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The French Constitution has at length co...
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOUMAL:L ii ¦ - 1 ¦...
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VOL Xy. go . 741. LOBDOHJATBRDAY, JANUAR...
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THE CHARTIST EXECUTIVE. TO IHE ED1TOBOF ...
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Reform Coxfkrknce, MASCHESTER.-At a gene...
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ON THE FORMATION OP A PEOPLE'S PARTY. Mr...
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Mr, J, Finch, senr,, has forwarded a let...
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LATEST INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN STAR OFFIC...
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THE AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF ENGINEERS. On...
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FOREIGN. FRANCE.—Paws, Friday.—The remar...
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Transcript
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The French Constitution Has At Length Co...
The French Constitution has at length coma forth , and we are enabled to form an accurate idea of the intentions of the Pbesident of the French Bepublic . The result justifies our previously expressed yiewg—it is a despotism under a very transparent disguise—a despotism , too , 'without any originality . After all the severe labour and the solitary study of which we have heard so much , Louis NapoeeoS has only risen to the hei ght of parodying iis uncle . He does not take any pains to conceal ibis . Indeed he avows it . He seta up as a model < of the ideas which were the governing princi ples of ihe consulate—that consulate which led to empire . ¦¦
Among the foremost and most constant of these ideas ia that of centralisation of power ; centralisation -of responsibility . There are reall y only two principles of government ; the one—authority centred in one ; the other—raleexercisedb ythemany . Theonea despotism , the other aRepublic ; and Louis Napoleon pins his faith and his fate to the former . The new old system arhich hehas given to the world is the very antipodes -of English constitutionalism . Here we have a sovereign almost divested of power but equally freed from responsibility—there a ruler , without whom no - . act ^ can either be done or begin to be done—4 aking to himself all the glory of his measures , or
hearing all the blame . Absolute king never yet so ¦ realised the actuality of that p hrase ' I am the State , ' as the man who governs by the sword , and pretends io govern by votes . Without him the state is not , and all action is impossible . He is developing in practice the temporal p hase of the religious doctrine of infallibility and omniscience . Nothing but what he foreknows—nothing but what he judges to be nght . No free thought , no independent action—all willa subordinated to his ; all intellects leaning on Ma for support ; all desires bowing down to his impulses . A new edition in short of popedom , with the -temporal instead of the spiritual element predominating . If such a condition of political existence can he . maintained , the people must lose all vestige of
independent feeling—all high ambitions—all desire to . control their own destinies , and sink into abject , -soulless , spiritless slaves . If it cannot be maintained for any length of time , as is by far the more likely , -the repression by virtue of which it continues , will let -loose a fearful flood of pent-up passion upon the -world . Louis Napolkon is like a man striving to -dam op a mountain torrent springing from an everflowing fountain . He builds the wall which stops it for a time , but the dammed waters rise surely upward . He adds to the height of his bulwark—still rising the : stxeam flows higher . The operation may be repeated again and again , but there is a point at which repression must of necessity cease ; and then the longer it has continued , and the more stringent it has been , . the greater is the destruction which follows .
That oar readers may judge whether or not we are ( exaggerating the blackness and the ultimate folly of the ¦ policy of Louis Napoleon , we will briefly run over tthe leading features of his Constitution , as gathered -from the more than Imperial proclamation which accompanies them . He there proclaims his adoption of the ideas of the Consulate . He traces all the progress . of France to the administrative , military , judicial , ^ religious , and financial systems whichthat » ra heralded 'iq . To him that system of administration , which has . overthrown every Government which endeavoured to support it , and alienated every generation which had -the misfortune to live under it , is thene plus ultra -af power and contentment . That military system , which takes the peasant from the field of labour to ^ initiate him in the field of arms—which rendered
mili-• tary . conquest necessary , m order to preserve domes--tic peace—which served to keep up delusions of military glory among a great people—which has always imade resolutions possible , if it has not rendered them -necessary—cannot be surpassed by human wisdom . "That judicial system which has made to the hands of ¦ rulers , willing auxiliaries of oppression—which has aided to crush freedom of thought , to put down liberty of opinion—and to annihilate the Press—is - . the highest embodiment of Justice . That religious system . under which religion has become some . ? thing worse than a name , and Atheism has grown up more steadily qnd sure ] s * £ ban it -eonhUunder
the abhorred ' reign of reason —the religious system of sensual forms and pageants—the religious system which secretly or openly has fostered unscrupulous Jesuitism—is the purest development of worship from the creature to the Creator . And lastly , that financial system which has fostered commercialism till the hourgeoise of France have become dead to all aspirations for liberty and indifferent to every other freedom than the freedom to make money ; that financial system which makes usurers rich , and tradinggamblers powerful ; that commercial system which has more than once brought the nation to the verge of bankruptcy—is the wisest economy by which the
wealth produced by labour may be made auxiliary -to the comfort and happiness of all . That is the -foundation upon which Louis Napoleon builds the hideous structure of his government—these are the -principles by which some thirty-five millions of human beings are to be moulded into a machine as little sentient as though its component parts were steel and iron , instead of heart and brain—destined to act , or cease to act , at the sole will of the one mind which presidesover all . It is a stupendous experiment , and if it succeed , those who have faith that the future is to be one of progress may well tremble for the truth « of their creed .
