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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th June 1850, Edition 2 of 3, Page 5, THE PRUSSIAN REFUGEES. TO TUB EDITOR OF ...

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      The Price Op A Perjured Prince. Sir Robe...

      " "Tygxed all old countries . The Socialists rt Conunnnists of France have no right to ** L those who are opposed to them in princij ^ compnlsorily to adopt their creed , or live -Hlerthe social arrangements they propose . -r t they have the right to ask from the State , ht as i ° s ^ ey ° ^ y *^ lawa Shading n aW citizen ^ * state " * return 8 ^ -- ' f-2 j them equal protection , facilities and SILy to cany into practice those economical i moral views which they sincerel y believe tobe be 3 t calculated to promote the general Had the President of the French Republic ^ T r « ed aU countries . ^ The Socialists

      -assessed sufficient common sense to have com-¦ ^ ended this plain and important principle J * hepossessed sufficient courage and manliness * ° * iave ma ^ ^ ^ g roan ^ - c 0 I" a Aonsistent and impartial administrative policy 5 : i < rht have become as great in history for jus peaceful and beneficial achievements as IjU famous predecessor , and the spontaneous -Section of a prosperous , free , and happy ueo ple would have ensured the permanency of fe tenure of office . Suppose that the efforts of the Socialists , or Communists , had failed jo realise their expectations , the blame would

      cot have been attached to him . The parties ^ atra ^ ed in these social experiments would Jusre convinced themselves , in the only practicable and irrefutable way , of the fallacy of their theories ; and if they be indeed impracticable , all classes would have been the better for the lesson . Those who opposed the new social theories , would have no longer had to contend with a p hantom . The masses \ ponId no longer have been attracted by a chimera . In any case , the President—who gave a fair chanceto the masses of trying , in peace and in order , the realisation of their opinions —would have received in return their

      gratitude and attachment to an impartial and constitutional ruler . Bat , on the other hand , suppose that the principles and the elaborate c alculations embodied in Louis Napoleon ' s own pamphlet , "The Extinction of Pauperism , " had proved correct , npon being fairly and adequately tried—suppose that the Prince-President , in the Elysee , bad acted npon the con victions of the Prince-prisoner in Ham

      Castle—suppose that , instead of banding himself with those whoseobjectit isto keep the toiling masses ever at the bottom ofthe social scale , he had given the weight of his name and influence to Voluntary Joint-Stock Companies , for the purpose of combining agriculture , manufactures , and handicrafts , in harmonious proportions , and npon just and rational principles : —what would have been the result ? He would have conferred—not npon

      France alone , but npon the world—the greatest boon ever conferred by any individual , at any period of the world's history . Labour , Capital , and Machinery , reconciled to each other , and properly directed under the great law of human brotherhood , would have laid the foundation of a new and superior social system , and the ruler , under whose auspices it was inaugurated , would have eclipsed in history the renown of the First Napoleon .

      "Whether the new Social theories failed or succeeded he would have been safe ; as it is , he has lost the esteem or support ofthe people , and , for a mess of pottage , he has sold himself to a clique of intriguers for other pretenders to power , who but wait a fitting time and opportunity to hurl him into that obscurity from which he emerged two years ago in despite of them , to fill an office for which his conduct proves him to be totally incapable , either as respect tiie qualities of head or heart . Yes' " a tnare is only a fool with a

      circumbendibus . " With the most magnificent opportunities ever vouchsafed to human being , of achieving the highest and most lasting distinctions and honours , Louis Napoleon has chosen to shut his eyes ou all the experience ofthe past—to , repeat in a worse form , all the errors and political crimes of the Bourbons and Orleans families , down even to the beggarly Itotarion Bills , which rendered Lonis Philippe ntterly contemptible , and powerfully contributed to his fall and expulsion from France . The ultimate result is not doubtful .

      History abounds with emphatic and pregnant examples of the fate of such men . Nemesis ever tracks the steps of those who , recreant to their own professions , violate the great principles of justice . Louis Napoleon is doomed to fall

      " Unwept , mnhonoured , and unsung ; except , it may be , by those who desire to make his wretched career point " a moral , and adorn » tale . " From the divisions in the various bureaux , the general opposition evinced by all parties in the Assembly , and the known opinions of the parties appointed to report on the Dotation Bill , it is not very improbable that it will be rejected , so that the perjured President will , in that case , lose even the pecuniary reward for his treason .

      ""Tygxed All Old Countries. The Socialis...

      ! sj ! SEl 5 ' - - THE KORmm * STAR , old , i ' r " ' ' ... , ¦ ....,.. .. ¦; _ - &

      Legislative Honour. An Attempt On The Pa...

      LEGISLATIVE HONOUR . An attempt on the part of the Mill-owners to legalise tiie system of relays , has been signally defeated in the Commons , notwithstanding the fanatical support of Mr . Bright , and his coarse denunciation of all who think that he , and his class , should not be allowed unlimited power over the unfortunate labourers , whom noverty p laces under their control .

