolution , and it was carried unanimously . The next resolution was moved by an operative named Jon . x Hanson , and seconded by another named John Svkes . It was as

      follows—That the recent and present factories regulation acta were forced upon the country in opposition to those proposed by Michael Thomas Sadler and Lord Ashley ; and while the object of these acts , according to their promoters , was to give greater advantage to the employers by relays of children , still even those measures have proved of considerable blessing by the greater equalisation of labour throughout the factories , the prevention of night working , and the opportunities , though small , given to children for instruction and recreation .

      Mr . Oastler then came forward to support the resolution , and his rising was the signal for the most hearty demonstrations of applause , which lasted for several minutes . When the cheering had subsided , Mr . Oastler said—Mr . Chairman and the inhabitants of Huddersfield , I am here again harnessed in the Ten Hour Bill cause , and with the help of God 1 will never again retire from the field until that cause be triumphant . ( Cheers . ) Sir , it is not needful that I should go into argument in Huddersfield to prove the necessity and the justice of that which has been admitted to be just and necessary even by the bitterest opponents of the Ten Hour Bill in Parliament . Mr' Oastler then went on to say that he had been present himself in Parliament . He was under the

      callery during the whole ot the last debate on the Ten Hours' Bill , and whatever arguments he might have thought necessary to use to convince the opponents of the Bill , he had received on that occasion from Mr . Cobden himself and Mr . Bright . ( Cheers . ) Those eentlemen , who were then opposing the Ten Hours' Bill , declared in Parliament , that it was a good and very desirable thing to reduce the hours of labour to ten , only that it ought not to have tho authority of Parliament ; they thought it should be voluntarily adopted between masters and men . He should think himself wasting the time of the meeting , if he went into argument to prove that that was necessary to be done by law which the bitterest opponents of it

      declared should be done without law . They had now to fight the battle of the Ten Hours' Bill in Huddersfield ; and when he saw himself surrounded by so many friends , whom he loved and revered—when he saw two such dear friends present as Ferrand and Fielden —( three hearty cheers were then given for Mr . Ferrand and Mr . Fielden)—when he saw two such friends present—men to whom , under God , he owed the liberty to stand before his countrymen—( cheeis)—two such friends as no king was ever blessed with but himself —( cheers)—when he . stood in suchanassembly . and in the presence of such friends , it would indeed be unlike " the old king , " if his heart were not warmed and his tongue were not loosened . Talk at Huddersfield if you will about an

      amelioration of the condition of the factory workers at Manchester , Bradford , and Leeds—talk of the parks at Manchester ! Who were the persons most ready to subscribe to the promotion of such objects but those factory masters who had been most opposed to a Ten Hours' Bill ? Talk of a society at Bradford for the purpose of providing females in factories with lodging houses ! He wanted to getj them to their mother ' s home . ( Hear . ) Who supports snch projects ? Why those very persons who were once opposed to the Ten Hours' Bill . What did tins prove ? It proved that those parties had a conviction in their minds of what was just , fighting against their selfinterests—against their pockets . The-e parties , he trusted , would yet come out , and , yielding to the kind feelings of their nature , support any measure that would seem to be for the advantage of the factory workers . It would be remembered that the foundation of the Ten Hours' Bill was laid in

      troublous times ; they had had to fight through many battles ; but . thank God , they had come out of them purified , and although the Reform Bill had passed , although tiie Corn Bill had been repealed , and although all the Tories had been extinct but himself —( lauahter)—still they were all right good Ten Hours' Bill men . In allusion to a suggested Eleven Hours , Mr . Oastler asked , was there a single person in that assemby wo would be content with an Eleven Hours' Bill ? " The answer was universal— "No . " This question Mr . Oastler repeated , as he said , to prevent mistake , still the answer was ' JS ' o . " Mr . Oastler , having expressed his regret that there bad been in the House of Commons two aristocratic seceders from the good cause , eulogised the Rev . Mr . Bull for his able and zealous services on behalf of the operative classes ; and concluded by recommending the operatives to be actuated towards their employers and one another by a spirit of godliness and philanthropy .

      The resolution . was then put from the chair , and carried unanimously . The Rev . Mr . Grane , incumbent of Woodhousc , moved—That from our amazing powers of production a still further reduction is found to bo essentially necessary ami this meeting calls fov the adoption of an efficient Ten Hours' Bill ; it having been sufficiently proved that such would be a general advantage both to the employer and the employed ; for the growing intelligence of the age requires that move time be set apart for the moral and religious instruction of the working population than can be afforded by an Eleven Hours' regulation , with which the factory operatives never will be satisfied . Mr . AisMiTAC . K seconded the resolution .