Leaving the general ideas , and ascending to the ¦ details of the Constitution , we find that the head of the Government is to beat once responsible and free —the onl y free man in all wide France ; for it is evident that his notions of his own freedom include the slavery of every other being . So he is to be the free ruler of millions of slaves , and responsible ! Responsible to whom ? To the slaves ? That would be . an inversion of ideas—that would abolish his asserted freedom . The responsibility , as Louis Napol * OH writes it , is a mere sham—an imperial mockery . It is arevival , in a bolder form , of that 'divine right of kings' which fell from the block with the gory head
* Df the First Charles , and was forthwith buried . Responsible to God alone—that is what Louis Napoleon would write , if the words were not too plain to put before France , even hoodwinked as she is . And in that sense the responsibility of the Pbesident has a meaning more solemn than that which he would be - willing to attach to it . The great laws which govern -all never let any man free from that responsibility , or answerability , which is the universal Nemesis . Let despots shake off and deny their responsibility to law—to justice—to morality—to mercy—to truth—if they will , but their responsibility of their own nature
and that of their fellows clings to them like the poisoned garment of Dejaniea . Louis Napoleon is Tight when he says he is responsible , but it is a responsibility he forgets—a responsibility to a power which the artillery cannot crush , nor bayonets pierce , mor terror gag , nor prisons hold—the power which brings about retribution even as it sent Napoleon to a rocky p rison , and Louis Philhpe to a foreign grave . From that kind of responsibility , at least , we may congratulate ourselves that the usurper , the homicide , and the tyrant , is unable to free himself .
But there are tobe other parts of the state machine besides its head . It says something against the principle of centralisation , something for the principle ot association , that even Louis Na poleon is conscious of his inability to rule alone . He must have a ministry , or , more properly speaking , a Council of State , neither free nor responsible . Not free , because themerereflexof him ; notresponsible , because deprived of the -volition of free agents . The duties ot ihis Council of State are to advise the head of
the Government , in whom every vestige of initiative power seems to reside , and to act as the advocates of bis policy witn the other classes of the leg islature . Then there is to be a Senate chosen , really by the President , not by the nation , for the wealth they have wrung out of the poor—the talents they have shown in supporting wrong—and the services they have rendered to the cause of absolute rule—and this Senate is neither to be free nor responsible . Certainly not free , because it mav not discuss anything except
that which the one free mind of France suffers them to discuss ; certainl y not responsible to the nation , for their deliberations are to be conducted with closed doors . Beyond the Senate there is to be a Leg islafive Assembly , chosen by the people without ballot , so that they may be responsible and sifted by the bead of the Government , so that their choice may be free , and this Assembl y is to act over and over again & enarfc which the whole French nation has lately
The French Constitution Has At Length Co...
been condemned to play . Just as the whole people had * Hobson's choice' offered to them—a choice between Louis Napoleon or nobody—between despotism and anarchy . So the Legislative Assembly is to be confined to the simple acceptation and rejection of the measures devised by others , or , perhaps , we should say , by another . They are not to have any oratorical displays for such things waste time , and the time of absolutism , which want its work done quickly , is too valuable to be lost . They are not to introduce amendments , for amendments very often alter the whole complexion of a measure . To everything proposed to them they must say , simply Yes or No ; alterations , improvements , or modifications will be totally inadmissable , and at what risk they will say
No , if they desire it , recent occurrences have conclusively demonstrated . Add to this a High Court of Justice , composed of Judges , chosen by the President from the H'gh Magistracy , and a Jury chosen from the Councils General—a sort of aggravated modern star chamber , and an army , willing to bombard , shoot , and bayonet at the word of their commander , and we may guess what liberty will be left for France . For the retributive . Justice which is in store , and will arrive as sure as the stars preserve their courses , we must wait with what patience we , best may . In what way it . is to be brought about we confess our total inability to discover , for so far as the reports of the discussions of the legislative body are concerned there is to be no shadow of Freedom of
the Press . The deliberations of that'body are to be given to the world , in an official and authorised report , revised by the President of the Assembly , and of course by the President of the Republic . In the Home News—the Ministerial Crisisis almost the only matter of any importance , as it is the death agony of the Whigs . It is certain that all attempts at a Conservative combination have utterly failed , and if report speaks truly , the refusal has come in the most decided form from the Conservative party . They will not have the proffered friendship of their old foes—they scorn their alliance . The strength the Whigs can give is not worth having . That is a proof of the completeness of the degradation of thefamily clique . * But , gathering courage from despair , we are told that with diminished strength
and augmented opposition , they have made up what minds they have to face Parliament with the Cabinet as it is . If we may guess at their conduct from what it was last year , there is no limit to the dirt they will eat in order to continue in power . They will be happy to submit to be convicted of incapability , fear , stupidity , or anything , so that they may warm the seat of office . They will profess with Mawwobm that ' they like to be despised . ' They will submit to any amendments upon their measures—give them up , take anybody else ' s—so that they may remain what they are . But it is plain that even if they are willing to do this , it will be still insufficient . The country must be governed after some fashion or another , and that is precisely what they cannot effect . Legislation has come to a dead block , and the Whigs cannot make it move on . The chances as to who
will succeed them remain much the same as before . Lord PALMEBsroN , if he be inclined to hold out his hand , will go very near to reach the prize ; but whoever comes after will have to meet tremendous difficulties , or to concede a large measure of Reform , for the growing intelligence of the artisans , and their growing power , too—their dawning sense that class laws go to make a part of theirpoverty—their aspiring consciousness that they arejfit to take a share In ruling , and their budding determination to have their proper influence , will not suffer any retrograde or Conservative Cabinet to establish itself on the ground which the Russell Ministry seems about to vacate .