      The House , however , while it shrunk from so glaring a breach of faith , compensated itself by carrying—with great unanimity—the compromise clause , which adds half an hour a day to the time fixed by the Act of 1847 . Lord Ashley ' s desertion of his clients has been , so far , followed by evil results ; it is to be feared worse are behind . His past experience of the "Whigs ought to have convinced him that they are insincere , evasive , and dishonourable ,

      whenever their personal or party purposes are to be subserved ; and , in accepting the compromise , he ought at least to have stipulated that the compromise applied to all Factory Mowers , without exception . If it does not do so , the only valuable portion of the compromise , namely , that which recognizes the principle of a restriction on the moving power , is lost Lord Ashley neglected to make this distinct stipulation , and Sir George Grey took advantage of that neglect , to exclude " children" from the operation of the Act . They

      may be worked at different periods ofthe day , and , practically , will be subject to the same inconvenience and suffering that the Acts of 184 i and 1847 were designed to remove . With real or assumed simplicity , Lord Ashley add he presumed that the omission of children vas merely accidental , and , therefore , his "Ri ght Hon . Friend" would have no objection to his motion , that the omission be rectified . " His Eig ht Hon . Triend * * thereupon told him , that so far from being accidental it was intentional , and that he was not

      prepared to place children on the same footing « " women and young persons "—they may ne worked at what hours the mill-owner pleases . It was in vain Lord Ashley pointed out that this nullified the measure ; that in the - ^ manufacturing districts , of both . Lancashire and Yorkshire , where the children lived at a distance from the mills , they would have to walk miles on a winter morning before dayli ght , and after darkness had fallen at

      ri ght . Sir George was inexorable . He had frapped , * the timid and wavering Kepresentative ofthe Factory Operatives into the acceptance ° f a compromise favourable to the masters ; * - » at compromise had been carried in consequence of its adoption by Lord Ashley . The -Snschief was done , and he cared not for objurgation or complaint , so long as the " Manchester School" at Ms back , could be oo- -fcnea to continue their support to a feeble » d rickety adnnmstration . LoidAahl ^ on " -fog defeated , said he considered himself

      Legislative Honour. An Attempt On The Pa...

      absolved from any further observance of a compromise which had thus been essentially violated ; but we fear this tardy repudiation and repentance comes too late to be of any avail . He has played into the hands of an nnpnncipled and heartless Ministry , and given up to an unscrupulous , selfish , and grasping clique of profitmongers , the great principle , which , for the last quarter ot a century at least , has been so nobly so energeticall y , and so consistentl y contended for by the factory operatives and their real friends . They are beaten because they have been deserted and betrayed and we fearthat ahsolved _ from run fiiil ! 1

      , the want of determination and of moral courage which Lord Ashley has so often displayed at critical moments on this question , will , under present circumstances , lead to the passmg of a measure which throws the whole question back for at least ten years ; the whole work will have to be done over again , unless Lord John Manners and the honourable and honest members of the House , succeed in throwing the disgraceful evasion of justice and good faith—concocted by Sir George Grey and his profitmongering allies—overboard . In that case we may obtain a real Ten Hours Bill next session .

      There is one other alternative which we suggestfor the immediate consideration ofthe Short Time Committees and the Delegates now in London . Should the Commons decide on passing the Bill in its present shape , they might commence a vigorous canvass among the Peers , with the view of inserting the clause prepared by Mr . Butt , and which has been declared by lawyers of eminence to be sufficient for all the purposes of a bona fide Ten Hours Act . As one branch of the Legislature , the Lords ' are as deeply pledged to maintain good faith with the operatives as the Commons , and they are to a great extent , exempt from the warping influences , which in the Lower House obscure and blunt the perceptions of many " honourable members . "

      No one will accuse the Lords of sympathising too warml y with the "Manchester School " and its clique of selfish law breakers . Lord Lansdowne is , we believe , too honourable a man willingly to lend himself for the promotion of such palpably sordid objects as the dishonest section of the mill-owners have in view , while Lord Stanley is far too high-spirited to stoop to the dishonour of being their instrument to violate Parliamentary good faith . If this hint be forthwith acted upon , and the Peers

      insert the clause—which would effectually carry out the original intentions of the Legislature in 1847—the House of Commons would , in that case , be compelled either to accept the Bill so amended , or to throw it out for the Session ; in which case the Ten Hoar party would re-enter the field with the advantage of having one Chamber of the Legislature avowedly with them , and a substantial and indisputable claim on the honour and good faith of the other .

      "A word to the wise is enough . " Timely and earnest exertions may yet prevent the timidity and false policy of Lord Ashley , and the disingenuous , unprincipled shuffling and duplicity of Sir George Grey , from robbing the factory operatives of their undoubted right—a genuine , substantial , and implacable Ten Hours Act .

      Parliamentary Review. "With The Hot Weat...

      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . "With the hot weather and the long days , the hard work , and the protracted sittings of both Houses usually commence . The House of Lords , which , with one or two exceptions , has not sat above an boor in three or four days in the week , ever since February , engaged , even during that time , in talking aimless twaddle , has now commenced its ordinary Midsummer labours , and sits usually till one or two o'clock in the morning . This is

      the consequence of the practice of originating the majority of measures in the Commons , where they linger for months in the early part ofthe session ; and when thrown npon the Lords in shoals at a late period , they are either compelled to work " double tides , '' or to cast them aside for the year . With the exception of money bills , which cannot be constitutionally introduced in the House of Peers ,

      there is no necessity for this practice ; and it would not only conduce materially to the convenience of both Chambers , but to the production of well considered Acts of Parliament , if the Administration were to provide both with a fair and equitably divided proportion of work from the beginning of the session . In many respects , the House of Lords is better fitted for the initiatory stages of Legislation than the House of Commons . Its members