      Mr . Ki : uii . VND having boon requested by the chairman to support the motion , was enthusiastically cheer » d on his rising . Ho said there was a verv convir . eing proof before him that public opinion wasDeeomin unanimous in favour of the Ten Hoins' Bill . On the present occasion past wrongs should be forgott- n , but , nevertheless , firmness , should bodisplavcd . Thev s ' . ould tell their masters that the operatives mus

      Renewed Agitation For A Diminution Of Th...

      have the Ten Hours' Bill . Parliament should be tnU that the toiling millions of this courtry who had be neglected by the Legislature for half a century » oiiM not be satisfied unless this right were conceded Whilst the manufacturers had grown more rich th « operatives had become more poor ; whilst the former could not count their wealth , the latter could not enumerate their miseries . The continuance of snob astate of things was disgraceful to a christian country ( Cheers . ) He was glad to find the clergy present on this occasion . He hoped the Bishops in the fiousg of Lords would take up this question . If they ne . ejected to do their duty in that house , they had no business there . He had been down in the manufac . turing districts during the Easter recess of 1 S 44 and he happened to give offence to members of Parlia . ment , high in authority , because his arguments wem brought home to them . He should uso the same ar guments to-night . Suppose , for instance , the Ilonol

      ot commons could lor one week be converted into a factory , and that the members who now dine on hot rump steaks at the Carlton or Reform Club , who had comfortable homes , faithful wives , and affection * t i nat s it , lad . He woud begin then with tha Bill ilte t ^« W » W «» Wflofi ? WlIp ulwX' M begI " With Slr R 0 bCrt Peel » who e whole wealth was extracted from the sinewl m »» «« i ' m" * HCOple of England-trora a bjd y of men now laid in the grave . And where were their S , n ant 8 ? ^ . re thcy , cnJ ° yinS the comforts which they ought to have derived from the honest industry ot their fathers ? Ne ; they were reduced to beggary—they were a fearful monument of the curse which manufactures had brought on tl . i « noni »„

      „ during the last halt century . Supposing that Sir Robert Peel had to lie upon a sleepless bed , lest his wife and children shuuld sleep during the hour which should summon them to work—suppose ho should sav to himself , "If my wife and children are too late at the factory , my scanty wages will not be sufficient for our wants , I must therefore keep a careful watch " He dare not sleep himself for his wife and children are constantly starting and asking "Is it time ?" That ' s the point . ( Cheers . ) They are reduced tosuch poverty that his clock has long been sent to the pawn shop . He therefore cannot tell the hour . At midnight the light of the moon bursts through a broken windows , and he fears it is time . He summonses his family to the work . He sees his wife and children go forth in rags amidst the pelting

      storm . They arrive at the mill . They find the gates , locked . They stand shivering there perhaps for half an hour . The clock strikes two . They are before their time . A number ot others congregate in the same place , who have also mistook the hour They stand trembling and shivering till the clock ' strikes three , four , and five , and the next time it beats the hour the mill-doors are opened . He ( Mr . Ferrand } was prepared to prove that that was not a nurelr imaginative case , hut one of frequent occurrenep ( Hear , hear , " "It is" ) Was not tL a SH £ of society ? Let Members of Parliament then take

      that case home to themselves . If they only witnetted f one month what he had witnessed for o < j years , they would not oppose the Ten Hours' Bill . ( Hear . ) He did not hesitate to say that the factory workers were no better than slaves . ( Hear . ) Mr Ferrand concluded by observing , that if the Bill did not pass next ; session , he would develop a consti tutional plan by which the operatives would obtain redress in defiance of nil opposition . Mr . Ferrand resumed his seat amid loud cheers . The resolution was agreed to . Mr . Josepu Bell then moved t—

      lhat a petition to both Houses of Parliament , founded on the foregoing resolutions , be prepare j , a « d signed by the chairman on behalf of this meeting ; and that it be reeommended to the workers in each factory to send a petition on their own behalf . Mr . Henry IIctto . v seconded the motion . Mr . Bibbv , in supporting the resolution , handed in a subscription of ' £ l 6 d . from a few hands in the employ of Mr . J . Scholefield , of Rastrick , in aid of the short-time movement . Mr . W . Sparb then moved—That the thanks of this meeting are e ^ inently due to Richard Oastler for his original advocacy of this question , and for his constant and undeviating support of the factory child ' s cause ; and also to Lord Ashley and John Fielden , for their several efforts in Parliament to obtain tbe measure that justice so sternly demands ; and generally to those Members of Parliament who have listened to the voice of humanity , and supported the Ten Hour *' Bill .