For the rest , we can only allude to the fact , that Sir Harry Smith , over whom a strange lethargy seems to have crept , has been superseded in the Command at the Cape by General the Hon . G . Cathcart , whose qualifications seem to consist in his being allied to the peerage , and to his having served upon the Continent somewhere about a third of a century ago . What the Hon . General knew of warfare it is most likely he has managed to forget by this time ; and if he remembers , it is difficult to see what lessons he can have drawn from the contests of large and disciplined armies , enabling him to deal more efficiently with the Kaffir guerillas more efficiently than his predecessor . One would have thought that the true policy would have been to have sent such men as Jacobs of the
Scinde Horse , who have been educated in the tactics of irregular warfare ; but such men are not * Honourable ' . Generals , and precedence and rank must have their place , though soldiers are sacrificed—the arms of England disgraced—a Colony plundered , and taxes heaped upon labour . The wreck of the Amazon , to which we adverted last week , has called forth an inquiry , not conducted by an impartial tribunal , but under the auspices of the Company , the very men who are the most interested in letting the blame , if blame there be , come to the knowledge of the public . On the results ef such an investigation but little faith can be placed ; but taking
all that has come out of it for granted , we see nothing to induce us to alter our opinion , that in all probability the catastrophe occurred mainly through the ship being sent to sea before she was properly tried . It is all very well to sneer at the ' unscientific idea , ' that the heated bearings were the cause , and to ascribe it to the overheating of the base of the funnel , because it is not of the slightest consequence whether the heated machinery caused the conflagration , or the stiff working , arising from the heat and friction induced by ' over firing , ' to force the Amazon through the heavy seas ; and we again express our opinion , that' the time will come when such occurrences will be looked upon as something more than accidents . '
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And National Trades' Joumal:L Ii ¦ - 1 ¦...
AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOUMAL : L ii ¦ - ¦ ' ¦¦ ' - '¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦'¦¦ - - ¦ •¦•¦ • - ¦ - ¦ ¦ '
Vol Xy. Go . 741. Lobdohjatbrday, Januar...
VOL Xy . go . 741 . LOBDOHJATBRDAY , JANUARY 17 J 852 . . ^ gj ^ fe ^ :
The Chartist Executive. To Ihe Ed1tobof ...
THE CHARTIST EXECUTIVE . TO IHE ED 1 TOBOF THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear Sir , —It is with feelings of regret that I notice the divisions in the lately-elected Executive . I , for one , did expect that the men elected by tho country would have endeavoured to have healed the breaches and differences which have rankled in the ranks of Chartism . so long ; and much as I admire Messrs . Jones , Wheeler , and Linton , in my opinion they have done wrong to resign , and leave the Chartist vessel in danger . If ever a time had come for unity of action , I am bound to affirm that it is now . At present , all political parties arc aiming at unity , for the grand and ostensible purpose of telling , if possible , more powerfully upon the government and parliament . Which ever way we look , objects arrest our attention , and call for unity . A ricketty ministry , a probability of a dissolution of Parliament , with continental movements , all conspire to say to those who desire Chartism to advance , that "England expects every man to do his duty . "
But , Mr . Editor , I am wishful to mention another topic , namely , the present situation of Mr . O'Connor . It is a well-known fact that that gentleman has paid , large sums from his own pocket , for the Chartist cause , which have never been paid back to him ; and I dare say you will agree with me , when I say thai something ought to be done by the country , by contributing something towards the Honesty Fund . I am sure that the country will respond , and liquidate the debt due to a gentleman' who has sacrificed bis all for the welfare of the working classes . From the commencement of the Association , the " Northern Star" has been the fearless advocate of the working man : and from a very recent announcement we find that it has been a loosing bargain—cannot the Old Guards of Chartism endeavour to extend its circuiation ? Aid your organ , then , working men of England , and let it remain vour advocate as it hitherto has been . . ' Your most Obedient Servant , Daxsxokmn , Dalston , Cumberland , Jan . 12 th , 1852 .
Reform Coxfkrknce, Maschester.-At A Gene...