      have more leisure ; and most of those who take an active part in its proceedings , have received that practical aud judicial training which is so valuable in imparting explicitness to the verbal enactments of a bill , as well as providing for the due coherence and consistency of its provisions as a whole . The more active and popular branch of the Legislature is lamentably defective in these respects . The host of Bills which are each year introduced , and withdrawn in order to be re-introduced m an amended and altered

      form—the number of Acts passed each session to alter , amend , and explain Acts passed in former sessions—and again to alter , amend , and explain former explanatory Acts—proves , to demonstration , that in this department great improvements may be made , and are imperatively required . Lord Stanley , two or three years since , tried his hand upon the subject , and introduced a Bill , which , though detective , was admitted to be useful ; but , somehow or other the matter dropped , and we have not heard of it since .

      While the Lords are thus occupied m making up for their previous idleness , the . Commons sit night and day to compensate for their incurable habit of dawdling over their work in the early period of the session ; and the result of this high-pressure action of the Legislative machine , is to scamper over such an amount and variety of work in a week , that it is difficult to keep pace with it in the way of comment .

      The Bill for Extending the Franchise in Ireland encountered a warm opposition from Lord Stanley and the Tories , on the second reading , though they did not think it prudent to divide on the principle . Their policy , it would appeal , is to damage and mutilate it in committee ; and , from the course taken by Earl St . Germains on the matter , it would appear as though the Peelite and Tory sections ol the House will coalesce for the purposeof raising the franchise to £ 12 , instead of £ 8 , and of making other alterations which will effectually destroy whatever little there is in

      the Bill that is valuable , in a popular sense . Lord Stanley ' s tone in opposing it was bitterly hostile , and—as far as regarded the people of Ireland—absolutely insulting . He said the measure proposed " to abandon the elements of substantiality , and make up for the deficiency of quality of materials by increasing the quantity of rubbish . '' Of course Irishmen who lire in £ 8 houses will remember this complimentary designation , while the excluded masses in this country need be at no loss as to the estimation in which the impetuous Rupert of the Tory forces holds them . He emphatically warned his compeers , that

      If a hundred representatives , elected by such a constituency , were to be introduced into the House of Com- ' mons . it would not be long before « the poisoned chalice would be commended to our own lips . ' . ( Hear , hear . ) The bad materials infused into the composiUon of the House of Commons would not be satisfied till they baa extended rfin farther the same pr inciple into the composition of rt ? EnS poraor ( he ^ hear ) ; and the . lowest demo-^! rtral taflSon would gradually , and certainly , andra-S ^ dSe the coasWon of this country . ( Hear ,

      hear . ) , . The ready responses to these warnings provehow much the aristocracyof this country are afraid of « w growing power ofthe people ,

      Parliamentary Review. "With The Hot Weat...

      and their firm determination ; to resist , as far as they can or dare , any larger infusion ofthe democratic element into our institutions . That they should feel this alarm at the prospect of * "the Constitution of this country being undermined , '' which confers upon them rank , station , wealth , influence , and supreme rule over the masses , is not to be wondered at . That the excluded millions , who are thus openly defied , and told that the object and intention of the British Constitution is to make and keep them political " rubbish" should be

      , as determined to win for themselves political emancipation and equality , is equally natural . Which of the parties engaged in this great contest will eventuall y conquer ? Lord Stanley mi ght answer the question from his own official and political experience . The determination of his order to resist all progressive extension of political rights to the people has been beaten in eveiy instance where the latter were fairly organised . Is it likely , that with increased -knowledge and augmented

      powers , they will ultimately bepreventedfrom achieving the object they aim at—that of political equality ? Lord Stanley and the Tories know better . They may retard , but they cannot prevent that consummation . It is merel y a question of time ; and the time does not depend so much upon either Lords or Commons as upon the people themselves . When they have made their minds np on the subject the rest will follow .

      Incidental to the question of the Franchise the social aspect of matters in Ireland has been the theme of discussion in both Houses . Now that the panic produced by the famime and the pestilence has passed away , the landlords are for flinging overboard the laws which , in the extremity of their distress , they were compelled to submit to , and which bind them to treat the wretched people with something like humanity . The Poor Law , and other enactments connected with the disposal of Encumbered Estates , are violently attacked

      m both Houses . The landlords have got our eight or ten millions , and they now wish to shuffle out of the terms on which they were permitted to squander that money , and to be allowed in future to govern Ireland after the old fashion of landlordism . Not content with having driven by their execrable system nearl y one eighth ofthe population to foreign shores , in search of the subsistence denied them in their native land , the wholesale appropriatora of the soil seem to be bent upon a war of

      extermination ; and in the prosecution of their design to re-establish the supremacy of their class with all its consequent oppression , injustice , tyranny and horrors , they talk in Parliament treason as glaring as the valiant Protectionists at the Crown and Anchor , under the Presidency of the Duke of Richmond . If the Irish landlords were Irish De ^ mocrats or Irish tenants , would not the Whigs assert the dignity of the law ? But they are landlords and aristocrats , and therefore Justice becomes deaf as well as blind 2

      The Australian Colonies Bill has also formed the topic of lengthened debates in the Upper Chamber ; but , notwithstanding considerable and powerful opposition it has so far escaped unmutilated . Ministers have held their own , and Earl Grey has not yet to mourn over any damage to his last Legislative bantling . That it will give general dissatisfaction to the colonies for which it is intended is now certain . The Colonial Secretary , retire when he may , will leave office with the reputation of having bungled everything he put his hand to as a Minister ,

      Much of the time of the Commons has been occupied with the Metropolitan Interments Bill . The Members for the metropolitan district have , with one or two exceptions , given it a strenuous opposition , which hitherto has been without effect . Almost all the essential positions of the measure have been crossed in committee , and there fe now every prospect of its passing Parliament nearly in the shape it wa 9 introduced . Many of its provisions are of so unusual a character in our Legislation , and the whole measure is one of so important a nature , that we shall take advantage of its future stages to devote a separate article to its consideration .

