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lifiitcto Of fyt eSfcttt
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After an interregnum of three vreess the...
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' ¦ JOUBNAL.
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. ¦ ~ ^ VOL. XIIU60. IJpMATDBlDAY, MARCH...
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THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF LABOUR. Mr. E...
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OPEN OR UELHIESEHTATIVE VESTRIES. On Tue...
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LEICESTER-SQUARE Improvemhni Bill.—A num...
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f O'CONNOR FUND, l\- Qu .W.ednespay ~ ey...
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AMNESTY TO ALL POLITICAL EXILES. A publi...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Lifiitcto Of Fyt Esfcttt
lifiitcto Of fyt eSfcttt
After An Interregnum Of Three Vreess The...
After an interregnum of three vreess the Legislature resumed wort again on Monday night , S , e two rival parties having changed sides . To aaoMfue ' of the Houses of Parliament there is . it first something bewildering' in the alteration . The ear has become so much accustomed to the well-known v » ic s Preceding from the old 'daces , that it does n » t very readily accommodate itself to the altered position ; and the awfcwardness 'is not a iittle increased b y the different sentiments which are expressed from the Front Benches on either side . However , if Lord Derb y ' s p luck and dogged determination
to retain place , now that he is m again , can effect that end , we shall soon get used to the transformation . In very strong and plain language he avowed his resolution not to be driven h-om office until he had done what he considered his duty in his new situation , and until he was prepared to place his whole policy fairl y and fally before the country . This must have been rather a bitter pill for the somewhat motley opposition arrayed against his Government , ft
^ ill compel them , if they really mean to f orce a speedy General Election , to have recourse to very extreme measures , an alternative we have no doubt the Whigs at least would rather avoid . Their conduct to Sir R . Peel , in 1835 , was considered to he the height of political meanness . In 1846 * they did not exhibit much more generosity . To play the game of faction in so barefaced a style a third time would be considered even by their friends as ' too bad . ' But , on the other hand , if they do not stop the supplies , or something equivalent , there is the danger that Lord Debut and his friends will astonish the
country by doing something with a confessed minority in both Houses—a feat that Lord J . Russeli has not been able to accomplish during the last three or four years with a majority . That would be a dangerous precedent , because , when Whigs come back to office again—if ever they do—the people mig ht be so unreasonable as actuall y to expect them to follow it . Meanwhile , « Her Majest y ' s opposition , ' " officered by such a strange conjunction of names as Russell and Graham , Gladstone and Cobden , must submit to see the Protectionists strengthening themselves for the comin w struggle . From the explanation given by
Lord Debby and the new Chancellor of the Exchequer , it seems that it is intended to proceed with several measures of importance in addition to the ordinary financial business of the year . Chancery lle f orm Lair Reform , National Defences , the Disfranchisement of St . Albans , and the apportiouing of its two members acd those of defunct Sudbury to sew constituences , constitute the leading features of the new programme . In practice the New Cabinet gets on almost as smoothly in the House as it did at the hustings . There is much talk , but as yet no obstructive opposition . At the close of the 'show debate ' the ' faithful Commons' almost without
observation or murmur , voted the men and the money for the naval service for the year ; in short , about one half of the estimates for the purpose of national defences . Ireland is as great a difficulty to the Derby Ministry as to its predecessors . It -would seem as if it was an irresistible necessity that every Government should signalise its accession to office by bringing in a coercion bill for Ireland . Mr . Napier , the new Attorney-General for that country , treads in the steps of his predecessors for the last fifty years , and proposes fresh and more stringent legislation to repress murder , outrage , and agrarian rebellion . That
appears , looking back for the long period we have named , to be almost the fixed condition of Ireland . This time the difference is that it is the Protestant , orderly , respectable 'North' that has become innocnlatedwith the disease . Famine and pestilence , and emigration have done their work in the South aud West . There the ' order' of the grave , or the silence of unfilled lands and -empty homes prevail . Landlordism has borne its natural fruits , and the harvest is reaped . In the North there is yet strength