Reform Coxfkrknce , MASCHESTER .-At a general meetine of the Committee on Wednesday it was unanimously ISIS- - That it is desirable that the Working Man ' s Conference , intended to be held in this district , should not Effiffl after the meeting of Parliament , iu order that theVeople may have the opportunity of learning something of the nature of the Reform measure which may be proposed hv the government ; this Committee , therefore , resolves to Kole Ihe said Conference from the 19 th «* . " £ *• meefin ^ ofParliamen ^ and that due notice 0 the day of meeting shall be given . " -Jons Edwards , Secretary .
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On The Formation Op A People's Party. Mr...
ON THE FORMATION OP A PEOPLE'S PARTY . Mr . Editor , —The Chartist Executive is the counterpart of the Chartist Movement . For real goed , both men and cause are impracticable . An organi ' sationin such a desperate stage of phthisis required the immediate care of the most skilful of state pbysi cians , instead of which , men have been called to the bedside of the patient , who , for experience and ability in the pathological part of the inquiry , are little short of veritable quacks . Certainl y , in the group , there are four men of unquestionable talent Jn their own particular way ; but even the literary merits of these members are neutralised by the unlettered
ahdequivocalremainder . Such men , so allied , nevercan work togeth % t and therefore I am heartil y glad that the whole question of Chartist tactics must be at once gone into , since it is quite impossible for the newlyelected Executive to move in any legislative direction . Outofninei only five are left to act , Messrs . Jones , Linton , and Wheeler having resigned , and Mr . O'Connor being unable to attend ; so that the charge of the people ' s cause has fallen into the hands of Messrs . Arnott , Bezer , Grassby , Shaw , and Holyoake . Now , without depreciating a single private , or public merit possessed by these gentlemen , I ask any reasonable man if these are the persons who should
be entrusted with the conduct of so important a movement ? I confess I am ashamed of the fact , that so little discretion has been exercised , for better qualified men might have been chosen , even out of a list of thirty thatcontained names truly lamentabletoread , knowing , as I do , how limited were the powers which such personscould bringto the dutiesthey aspired to discharge . It is all of a piece however , and but one remedy can be proposed to suit the exigency of the moment , via . —the resignation of the Executive , and the re-organi . sation of the entire party , the Executive taking the initiative of the change , and holding office until their successors are appointed .
The work of reconstruction is oftentimes more difficult than that of origination ; and I think , in this case , it is far easier to dictate a Charter than successfully muster the scattered members of a once popular cause . If the difficulty be not exaggerated , then ; more than usual ability is necessary , at this moment , to surmount it ; for upon the preliminary proceedings subsequent success or failure will depend . The question consequently to be answered , is , ' Whatshould be the leading characteristics of the proposed reconstruction V I shall reply to this inquiry by pointin g out some practical means suitable for such an end ; and though they may pass unheeded , yet committing them to print must inevitably do something towards a more perfect solution of the problem before us ,
I propose the abandonment of the terms Chartism and Chartists ; and the establishment of an organisation , under the name of « The National Suffrage Association , ' formed to work out two alterations in the British Constitution— -viz ., the extension of political power to every man of twenty-one years of age , who is of sane mind , and not iu the receipt of pauper pay , resident in a given place for the preceding twelve " months ; and the protection of the power so granted through the agency of secret voting , or the Ballot .
To introduce these principles to the ., country , a People ' s Party should , be organised , for the purpose of making the voice of the people heard upon all questions affecting their political and social condition , concentrating the streugth of the said Party to the effectual realisation of the measures above noticed , by petitioning Parliament , the publication of tracts and suitable articles in the Press , and by public meetings . For the practical development of these intentions , two meetings should be convened , one in London and one in Manchester , for the purpose of receiving and adopting such propositions as the basis of the future movement . At each of these meetings , twelve persons should be selected to represent those assembled at a
Delegate Meeting , to be held as soon as convenient , and to be made up of representatives named in the order of one delegate for every 150 members , or one for each locality or branch society . This meeting to be held in London ; and , in order to give it an universal tone , representatives from any part of the country , appointed as before described , should be entitled to take part therein , in common with all assembled . The twelve persons appointed at the Manchester meeting to be considered as the temporary Executive of Manchester , who shall , if unable to attend the Delegate Meeting , as a whole , be represented by one or more of their numbers , and be required to commit their desires and opinions to paper , so that they may be considered at said meeting .
The business of this Delegate Meeting to consist in the settlement of the following propositions : — First , —Name and Objects of proposed Association . Secondly , —The best means ofmakingtheone known and the others acceptable to the country . Thirdl y , — Appointing an Executive for one year , and determining the remuneration to be paid them ; and Fourthly , fixing the minimum amount of annual subscription to be paid by members . 1 have already stated the name
and the objects desired to be worked outby theprpposed Society , and shall now only add , that I think a paid Executive of five , and a subscription of Is . per year , or 3 d ., per quarter , would be suitable replies to give to clauses three and four . This being concluded , vacancies" in the Executive , or election of a future Executive , might be filled up and perfected by a ballot of the Members , i . e , all who have paid their subscription of Is . for the year in which said elections
occur . These proposals , Sir , I think , are so plainly put forth , that they do not require many explanatory sentences . The Mauchestor Meeting will be , probably , opposed , or thought unnecessary ; but I think such an important town should speak out , upon so serious a matter ; and as there are pecuniary difficulties in the way of convening men from all parts of the country , at the present time , the plan mentioned seeks to obtain the direct suffrages of the Manchester men ; while the friends to the proposal resident elsewhere could meet and determine upon resolutions which the London Delegate Meeting would properly consider .