      In the course ofthe week , the Premier made two announcements of importance . The oue was , that the Great Seal has been put into commission for a short time , avowedly to enable the Government to prepare a measure for separating the judicial from the political functions of the Lord Chancellor—the other , that the Sabbatarians are to have their own way , and that the Queen has been advised to give the fullest effect to the address carried on that subject by Lord Ashley . We have a suspicion that concession on this latter point is

      designed to arouse the country to resistance to the encroachments of tbelocusts upon civil and social freedom , by giving the community at large a practical illustration of the inconveniences and injuries which the Judaical system would impose upon all classes . The great merchants of London , when they originated or patronised a movement which gave them an advantage over their provincial competitors , did not contemplate the turning of the tables upon themselves , as we hope they will be by a strict compliance with Lord Ashley ' s motion .

      If it be sinful to collect or sort letters on a Sunday , it must , of course , be equally sinful to transmit them by rail or otherwise . In the case of a mail arriving at Liverpool or Southampton on a Saturday night , after the mail train has left for London , the letters brought by such mails will have to be detained until Sunday night , or , strictly speaking , until Monday morning—no matter how important their contents may be to the money dealers of Lombard-street , the brokers of Fincing-lane , the corn speculators in Mark-lane , or the

      jobbers on Change . We suspect these extra pious gentlemen did not bargain for such a result as this . They wanted , under the guise of reverence for the Sabbath , to retain a privilege which must have been most valuable to them —namely , priority of commercial information on the Monday morning , at the expense of the provincial trading community . If Lord John rigorously enforces the policy of the Judaical Pharisees , there is hope that the country at large will be roused to such a pitch of indignation as will put them down summarily and effectually .

      . Another long debate on the ignorance , mismanagement , wastfulness , and folly , exhibited since the commencement of the new Houses of Parliament , ended in apologies and confessions , and promises to look after matters in future , which can only have the effect of shutting the stable door when the steed has been stolen . Every day ' s experience of the New House of Commons , proves that it is utterly and irremediably unfit for the purposes for which it was constructed . In fact , it

      would seem that the study of the architect , and all concerned , has been wilfully and deliberately to run counter to all that experience , practice , science , and common sense have combined to establish as precedents in such ases . They have literally " done what they ought not to have done , and left undone that which they ought to have done , " and the only thing they can now do is to pull down a considerable portion of the building attached to and it

      the Commons House , commence , as were , de novo . At present , members sit in a species of square well , in which the voice is so dispersed that those who are a few yards distant from the speaker cannot hear a word ; and if , as was pathetically remarked by Lord Dudley Stuart , they obey the cry , " speak up , " it makes the matter worse , aa the voice is then drowned by the echo . A committee is promised to see what can be made of this

      Parliamentary Review. "With The Hot Weat...

      ? ft ri Btone and mortar - and an ° t her is taJKeaor , to see what can be done with its eoanter . part . in Trafalgar-square / which seems to nave been erected for the express purpose ot hiding and destroying—not exhibiting and preserving the national pictures . ' . By a combination of Irish and Scotch members , advantage was taken of the usual dinner hour to set aside an elaborate arrangement respecting the duty on home made spirits . Cur readers are aware that three different duties are levied in Ireland , Scotland , and

      England , upon spirits , and that all home made spirits are charged with duty at the mouth of thVwonn . This has been , on various occasions , complained of as being unjust ; a the demand made , that ah allowance should be made for leakage , evaporation , and waste , so that the distiller or retailer should be only charged for the quantity actuall y Drought into the market , Sir Charles Wood asserts , that he made airangements which compensated for the loss under these hands ; but , as we have said , the Irish and Scotch members took him b y surprise ; and though he spoke against time in order to allow " a House" to be whipped , they succeeded in driving him to a divisionin which he was

      , defeated . "Will the Government accede as readily to the resolution on this point as they did to the resolution for restriction on the Sunday ? We suspect not . It involves the loss of revenue , and the religion of our rulers is aptl y typified by the story of the beggar and the parson . The beggar commenced b y asking a shilling to relieve his destitution , and gradually abated his request till it came down to a half-penny , without receiving anything but a stern denial . At last he asked for . the blessing of the holy man . "With pleasure , " was the reply . "Ah then , " said the beggar " I won't have it ; if it had been worth a halfpenny you would not have parted withit . " r

      National Association Of United Trades. E...

      NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES . Established 1845 , . . T . S . Dukcombk , Est } ., President . ' If it were possible for the working classes , by combining among themselves , to raise or keep the general rate of wages , it need hardly be said that this would be a thing not to be punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced at . ' StuAST Mill .