      Mr . Jons Leach , of Huddersfield , seconded the motion , and it was carried unanimouslv . Mr . Fielde . v , M . P ., who was loudly called for , then came forward at the request ot the chairman , and after the applause with which he was received had subsided , he addressed the meeting at consider . able length . He said he was now quite satisfied that they were as much resolved as ever they were to persevere in their efforts for a Ten Hours' Bill—that they would not be persuaded by those who advocated eleven hours to give up ten , but that they would stand firm for that for which they had been contending for years , and that they would send forth their supplications and their prayers to Parliament until it passed a Ten Hours' Bill . { "We will have it , " ) They had many opponents both in and out of

      Parliament . ( Hear , hear . ) He saw from some of the newspapers that Dr . Bowring had been visiting his constituents at Bolton ; and whilst there he had been called to question about his conduct on the Tea Hours' Bill in the last session , when he voted against the measure . Not being able to escape from the questioning , he said that he wished the employer and employed to be as free as the air they breathed . A very proper and just sentiment ; but the employer and employed manufacturers were not on an equality . ( Hear , hear . ) The manufacturing operatives bad been described as slaves . ( Cries of " We are . " ) Yes , they were slaves of steam , of water , of machinery , and of the proprietors of them . ( Hear , hear . ) The factory workers had not power to regulate their hours of labour . ( ' We have not . " ) He would

      rather see a voluntary arrangement made between masters and men as to labour , if such an arrangement could be fairly carried out , but he did not see it possible . Mr . Fielden next cautioned the advo . catesofa Ten Hours'Bill against being seduced to give their sanction to one for eleven hours ; and said that he could hardly believe that his friend , Mr . Hindley , who had always voted for a Ten Hours ' Bill , was , as was rumoured , trying to get the men of Lancashire tn go for an eleven hours' one . Eleven hours was too long for children to be employed ; and if the hours of factory labourers were to be reduced to ten , he felt persuaded that , if thev altered to

      eleven , there would then be nioredifh ' culty in getting ten than with the present hours . ( Hear , hear . ) Therefore he was decidedly against anv attempt to obtain anything less than ten hours . From the way in which the measure had been treated on two previous occasions by the Legislature , if the people still made manifestations , and those manifestations were peaceable decorous , and united , he had ho doubt , a Ten Hours' Bill would be carried in the next session of Parliament . ( Loud cheers . ) The lion , member went on to notice several of the objections which had been brought against the Ten Hours' Bill , which he ably refuted and resumed his seat amidst great

      cheering . Mr . Oastler also returned thanks , and in vpry feeling terms alluded to his former connexion with Huddersfield , and his long avowed determination not to cease in his labours for the amelioration of the factory workers until the enactment of a Ten Hours ' A vote of thanks having been given to the chairo'To ' ck meefans se P arated «* * quarter past eleven

      Power Oi-Steam. -- *'It Is Statue .'!" S...

      Power oi-Steam . -- *' It is statue . ' ! " said anIrishman ; ' by the saintly St , Patrick but it ' s a mighty great thing , entirely , for driving things-it put ™ S " » , 7 ^ tes in aday-divi l a wo .-d . of a lie in !« i *! lM States . "' exclaimed a dozen in astonishment 'Yes , nine ofthem , bejabers , as aisy as acat ' udI lick her ear . D ' ye see , now- I got married inJSew York in the mornin' , and wint t-id mywife Liddy to Baltimore the same day-hould your wisht now a „ d count the States . There was the state of matrimony , which I entered from a single state , in a sober state in the State of New York , and I w . nt through New Jarsy , Pensylvane , and Dilaware , into Maryland , where I arrived in a state of

      Possessions of tue various Powers on the j Sorth Americas Contiskst . —A statistical writer m one of ot theiSew York ) journals gives a Statement of the companitivrjincrease of territory of England and the Lmled States ou this continent The recent additions to the latter extend its boundary on the west coast from the forty-second to the thirtysecond para lei of north latitude , sweeping into the union ,. 02 , 238 , 100 acres . The reduction of the territory ot the Limed Mates by the cession of the Oregon treaty , adds to the British possession 32 , 000 . 000 ot acres , and the possessions of the various powers on tiie Aorth American continent are shown in the following table : —

      t , . Miles l 0 , Acres J ^ S'an 7511 , 000 ... -iSO . OOO . OOO £ . tlsl » 2 , 850 , 000 ... ! , $ ?•{ . 000 , 000 LmtedStates ... 2 , ( 13-1 . 74-1 ... 1 , 878 . 236 , 1 GO Mexican 005 , 350 ... . ^ l . SOS . S 10 Central America 180 , 000 ... 119 , 040 , 000 By the conquest of i \ ew Mexico and Santa Fo there has been added to this union a population estimated at 300 , 000 souls , mostly Indians . A Great Fact . —At a recent meeting to establish a Juvenile Refuge in Manchester , the Archbishop « f Dublin said , they could educate fifty child ) en at the same cost that they could keep one soldier . Govexor op Bomray . —On Wednesday a Court of Directors was held at the East Imla House , when George HussellClarke , Esq ., was unanimously aypointed Governor of the [' residency of Bombay . Ali .-11 ai . luws Fair . —This old established and in : «

      portant market was iiek-l on Tuesday , at the nana place , about a mile west from Edinburgh . Tli « supply of beasts brought forward amounted to 744 ' ' i being about 2000 more than at last year ' s market *

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 14, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_14111846/page/6/