Of course lean anticipate many objections to thel abandonment of the name of Chartism ; and that men will confound the abnegation of it with the principles of the Charter . But no such consequence should , of necessity , be expected . A man can be in favour of six clauses , and co-operate with others who are struggling for but two of those six , without doing the least violence to the remaining four . It is a question of tact . The case stands thus : The entire six are objectionable to the majority ; but Adult Suffrage and the Ballot are not so generally disliked . This being so , should we not assist in obtaining the latter , and feel a confidence within us that , in a few years
the other four will be adopted by the country , rather than run to extremes , and declare for the Charter or Unenfranchisement , Political Liberty or Political Slavery , all or none ? Surely , they are not reasoning and well-meaning men that will thus play into the hands of the foe , and perpetuate evil through the division of classes . No ; I resign no point of the Charter , but I cease to hold prominentl y before the public those clauses which the said public are deeply prejudiced against ; with me they remain in abeyance—shelved , if you like , but placed within sight , so that they may be taken down and re-introduced at the fitting opportunity .
I do hope something will be done . I know the indebted Executive can scarcely move ; but all hands are not so tied . What if a meeting were publicly called at one of the ueual places ! Would the Executive feel jealous , at such a proceeding , or conclude that it wa && E a hostile purpose ? I act with , not
On The Formation Op A People's Party. Mr...
against , them . Therefore , in order to avoid this , ' I call upon the Executive to : consider the fore-, going remarks , and their own reduced and insolvent condition ; and I cw ^ ure them , that if : they will take the initiative ; in ? the establishment of a national party , for : the distinct purposes raan-itioned , they will be doing something worthy of ( tbihH responsible appointments . But if they will persistfe ' calling themselves the Chatti ^ 'Executive , deolarei ' that for the adoption of the six points of the Charter they were appointed exclusively , and less than these they will never cease , as an Executive , to ; publicly agitate for ; then I say , 'if you are bo sensitive as to
your obligations , resign your functions , for ^ wbilstybu continue to bold them , society is laughing at your weakness , and our common enemy is rejoicing over your mis-directed fixedness of purpose , * Do youdesire to do good ? Say that you do , have you theSneans of fulfilling your wiSbes , lor . the ; hppe ^ bi-j ^ i trint hope-thatsuolil ^^ as ^ o tn ^ veslv ^^ W ^ Bn 'p ported by any considerable numbers ? The Chartist strength was said to be six thousand members , yet only nine hundred voted for the favourite candidate of the Executive . Where are the opinions of the remain * ing five thousand one hundred . The fact is , the Chartist movement is reduced to one thousand
supporters , the majority of whom are resident in the provinces , who know but very little of the men selected by them to form their Executive , and who have more faith in their principles than knowledge of the public mind as to the probabilities of their political creed being accepted for many years to come . Positively , it is quite despairing to look over the auditors ' Balance Sheet , dated January 7 th , 1852 : —Manchester , I find , contributes ten shillings in three
months ; Sheffield , four shillings and two pence ; Stockport , ten shillings , in same time . Where is the gleam of hope , that the most sanguine member of the Executive can trace throughout the list , and point to as a redeeming item ? Not thirty pounds have been directly paid , as members' subscriptions , in three months ' . Let the books be closed . Enough is presented to disgust and deter any man from alliance with such a pretended movement .
Away with the name of Chartist ; it is offensive to both sight and taste . Let us build up a People ' s Party , and force the middle classes to join it , by showing them , that on the majority their future welfare depends—for the happiness of the producing classes is the truest possible indication of the contentment of the country generally . Rally , then , friends to Progress , under the banner of Male Adult Suffrage , protected by the Ballot , and show the discipline of your organisation , by a peaceful and dignified agitation in favour of political emancipation . Cjbnsou .
Mr, J, Finch, Senr,, Has Forwarded A Let...