      During the past week the Central Committee have been engaged in preparations for the ensuing campaign , when they will endeavour to give the Trades an opportunity of electing between a long continuance in their present isolated , and , therefore , necessarily exposed and unprotected position , to that to which they are invited , whose unity of action and' combination of power and resources would enable them to effect what Stuart Mill—no mean authority—pronounces a thing " to be welcomed and rejoiced at , " that is , to " raise or keep up the general rate of wages . "

      Nothing , perhaps , would contribute so much to the general prosperity as would this power in the bands' of the working classes , judiciously , and temperately exercised . A steady and remunerative rate of wages enforced by the determined and united action of the better paid trades , in the first instance , would soon be felt through every department of industry , by the constantly increasing demand it

      would occasion for all descriptions of home manufacture . This improved home trade would again in its turn , re-act upon those very trades whose unity and . spirit put this industrial reform in motion . The whole army of Industry , and , in addition , that large and important class who live by the exchange or distribution of the manufactured wealth of Great Britain—would feel the instant effect of this constitutional and beneficial combination . The

      gaols and workhouses , would gradually give back to society a great portion of their present dense and unhappy population . The unpatriotic trade of the Emigration-mongers would receive a salutary check , and the puling sentimentality of many of our suckling Legislators would evaporate from lack of its customary pabulum , and society would begin to resume that cheerful aspect , which was its wont in the days of our forefathers . . '¦' . .

      It is to carry to the trades of this country a knowledge of the means by which so desirable a change can be accomplished—that is the mission of the Executive during the ensuing year . T . S . Duncombe , Esq . —the generoas and patriotic president of this association , from its commencement in 1845—although prevented by his severe and protracted illness from taking an active part in its progress , has , encouraged with the prospects of speedy recovery , renewed his offer of support and patronage to the working classes , in any proper and legal effort to improve their position . He takes precisely the same view now in 1850 , as he did . at the first Conference in 1845—when , in accepting the office of president , he thus addressed the assembled delegates : —

      "One and all admit tlie vast increase that has taken place in the national wealth , while they are compelled also to admit your legitimate tite to . a share of it ; but by some inexplicable deficiency in what may be called the division of legislation , all bare failed to put you in possession of your admitted rignts . If then , as no man can deny , the genius and industry , of our people have given rise to a vast accumulation of national wealth ; and if the principle of professing philantropists be . true , that you are pre-emiently entitled to your share , 1 can characterise this assembly no otherwise than as the new-born genius of England—righteously , peaceably , boldly , and honestly looking for its' sliare

      of the property , that ltselt creates ; while your willingness to submit your , social claims to be arbitrated upon by others , must convince even your traducers , that your demands are so just , that you are indifferent as to the character of the tribunal to whose judgment they shall be submitted . If you see prudence , safety , and success in the course that I' have pointed out—as I never recommend what I am not prepared to attempt , and believing your cause to be just , your motives to be honourable , and your objects desirable — I shall "hold myself in the increased estimation if I can be instrumental , either within or without the walls of . Parliament , in advancing your interests . " ""¦•¦

      It must be confessed , that the trades to whom this eloquent appeal was addressed , have given but a sorry response to this generous offer ; but , at the same time , tho peculiarity of the circumstances which have given to the years lSi'T . and' 1 . 848 snch a bad pre-eminency in the world's'history , will , in a great measure , if not entirely , account for their backwardness in responding to the advice and' invitation of so true a friend to the industrious classes .

      The plans ofthe Central Committee will , in a few days , be matured , and they will then issue an appeal to their fellow working men . They will distribute this appeal through the length and breadth of the land—they will carry it to their workshops and club meetings ; and , at , all events , if they are still determined to remain the same passive or unreasoning slaves to the power of capital on the one hand , and to "their : ¦ own selfish prejudices on the other , it shall , not be because they have not had an opportunity afforded them of making themselves acquainted with the full extent of the grievances , they labour under , and their folly in their patient endurance , but also in being iri 8 tr , uctcd in a simple remedy for those

      grievances ;

      A NATIONAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL COMBINATION OF LABOUR—JFOR LABOUR'S PROTECTION . . , ;! Wm . Peel , Secretary . 259 , To ' ttenham-court-road .

      Another Febmanbnt Cube Op A Nervous Head...

      Another febmanbnt cube op a Nervous Headache and Giddiness c * tob Head by Hoiuwat ' s Pius . — Mr . W , Smith , of . Nov 5 little Thomas-street , Lambeth , suffered for many year with a nervous headache and giddiness in the head , which so prostrated his strength that he had very little hope of recovery . IBs disorders completely baffled the skill of several eminent doctors , who , it appears , mistook bis complaint for an affection of the spine ,-and he got worse under their treatment . In despair , and as a last resource ; be jcommenced taking HoUowny ' s Fills , which have had the «<& ct of restoring Wm to perfect health . ;• . ¦ ••

      Scottish Dem Ocratic Comehesge, A Confer...