and energy enough left to induce the victims to wrestle against fate , and try to avert tbe doom that hangs over them . So for the twentieth time at least our legislators propose new coercion laws for Ireland , just as if the fact did not stare them in the face that twenty times all such false substitutes for justice have utterl y failed . But then it is so easy to imprison , transport , and hang—so 'difficult' to legislate for the removal of the oppression and tyranny which trample human sympathy out of the hearts of their victims and transform them into demons with one
object—revenge . Concurrentl y with the appointment of a Committee to inquire how the North of Ireland can be best coerced , was an intimation by . Lord Derb y that tbe - whole of Ireland may he robbed of the only solid advantage she has gained within the last twenty years . The National System of Education , according to the testimony of men of all ranks and classes , has worked most admirabl y , and , if left unchecked for another generation , mig ht produce mutual toleration and esteem among Irishmen , instead of the baleful dissensions which now rend that nnhappy land asunder . But tbe Established Clergy have long borne tbat system a grudge . Their mouthpiece in Parliament is now a member of the Government . He has
made repeated efforts to impair its efficiency , and to give more power to the Anglo-Irish Clergy ; and now it seems as though Lord Derby , for the purpose of propitiating thatclass , was -willing to sacrifice almost the onl y thing by which his name as a statesman is likel y to be favourabl y remembered by posterity . The Education question has also had an airing as respects England , apropos of a public-private bill for Manchester and Salford , which is removed from tbe house to a Select Committee , ostensibly for widening its operation , and dealing more broadly with the whole question . It is not at all probable , however , that that will be settled this year .
The preparations for the approaching elections have constituted the other notable topic of the week , which otherwise has been rather barren in events . It is alread y very obvious that the contest will be no sham one , and that a considerable infusion of fresh blood may be expected in the next Parliament . Free Trade of course forms a prominent item in the electioneering addresses and speeches of candidates ; but it is gratif ying to observe also , that the question of Parliamentary Reform has a large share of attention . That question is evidentl y ripe out of doors for another very considerable advance . Triennial Parliaments , Home Suffrage , the Ballot , Equalised
Electoral Districts , and no Payment to Members , have become rather a widel y diffused political creed among gentlemen who canvass the support of popular constituencies . The fact is hopeful . As to the chances of the party in power , it is difficult at this moment to form an idea of the extent to which they may succeed in altering the relative positions of the minority and the majority in the present Parliament . That they will have an increase of members is very probable , especiall y when , as it has been remarked , one portion of its candidates can go to the counties on avowed Protectionist principles , while others can tell town constituencies that the Derby Government
has not pledged itself decidedly to the restoration of iVotection , but leaves it entirel y to public opinion . The most decided repulse the Government has yet metis the rejection of its Chief Secretary for Ireland . Lord Naas , finding he had no chance for Kildare , withdrew from the contest , is without a seat in Parliament , aud not unlikel y to remain so for tbe rest of the Session . Mr . Duxcombe has elicited from the Government that the Crystal Palace will be pulled dov ? n in May nest i " and it is rumoured that the surplus funds are to be appropriated to the building of a species of Walhattn in Kensington Gardens , to which the p ictures now in the National Gallery will be removed . Though at the' West End , ' they are in too democratic
a position for the sensitive and delicate denizens of - » Iay Fair , who do not like tbe crowd to come between the wind and their nobility . But surely Lord JOHN Masxers the poet of ' Young England , ' will not be a party to the perpetration of such a job as that ? It the pictures are not j . rt » perly housed and ventilated , huild abetter gallery , and improve the ventilation . Instead of troubling himself with schemes of foreign conquest , M . Bonaparte seems to be fully o ccupied in setting matters ' in order' at home . The threatened intervention in Switzerland has been given u > and amicable relations are , for the present , restored between the belligerent powers . The cessauwr of the < jM « el , tbe Te & uetiraa of the rate of Merest b y the bank , and the fact that the Fives
After An Interregnum Of Three Vreess The...