Mr , J , Finch , senr ,, has forwarded a letter , addressed to Mrs . Ease , of New York , the eloquent advocate of the Rightsof Women , and which , after congratulating her upon the success of her efforts , Mr . Finch says : — "Mead-street , New York . " Dear Mrs . Rose , —It gives us great pleasure on this side the water to see the hearty manner in which you have received that wonderful man Kossuth . —To be enabled to deliver fiftyjong speeches in New York to men and women of all ranks , classes , colours , professions and pursuits , and of every variety of political , religious , and social opinion ,
to speak suitable words to . each , without giving just cause of offence , is an acquired talent , that seldom is found eombinsd in any human being . I am happy to think that he has the best prospect of succeeding among you in the great objects of his mission ; I hope you will be able to send him away , welLfr « iguted-wHh arms ; -money ; and- men , to fiffht for Europe's liberty and independence . " France has again suicidally fallen under a most degrading and despicable military despotism , under the faithless and perfidious Louis Napoleon . The French will this by seven and half millions of votes , and they must bear it for the present . -
" But this French move raises the most serious questions for the liberty , independence—nay , for the very existence , of Great Britain , as a separate state among the great nations ot Europe . 1 fear , that unless we immediately form an alliance of the most intimate kind , offensive and defensive , with the government of the United States , and they send us at once ample means , in ships and men , to defend the extensive coasts of England , Ireland , and Scotland , we shall be invaded , overrun , and swallowed by the barbarian hordes of France , Austria , and Russia . " It is a fact—a most lamentable fact , —that England , though in connexion with its colonies in all parts of the world , is the greatest empire the world ever saw ; yet , so badly is it governed , that at its centre it is one of the weakest and most vulnerable of any in Europe . Here we stand ,
the only advocates and champions of civil and religious liberty—the liberty of the press , and the asylum of the proscribed and persecuted of all nations , and thus setting at defiance all the combined despotism of Europe , in the midst of 350 , 000 well-disciplined French soldiers , the best at military tactics and the best officered in the world , close to our shores , bloody and goring from wars and razzias in Algeria , and the murder of our own citizens , and panting for revenge upon us for their defeat at Waterloo , and whom Bonaparte must employ in some way to consolidate the power he has seized ; but wo have also 200 , 000 Prussians , 300 , 000 Austrians , and 500 , 000 Russians , none of whom would be inclined to giveus any assistance , but would rather rejoice at our downfall . " And what armed force have we to meet all thisformida .
bio array ? Positively next to none at all . We have about 80 , 000 troops in Ireland ; perhaps 20 , 000 more in England ; and probably we might muster 20 , 000 manners at home . All these are badly officered by men who have bought their commissions—few have obtained them by merit ; their arms and accoutrements are bad , and they are nearly all without practical experience on the field . Our militia is very inef fective , seldom called out on duty , and comparatively few . They would be of very little value in case of invasion . Arms have been studiously and sytematically kept out of the hands of our people ; and for any man to teach or to learn the use of arms , is a penal offence with us . The consequence of all this is , that for defence , in case of invasion , we are helpless , and should be driven like sheep to the slaughter by a comparatively few well-disciplined French soldiers .
" Steamboats , railroads , and telegraphs , have rendered our insulated and island position of very little advantage in tho way of protection . It is impossible for us to guard efficiently all our coasts—our marines are within a few hours sail of us ; and steamers could land troops on almost any part of our coasts ; and our railroads and telegraphs are so perfect that , in a few hours , those troops may be in London , or in any other place where most . wanted . We could not guard our railroads ; and if we destroyed their working , it would be as disadvantageous to us as to them ; for we have no roads and vehicles now to supply their place . In short , our present weakness is such , at the centre of our government in London , that 50 , 000 well-selected soldiers of the French army , now in Paris , might march to London , revolutionise our government , take possession of the £ 17 , 000 , 000 of gold in the cellars of the Bank of England , and make these islands a province of France , with less risk and trouble than the late coup d ' etat in Paris .
" There seems to me only two ways of avoiding this catastrophe ; and one or both of these must be done immediately , if we wish to avoid the ruin that is impending
over us . " The first is , for our government to pacify the mass of our people by giving them Universal Suffrage , and then immediately to tiain every man in the country to the use of arms , and to arm all the people ; we could then defy the world in arms . ' " The second is , to form an alliance , offensive and defensive , with the government of the United States of America , and immediately subsidise American ships of war , steamers , and troops , to protect us whilst we were training our own people .
"But there is no time to waste in idle talk , what is to be done , must be done quickly . I wish you would immediately put this letter into the hands of the editor of the " New York Tribune , " and let him take measures to make it as public as possible . Kossuth ought to know these things . Our Ambassador ought to consider them . Your Government should prepare to take their part in the affairs of Europe ; for your trade , your commerce , your national prosperity , is intimately connected and dependent upon the political relations of Europe . Our government in England , however , is so thoroughly corrupt , both in Church and State , —both at home and in our Colonies—that I fear nothing but a complete revolution will ever place us in that strong position that will enable us to hold up our heads , and to maintain our rank among the greatest nations in the world . Our oligarchy will never give up their unjust powers and prerogatives till they are wrested out of their hands . If a fit of patriotism should come upon them , it will only be wheit is too late .