      SCOTTISH DEM OCRATIC COMEHESGE , A Conference ef Chartist Delegates from the leading towns orscotland met at Edinburgh , on Monday last , in the Waterloo Rooms , for the purpose of taking into consideration tlie present state of Democracy . The following delegates were present at the Conference , viz .: —Mr . William Lindsey Aberdeen ; Rov . Mr . Ddncanson , Falkirk ; Mr ! William Brown , Glasgow ; Mr . M'Kimm , Paisley ; Mr . Geo . Campbell , from League of Progress , Edinburgh ; Mr . Davis , from Edinburgh Tract Society ; and Messrs . George Bremner anu Richard Burkitt , from the Edinburgh Chartist Association . Mr . Feargus O'Connor , M . P ., was also present , incompliance with an invitation , and took part in all the deliberations ofthe Conference . Mr . Lindsey , Aberdeen , was called to the chair , and Mr . Bremner agreed to act as secretary to the Conference .

      The several delegates having read their instructions , the Conference resolved itaelt into a business committee , for tho purpose of drawing out a programme of business , out of the instructions which iiad been read . It was agreed , without discussion , that the first instruction submitted by tho delegates from the Edinburgh Chartist Association , which referred to the propriety of all true Democrats Riving their strenuous support to the National Charter Association , should be placed first on the programme of business .

      It was also agreed , without discussion , to place on the programme a resolution referring to the raising of iunds , in aid of the operations of the National Charter Association ; and to the propriety of endeavouring to obtain tho abolition of all taxes on knowledge . An interesting discussion then took place on the question whether the following resolution , submitted by tho Edinburgh Chartist Association , should be placed on the programme : — " That it is the opinion ofthe delegates , that any movement or agitation oftho people for any political measure short of the People ' s Charter , should be discountenanced , because it is the enactment of that document only which will place tho people on a real

      footing of equality with eacli other . " Mr . Campbell moved , "That tho resolution be not inserted in the programme . " Ho thought they should give their assistance to every movement calculated to enlighten or elevate the people , though it might not go tho whole length of the Charter . Mr . Davis seconded the motion . Mr . O ' Connor also supported Mr . Campbell ' s motion . He contended that they would . best advance the cause of the Charter by aiding other movements for reform , which stopped short of the Charter After complimenting the people of Scotland on the knowledge they possessed of tlie principles of the Charter , and their ability to advocate those principles , Mr . O'Connor suggested that , as the substance of this resolution was embodied in

      the first , they should , in accordance with Mr . Campbell ' s motion , decline placing it on their programme . Rev . Mr . Duncanson said , if he thought the present resolution was embodied in the first , he should give the first his determined opposition . The time was now fully come when they should entirely remove from their minds all idea of opposing the public mind on any movement whatever ^ that had a tendency to make man better . Nothing had afforded him greater pleasure than to watch the alteration that had taken place within the last three years , in the feelings and sentiments of many Chartists on this point . Ho trusted that , in future , while they steadily supported the Charter , they would also give their hearty support to any movement that tended to-act in the same direction .

      It was agreed that the resolution should not he placed on the programme . The next resolution proposed to be placed on the programme referred to the nationalisation of land . On its being proposed , Mr . O'Connor said there was not a single resolution in the programme which gave him greater pleasure than the one now proposed . lie had always advocated the Charter as the means , and the Land as the end . It was the darling object of his life to see the people put in possession of the

      land . Every operative should understand , that if he does not wish to work upon tho land , there were thousands who were desirous of working upon it ; and , by the removal of these from competition in the labour market , the effect would be greatly to increase the amount of labour to all . They were at present—with twenty-six millions of a population —importing food from all parts of the world , while they , would be able to support a hundred millions , if their own land were properly cultivated ; and , at the same time , they would prove better customers to every branch of trade .

      The resolution was then added to the programme , as were also four others—referring respectively to the more efficient organisation of Land ; the establishment of a Chartist Association in Scotland , to co-operate with the National Charter Association ; the desirability of effecting a recSnciliation with leaders who have differed from each other ; and the propriety of keeping up a correspondence with persons holding similar opinions in foreign countries . All the above resolution were inserted in the programme with the unanimous consent of the delegates , after a short discussion on each topic , and the Conference adjourned at two o ' clock , to meet again at three , for the purpose of disposing of the various matters in the complete programme of business . Afternoon Sitting .

      The Conference met again at three o ' clock—Mr . Lindsey in the chair—and proceeded to take up the first resolution in the programme , which was couched in the following terms— " That this Conference urge upon all professing democrats , acknowledging the justice , utility , and consequently the necessity , of the six points of the Charter being enacted ind becoming the statute law of Great Britain and Ireland , the propriety of enrolling themselves as members of the National Charter Association , and as such , using every legitimate and honourable means within their power to render the exertions ofthe Executive Committee of the above named Association as widely diffused as possible . " Mr . Davis said , that before proceeding to vote upon this resolution , which pledged them to the

      support of the National Charter Association , he wished to know whether that Association would advocate the social as well as the political rights of the people ? By the social rights ofthe people , he referred to those mentioned in his instructions viz ., Nationalisation of Land ; the Extension of Credit to all ; a just and wise system of currency and exchange , together with a sound and comprehensive national secular education . Mr . O'CoNNon said , he had no doubt but that the adoption of the Charter would lead to all the measures referred to by Mr . Davis . He . had great objections , however , to the propounding of certain circumstances as the result of tho Charter , when these might never occur , as it had only the effect of preventing many from joining in the movement who otherwise would have taken an active part in its advancement .