were above par , has enabled him to carry into effect a financial operation , which has been projected by successive finance ministers ever since 1824 . But Charles Dix did not dare to attempt it , and Louis Philippe was too completely dependent upon the bourgeoisie and rentiers to dream of cutting down their dividends . M . Bona p arte has no such fear before his eyes , and by one stroke has reduced the five per cents , to four and a half ; thus saving about three quarters of a million annually . The organs of
the usurers here condemn the measure as a Socialistic ose ; aud others point to it as a curious illustration of the despotism and socialism which are blended in his character and proceedings . Notwithstanding tbe unscrupulous and violent measures resorted to by the Dictator and his myrmidons to suppress every manifestation of adverse public opinion , Paris has found means to record an emphatic protest against his Government ; by the election of Cavaignac in one circumscription , and of Carnot in another . The first election of the latter was declared invalid from want of
the absolute majority required by the law . This want was nobl y made up in the second election . Despite tbe most desperate and almost frantic efforts of the Elysee , M . Carrot was returned by a sweeping majority . The importance of the return may be judged of by the fact of M . Carnot ' s abilities and tried attachment to Republicanism and Social Reforms , caused him to be nominated as President of the Republic , and even Cavaignac was willing to waive his claims in his favour . France is not dead yet . Though neither of these deputies are likely to submit to
the degradation of taking the oath of fidelity to the person ofM . Bonaparte , their election is a protest against his rule , of which none will understand the due import more . clearly than the tenant of the Elysee . He , however , marches steadily onwards to the Imperial Crown and the Tuilleries . His decrees are heralded no longer with the words , ' In the name of the French people , ' but are couched in the true regal style . The next alteration will be 'Louis Napoleon , b y the grace of Gob , Emperor , & c , greeting . '
The news from the Cape gives reason to hope that the inglorious and expensive warfare which has been so long waged there , , is by this time at an end . The Kaffir chiefs having formall y sued for peace , were refused it , except upon an unconditional surrender . A short time was allowed for this , and at its close vigorous operations were j to be commenced with the view of putting a close to the war . Rosas has been completely defeated b y General TJrquiza and taken refuge on board a British man-of-war . The resultwill beto open up to commerce immense regions of South America , which the policy of Rosas formerly shut out from Europeans , and to put an end to contests which have , first and last , entailed no small expense upon this country .
And National Trades' ¦ Joubnal.
AND NATIONAL TRADES' ¦ JOUBNAL .
. ¦ ~ ^ Vol. Xiiu60. Ijpmatdblday, March...
VOL . XIIU 60 . IJpMATDBlDAY , MARCH 20 J 852 . ^ igJS ^^^
The Political Condition Of Labour. Mr. E...
THE POLITICAL CONDITION OF LABOUR . Mr . Editor , —In the great struggle of party conflict , the more important interests which belong to the community are invariabl y sacrificed . This is tbe history of labour . Power , which is but another name for Capital , as considered in these times of negation of principle , is denied to those from whom alone true greatness springs . As labour stands now , it is without an advocate ; for it there exists no real sympathy . Statesmen understand not its necessities ; men in place , and possessed of power and influence to do good , seem to be insensible to labour ' s requirements . They debate and legislate as though the sufferings of
the working classes were vapid declamation ; of no positive existence . The experience of the past is the evidence of the present , and will be , if the prevailing system be perpetuated , the harbinger of the future . There is no justice for labour . Its claims to representation are studiousl y denied ; its voice is unheeded ; or if listened to , pronounced of a revolutionary tendency . And so the governmental wheel performs its definite operations , and labour finds no benefit in the result of the movement . As working men , we are what we are despite legislation and the contempt of a powerful oligarchy and moneyocracy . What we should be , were our position fairl y understood , let the misery and ignorance of the thousands answer . We are not indebted to any man without our ranks for the
intellect we possess , or the disposition to industry , which we unequivocally manifest . No ! Give us but our share of power , and tbe happiness of the nation will testif y to tbe wisdom of the concession ; deny it to us for any time longer , and the strife of contending interests will become so perilous , as to threaten the peace of society with a destruction , that when it sweeps over the nation , will spare none ; the desolation will be universal , and despotism , looming in the distance , will shadow forth the ultimate , for a time , of a besotted bigotry of tyrannical power ; and in the sacrifice of freedom , both of speech and the press , they who survive the terrible revulsion , will read the sad effects of a rigid denial to the true and definite claims of labour , in its political and social position .