" The year I 8 o 2 opens in blackness and darkness for tb * liberties of Europe . God only knows what we shall a « e before its close . In confirmation of tho mean opinion I have of our own regular troops , I may mention that most disastrous news has arrived to-day from the seat of war with the Kaffirs at the Cape of Good Hope ; the London , v Times " says that about 4 , 000 of ww troops tuwq—Vfhi ^ l aresojaa of
Mr, J, Finch, Senr,, Has Forwarded A Let...
the picked r £ giment » 1 n'H » service—have been repulsed by about half the number of-Kaffirs . Tlio "Times" gayg that the accoutrements aad want of experience of our troops causes their failure . ' and not the want of courage or discipline . Just so ; andtteigforewhat confidence can the peaceable peoplflkof Bnglah ^ a ^ Boe in them for protection against a foreign foe well disciplined , accoutred , and experienced ? None . You Americans need rigour in your government and in your position , —your only weak point is your slavery . I hope to God you will soon get rid of it
by some means , or it will assuredly at some time swamp you . Why do not your Southern States at once decree , that every neg * o born after a cer ^ fn date shall be free at twenty « ne years of age .. Surely n ' o ' man has an ^ right to claim as M « , ves generations yet unborn . v ! '" \ "lam , respectfully , j " DearMrs . Rose , , ' Your Sincere Friend , and the Friend of Women ' s and all other Rights and Liberties in which are * ' the inalienable Rights of Man , ' """" " John Finch . "
Latest Intelligence. Northern Star Offic...
LATEST INTELLIGENCE . NORTHERN STAR OFFICE , i «— -. . U . „ Saturday Afternoon . IUE AMAZON .-THIRTY atoms MVE 8 •»—— ~ - . ~~
SAVED . Thirteen more of the crew , andi passengers of the ill-fated Am » nm have landed at Plymouth . m ^ V Cttt - j- t al r C . l ?* 8 rriTed at Plymouth on . ThursMy . eyening ., bringing thirteen more people saved from tbeAautzoo ..- These persons arrived in great distress After ^ floating about in an open boat for fifteen hours they were picked upon Sunday evening , the 4 thinst ., by the Duteh . gsjliot Hiljachina , Capt . S . . E , Gruppeilar . from Amntevdam , bound for . Leghorn ., From the Dutch vessel tbey were received by thfltoVal Charlotte , and brought into Plvmouth .
The ., prisjofters , on . landing , were , conveyed to the Royal % tiyjas *; the / seamen , firemen , & c , to Cole ' s Prince « e T } i ^^ 9 teI ; w 'PrfH 6 uw ^ Ihe men will bo / forftwdeXto their destinations by the Shipwrecked Mariners' Society ?^ The following are the names of the passengers and of the crew saved : —The Rev . Wm . Blood , Mr . Kilkelfy ; Lieut . Grylls , R . N ., Senor Juan de Cima ; William Angus , second engineer ; Isaac Roberts , boiler maker ; Michael Fox , fire * man ; Angus Mclnnes , engineers ' storekeeper ; C . Dewdney , stoker ; W . Wall , stoker ; G . Webb , fleaman ; U . Wright , ditto ; R . Harris , doctor's boy .
The passengers speak very highly of the Dutch captain , who treated them as well as his means would enable him to do , and was most civil and kind throughout . After being out eight days , and encountering heavy gales from the south-west , the captain consented to return on being promised payment of £ 60 , and his port charges at the first English port that he could make , and under that engagement he returned , and put in at half-past six oa Thursday evening at Plymouth . The passengers and men were most miserably careworn , and their beards being of many days growth ,, and their clothes much dilapidated , their appearance may be readily conjectured . Lieutenant Grylls has relatives in the neighbourhood , and theso he immediately joined . Mr . Angus , the second engineer , says the alarm was first given by the storekeeper , who saw the five raging about thirty feet from the engine room . Tho Court of Inquiry « still sitting .
The Amalgamated Society Of Engineers. On...
THE AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF ENGINEERS . On Thursday evening , a public meeting , called by a placard , headed " Employers'Strike , " and inviting the attendance of tho " Employers , the public , and tbo press , " was held in the Carpenters' Hall , Brook-sfreet , Manchester , which was quite full . The chair was taken by Mr . Francis Dobson , engineer . The meeting was addressed by T . Norbury , G . Swinglehurst , J . Killer , W . Ilemm , and < j . Beardshall , and the following resolutions were adopted : — « ' That this meeting . considers piecework and overtime , as at present conducted , gross evils , and regrets the conduct of tho employers in persisting in the continuance of such practices . " '" That in consequence of several of the employers iathe Iron Trades' closing their establishments , and forcing unskilled workmen , unconnected with any society , upon their own resources , we call upon tho public to extend that sympathy towards them which their present position Qemaniis . ' The meeting concluded with a vote of thanks to the chair *
man . Oldham . —A public meeting of operative mechanics was held in the Working Men ' a Hall , Oldham , on Thursday evening , which was attended by upwards of 2 , 000 persons . The employers , the public generally , and the press , were invited to attend , the object of the meeting being to refute certain statements which had been made on the part of the masters , and which the men alleged to be untrue . Mr . Thos . Best took the chair . Mr . John Hbad having addressed the meeting , Mr . E . Rtk moved the first resolution : — " That this meeting having heard the statements and explanations respecting the conceding of the machines to mechanics is of opinion that tho men of Oldham were justified in asking for them ; and considers that Mr . John Piatt is morally bound , as a gentleman , to comply with his own written agreement . " Mr . V . Owen seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously , amid loud applause .