      Mr . Davis said , the social rights to which he had referred , were even more necessary to the people than their political rights , for they were the only power which would enable them to keep the Charter when they had got it . Till these ri g hts were embodied in the propramrae of the Association , he could not join its ranks . Mr . O'Connor admitted the great importance of the social rights insisted upon'by Mr . Davis , and re minded him that when they succeeded in obtaining the Charter they would not be long in gaining all these . If , however , they brought these prominently forward on all occasions , they would only render the principles of the Charter more repugnant to others , and thus retard the cause they meant to advance .

      Mr . Duncanson said there could be no objection to the advocacy on Chartist platforms , of such topics as those alluded to by Mr . Davis ; but their main object should undoubtedly be to obtain the enactment of the People ' s Charter , for by that means only would they be able to sweep out the present House of . Commons , and introduce men who would legislate for the masses and not for the few . It would only be when they effected this change that they could possibly obtain any of the social rights referred to . So long as they were unable materially to alter the House of Commons , they were only beating the air and speaking to bo purpose . Mr . Campbell desired much to see some system of organisation propounded which would be better received by the public , and thought it would bo productive of good , it a new name were given to , their

      organisation . Considerable discussion took place on this remark , all the delegates expressing an opinion decidedly unfavourable to such an idea being entertained , as that of changing the name , by which the Chartist body bad been so long distinguished . Mr . Campbkil ultimately withdrew his suggestion on the subject , and tho Conference unanimously agreed to adopt tho first resolution as given above , with the addition of the following sentence ,, proposed by Mr . Davis : — " That the Conference recommend the Central Executive Committee of the National Charter Association to advocate , along with the political rights of tho people , thoi establishment of their social rights , viz .: nationalisation of land ; tho extension of eredit tp all ; a just and wise system of currency and exchange ; together with a sound and com ^ hensivo system of secular education ' |

      . " . . . , „ . Tho Conference next unanimously adopted the following resolution :- " That with a view to cam out , as far as possible , the suggestions contained m the preceding resolution , it is desirable thatoaoh localit y throughout Scotland should raise a fund , a portion of which to bo transmitted to the Executive committee in London , for . the purpose of publishing tracts on the principles Qlsowtd anopolitv

      Scottish Dem Ocratic Comehesge, A Confer...

      cal economy , tho various localities to share in the distribution of tho-trncts in quantities proportionate to the amount of their subscriptions . And that , with a view to the complete emancipation of the press of this country out of the hands of unprincipled and designing men , the Conference recommends that , wherever practicable , committees should be appointed for the purpose of carrying out whatever may appear to them likely to influence the Legislature towards the abolition of all taxes on knowledge in general , and tho stamped press in particular . " It was then movtd by Mr . Burkitt , that the following resolution should be adopted : — " That labour should be ' organised , even under existing circumstances , u * . on a more efficient basis , which would free the labourer from tho tyranny of capidustry . " blm the profit 8 of h ' 8 own " im BrrE 5 Se . CG ? aed the resolution , and it was unanimously adopted .

      Mr . Dcncasson stated , tha t as he understood , a society already existed under the title of the Fraternal Democratic Society , for the purpose of corresponding with foreigners of similar political sentiments , no would not take up the time of tho Conference by proposing tho resolution on that subject , which he had intended to bring forward . The Conference then unanimously adopted the following resolution : — "That a committee bo now . appointed with the view of forming a Scottish Democratic Association to co-operate with tho National Charter Association . "

      Mr . Duncanson proposed the- next resolution . There had been , he said , a great deal of bitter feeling raised amongst parties who had taken an interest in this movement , on account of certain differences that were alleged to exist . It was highly desirable that they should bring into the movement all the intellectual and moral power that they couid collect ; and with this view , he . would' propose that the Conference endeavour , by every possible means , to effect a reconciliation amongst their leaders , and also to remove , as far as possible , the obstacles to

      the rapid advancement of their principles . Mr . O'Connor thought it was most proper that the delegates should express their opinions on this subject . There was nothing so completely damaging to a cause as the antag & nism of its leaders , ( Hear , hear . ) They should never allow the antagonism of their leaders to interfere with the people ' s rights . He thought there should be a recommendation issued from the Conference to Chartists , that they should no longer tolerate differences between their leaders .

      After some further discussion , it was agreed , oh the suggestion of the Chairman : — " That an address should be issued from the Conference upon this important subj-jct , and widely distributed . " Mr . Duncanson was appointed to draw up the address , and lay a draft before the Conference next day . On the motion of Mr . O'Connor , a vote of thanks was given to the Chairman , and the Conference adjourned about seven o ' clock , to meet next day at twelve , in Buchanan ' s Coffee-house , for the despatch of the remaining business . During the entire proceedings of the Conference there were a number of strangers present , among whom were several ladies ; all of whom appeared to take a deep interest in tho deliberations of the Conference .

      TUESDAY . The Conference met in Mr . Buchanan ' s Cbffeehouse , High-street , this forenoon , at twelve o ' clock . The delegates present were—Mr . M'Kimm , Paisley Mr . Brown , Glasgow ; Mr . Burkitt , Edinburgh ; Mr . Bremner , Ditto ; Mr . Davis , Ditto ; Mr . Buncannon , Falkirk . Mr . Lindsey , delegate from Aberdeen , occupied the chair . Mr . Duncaksos submitted an address to tha-democracy of Great Britain and Ireland for the consideration of Conference .