A General Election is about to take place ; and great princip les are to stand or fall upon the issue of its verdict . This is the admission of the contending factions . Who are the jurymen destined to try the cause ? The people ; tho male adult population of these three kingdoms ; the intelligence of the country ; are these the chosen subjects for the settlement of national questions ? The reverse is the fact ; and it is not difficult to prove , that the jury who will decide will bo little better than a packed commission . In many localities the verdict may be said to be known before a tittle of evidence has been heard . Liberty of opinion with the majority of electoral divisions is the worst of shams ; political conscience but a dream of unveracity . Truth there is none ; conviction never cared for . Men will vote , because they are bid to vote . To abstain will as much offend as to record a
heart-dictated opinion > and , therefore , it is a verity which forbids contradiction , that men so driven are not those who are qualified to stamp b y their verdict the future tendencies of the nation . 1 abhor the present electoral system . Its anomalies condemn it , and show it to be a means of juggling the people into a stupid belief that the interests of the- British nation are consulted in its practical workings . But , if the middle class be satisfied with the power they enjoy , the working classes are becoming more and more disgusted , not onl y with the continued perseverance to keep from them a share in the sountry ' s weal , but also with the miserable shortsi ghtedness of men who
can pretend to be content with the infliction of bo much political injustice . Your Anti-Corn Law League is a true t ype of this genus of suffrage satisfaction . In a certain sense , its members are the parliamentary Paganini ' s of the day . They have but one string to play upon . But iu another point of view , they are unlike the great master mentioned , for they can play but one tune . Suppose them to be possessed of more ability , and then- known divisions respecting Reform ; proves that they do not possess tho will to do more for the people . Can 1 , then ,
look on these men as statesmen ? If I were to enter upon the inquiry , ! should ask , what are the antecedents eutitling them to so honoured a name ? In these I find a fixed resolve -for tho consummation of one object only , which when they have achieved , they fold their arms , and stand supinely by , and by their silence oppose the progress of a power which would do more , if their cause be a righteous one , to make their success of a lasting character , than all the thousands of pouuds they are able to contribute , the threats of intimidation they are not slow in uttering , or the
The Political Condition Of Labour. Mr. E...
organisation , great though it be , that their wealth and influence can originate . Both the upper and the middle classes are the enemies of reform ; if not in heart , certainly in action . Hence , tho working classes must win their emancipation for and by themselves ; not b y an obstructiTe policy , for that is a contem p tible proceeding ; not by opposing Free Trade , or any other isolated movement , if they are satisfied with tbe benefits consequent upon such legislation ; but by a laudable perseverance in the manifestation of their own greatness , b y creating a party of their own , whose united strength will be as irresistible as was
that which reformed the House of Commoas twenty years ago , / ^ ^ . '" Letusnow calmly consider what 4 hb-coiain g appeal to the country means , in its practical application ; and considering the questions at issue , which aro said to be settled b y such an appeal , ask ourselves at the conclusion , whether the whole proceeding is not certain to be a monstrous delusion , so deceptive upon its face , that to talk of settlement , under - such circumstances , is but to play with the weakness of the many , and to force upon them a lie , which both reason and fact prove to be of ft hideous shape .
Iu the United Kingdom there aro twenty-seven millions of souls ; one fifth of this number , say five millions and a half , are adult men . The electoral power of the country is formed of 1 , 087 , 055 persons , of whom at least 150 , 000 possess double votes , Thus there are 900 , 000 men who are in the possession of the suffrage ; which is one in thirty for the population , or one in six for the adult males thereof . The House of Commons consists of G 58 members ( or 656 without Sudbury . ) As there is an equality of votes in the house , the question to be answered is , ' What is the apportionment of power possessed by those who return said members . ' The following facts will answer this inquiry .