Mr . T . BIiAckstock moved the second resolution : — " That having read in the different papers that tho members of the Amalgamated Society are the dupesof a number of paid demagogues , Comuuimsts , Socialists , idlers , & o ., we at once , without hesitation , repudiate ssch statements as being totally unfounded , inasmuch as we have only two paid officers , who devote the whole of their time to tho business of the above society . " M . W . Fowier seconded the resolution . Mr . W . Newton , who was received with loud and continued cheers , addressed the meeting at great length , and ooncfu'led as follows : —That meeting had exonerated the council ol the Amalgamated Society from nspersiona which had been cast upon them ; and their having done that act of justice must go forth as an act of
disinterestedness on the part of the Oldham mechanics which would not be soon forgotten . He earnestly introated tho men to forget entirely their old practices—to do nothing to annoy other men or prevent them getting work , to do nothing which could bring them within the reach of the law , and , what was not leas important , to keep sober . If there wore 3 , 000 society men out of work , thero were , ho was sure , 9 , 00 fj in , who must support them ; and they must all do that they could in the shape of appeals to the public , in aid of those who did not belong to the society , and hud nothing to look to lot relief , but who had nevertheless been thiown out of work . Instead of taking the £ 25 , 000 and spending it ia a month , or giving it to paid agitators , they would keeptheir money for better purposes , and the society men in
work would support their unemployed members out of their weekly earnings . ( The speaker resumed his seat amid hearty applause , having spuken more than an hour and a quarter . ) Mr . J . Heath proposed the third resolution , which was as follows : — ¦ ' That in the opinion of this meeting , tho misrepresentations of a great portion of the press , concerning the dispute in question , have arisen from a wilful perversion of facts on the part of our opponents . We trust , therefore , that the explanations given this evening will have the effect of inducing tho intelligent portion of the press to retract such unfounded statements , and place our cause before the public in a clearer light than it has hitherto been . " The motion was seconded by Mr . J . REDCATE , and carried unanimously .
Mr , J . Hawlisson moved the fourth resolution . — " That we pledge ourselves to support those who hare been turned out by the employers so long as they continue out of employment , and trust they will not return to their work until there is an amicable settlement of the dispute . " The motion was carried . Thanks were voted to the press and to the chairman , and the proceedings terminated .
Suicide Is Bkak-Strket, Goldkn-Sq . Ua.R...
Suicide is Bkak-strket , Goldkn-sq . ua . rb , —Oa Frida Mr , Bedford held an inqufst concerning the death of Mr Robert Juild , lately residing at No . 9 , Beak-street , who committted suicide by throwing himself from the third floor window of his house on Tuesday morning . Verdict" That deceased died from the injuries caused by throwing himself from a window whilst in a state of temporary insanity . "
Foreign. France.—Paws, Friday.—The Remar...
FOREIGN . FRANCE . —Paws , Friday . —The remarks of the journals on the new constitution are few and
insignificant . The expelled members and journalists left Paris yesterday . The French refugees upon the Swiss frontiers have received passports for America . Great numbers of arrests are announced from the departments . The Constitution has been very ill-received iu public ; and notwithstanding the efforts of the government to give the Bourse a lift , securities have fallen . After mounting lfr . in consequence of the exertions of M . Fould ' s agents , the Fives fell 2 fr ., and thus closed a franc lower than yesterday . Geuerally the extravagant excess of power attributed to the executive in the new Constitution causes it to
be looked upon as a mere derieon . All circles are much pre-oocupied with the subject of war . It has been noted as a grave sign , that English capital / sis seek to rid themselves of their shares in French railways . SPAIN .-Madrid , January W .-The military execution of the ring-leaders yesterday afternoon has sufficed to restore order in the discontented regiments . The unhappy victims of the mutiny were shot to death in the Campo da Guirdias with all the formalities of the military code . By the directions of General Aapick , French Ambassador , a Te D ««» ia to be chaunted in tho httte church of St . Louis de France in honour of the election of the President of the Republic . „ . .. Jan . ll .-Generals Ortega , Prim , Nogueras , and Rotolda have been ordered to leave the capital .
ROMAN STATES . —A correspondent , writing on the 10 th of January , states that in consequence of the retirement of Lord Palmerston from the secretaryship of Foreiga Affairs , the papal authorities were renewing their endeavours to have Mr . Freeborn recalled . Some French officers bad been dismissed for opposing the President . The French commandant at Civita Vecchia had that any one insulting a French soldier should . b directly . V A notification has been issued for alms in favourgreat Roman Catholic Church to be erected in Londoi a treaty has been signed with Holland for reoipr 0 naxijatooa and port duties , :
Proclaimed^ #Jfidv ^ F Jr$ Mmst * &Sgi (...
proclaimed ^ # jfidV ^ f jr $ mmst * & Sgi (} 8 » t ® v + Tp > ir . \* , 5 . i IUB ^^ i . £ wmfc ^ rWcmmk , wjmm
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 17, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_17011852/page/1/
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