      Mr . 0 Connor moved the adoption ofthe address ; and also that it bo published in the Northern Star , and all other papers that will publish it . Mr . Brown , Glasgow , seconded the motion , which was unanimously agreed to . Mr . Burkitt moved : — " That a Central Committee be appointed to correspond with the National Charter Association of London , and to communicate with the different localities of Scotland , for the better organisation ofthe movement . " Mr . M'Kimm , Paisley , seconded' the motion , which was also unanimously agreed to , and the

      following gentlemen were appointed a committee' *—< Messrs . Richard Burkitt " , William Davis , Henry Kay , George Bremner , and Charles Galium , Edinburgh . Mr . Burkhs then moved : — " That 3 , 000 copies of the address to the Democracy of Great Britain be printed at the expense of the Edinburgh Committee , to be purchased by the local societies for gratuitous distribution , or sale , as they might think proper *" Mr . Brown , Glasgow , seconded the motion , which was agreed to . A vote of thanks was then cordially given to Mr . O'Connor . ; to Mr . Duncanson , for his address ; and to Mr . Lindsey , of Aberdeen , for his able conduct

      in the chair . It was agreed . that a Conference be held in Aberdeen , in the month of June , 1851 , for similar purposes as , theEdinburgh Conference ; and also that a friendly feeling be kept up between the several local Chartist Societies by a change of deputation at least onco in three months . The Conference was then declared duly , dissolved , after a pleasant and most encouraging- aitting .

      The Prussian Refugees. To Tub Editor Of ...

      THE PRUSSIAN REFUGEES . TO TUB EDITOR OF THE SUN . Sir , — For some time past we , the undesigned German political refugees residing in London ,. have had occasion to admire the attention paid to us-not only by the Prussian Embassy but also b y the British government . We should not have taken . much notice of this , as we should be at a loss to conceive in what respect we might possibly come into collision with what the Alien Bill calls " the preservation ofthe peace and tranquillity of these realms , " but we have of late read so much in the public papers about orders given to the . Prussian

      Ambassador to insist upon the removal from England bf the most dangerous refugees , and we have been for about a week past so closely watched by English , police agents , that wo really think we must lay the case before the public . No doubt the Prussian government exert themselves to have the Alien Bill enforced against us . But why ? Because we interfere in English , politics ? It would be impossible to prove that we bad done so . Why , then ? Because the Prussian government must pretend that the shot fired at the King in Berlin was the result of a wide-spread conspiracy , the centre ofwhichisto . be sought in London .

      Now , let us look to tho facts of the case . Can the Prussian government deny that Sefeloge , tho author of the attempt , besides being a notorious madman , is a member of the ultra-Royalist Society , tho Treubund ? Can they deny , that ho ia registered in the books of that- society an . member No . 133 , section No . 2 , in-. Berlin ?• Can they deny that he has received , not long ago , pecuniary aid from that society ? Can they deny that his papers were deposited at < the house-of a Major Kunowski , an ultra-Royalist > employedat the Royal War-office ?

      It is really ridiculous to pretend , in the face of such facts , that the revolutionary party had anything to do with that attempt . The revolutionary party have no interest ii > seeing tho Prince of Prussia arrive speedily at the throne , but the ultra-Royalists have . And yet the Prussian government is making the Radical . Opposition pay for the attempt , as it is shown by the new law against the liberty of , the press , and by the activity of the Prussian Embassy in London . We may state , at the same time , that about a fortnight before the attempt , persons whom we have tho conviction to be Prussian agents , presented themselves to us , trying to entrap us into regicidal conspiracies . We-were , of course , not to be made the dupes of such attempts . If the British , government desires any information respecting us , we shall always be ready to give it . "What can itshope to learn-by sending spies after us we are at ajoss to conceiw .

      The Holy Alliance , not ? re-constructing under the regis of Russia , would . be too g lad if they could succeed in making England the only stumblingblock in thsir way , adont a reactionary policy ^ afc home . Wbat would become of the anti Russian feeling oS England , ofi the diplomats notes and Parliamentary assertions of her go * ernment , if commented upon by aa enforcement of the Alien Bill , called forth by , nothing but the revenge of tho Holy Alliance , of-which Prussiaforms part and mrc & l t ¦ The government , of the Holy Alliance , we hope , willi not succeed in-deceiving the British government to suc h an extent as would call forth from the Borne office measures which would seriously affect the long established reputation of England aa tht safest asylum , ifir refugees of all parties and of all countries .

      We remain , Sir , your most obedient servants , Charlbs Manx , \ _ Editors of tho Neuo Rheinischt Frbd . ERftBis , J Skitxmg of Cologne . . - .-Ann Wilmph / CQlonel in the InsurrectiouHjr Aim . YYttwcH , Amy ia Baden . ' 04 , Sean-street , Soho . square , June 15 , 1850 ,.

      A Gbntlbman, Passing Through One Of The ...

      A Gbntlbman , passing through one of the public offices was affronted by some clerks , and was advised to complain to the principal , which he . did thus;—"I have b < # n abnsed here , by some of the rascals ia this place , and have com *) to acquaint you of it , as I understand you are the principal , " ' , . „ It is stated that the new Solicitor-General mil be Mr , Cockburn , This wiU Q & use' a , vawey fijj SQn . & amp . ton ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 15, 1850, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15061850/page/5/