The five largest and the five smallest boroughs , show the annexed figures , as to the number of electors , each borough returning two members .
LAMEST . SMALLEST . Finsbury 15 , 921 Andover 243 Glasgow , 12 , 000 Marlborough 262 Manchester 12 , 811 Richmond ( York . ) 283 Marjlebone ........ ... 15662 Tavistock 315 Tower Hamlets 18 , 748 Thetford 214 73 , 172 1 , 317 And the effects of such an anomaly are these , among others . In the five largest boroughs , each member may be said to represent 7 , 517 electors ; in the five smallest , each member 131 electors only . Thus the voices of 131 men in one p lace are regarded as equivalent in weight and value to 7 , 517 others , elsewhere resident . 1 then look for the names , and inquire the ascertained opinions of tbe members chosen b y these electors ; and find that Finsbury selects 2 Liberals Andover selects 2 Tories , tflasffbw ; , " „ Marlborough „ „'
Manchester „ ,, Richmond , - , 3 Whigs . Marylebone „ ,, Tavistock selects 1 Whig and 1 Tewer Hamlets " » Liberal . Theifovd selects 1 Whig and 1 Tory . And the conclusion is irresistible , that if Liberalism bs a good thing , it is next to impossible to make way against such opposition ; or if Toryism and Whiggism be conducive to the welfare of the countrythen their power is admitted , and the existing system is decidedly the best that could be devised for its perpetuation .
But , in such an investigation , the facts of the case demand further elaboration . From a Parliamentary return I glean these figures : —
MEMBERS , 23 boroughs , with not more than 350 electors in each , return 39 48 ditto , ditto , 400 ditto , GS 75 ditto , ditto , COO ditto , 110 loo ditto , •¦ ditto , 800 ditto , 158 123 ditto , ditto , 1 , 000 ditto , 181 559 Leaving but ninety-nine members to be returned by constituencies exceeding 1 , 000 in number , and these range from 1 , 000 to 19 , 000 electors .
Still advancing m the inquiry , I find that London ( including its boroughs ) , Liverpool , Manchester , Birmingham , and Leeds , return twenty-four members , and have a population equal to the whole resident in the following p laces : —Bedfordshire , Hants , Suffolk , Sussex , Berks , Bucks , Herts , Cambridge , Dorset , Cumberland , Oxford , Westmoreland , Hereford , Northampton , Rutland , and North and East Yorkshire . But these seventeen counties and towns return 142 members , six times the number of the five cities and towns before noticed , the population in each of the groups being the same . The county of Wiltshire has a population of 260 , 000 souls , and sends eighteen members to Parliament ; the
West Riding of lorkshire has 1 , 154 , 000 inhabitants , or more than four times the number of Wiltshire ; yet . its representative power is the same , eighteen members . The borough population of England is about 5 , 800 , 000 , half of whom live in the ei g ht metropolitan boroughs , and in Birmingham , Munehester , Salford , Liverpool , Leeds , Sheffield , Wolverhampton , and Bristol . Though in numbers half , these places return but thirty-three members , the other half returning 290 . The former have eig hty per cent , less , and the latter eighty per cent , more than their share ; the one half has a member apportioned to every 10 , 000 persons , the other a member for every 88 , 000 .
Not to go further into detail , these results may be stated . In the legislature 6 , 7 G 4 electors are equal to 289 , 470 . The former aro the smaller constituencies , the latter the larger ones ; but the power is the same . What shall we say of that mathematical skill , which declares , as are 6 , 764 to 38 , so aro 289 , 470 to 38 ? One corrupt voter in St . Albans is equal to fortythree independent electors in the great seats of wealth and intelligence ! What an up-hill fight , then , has the industry of our large towns , when it has to do battle with such conflicting numbers ? Surel y the balance of power must be a might y thing indeed , when it is urged as a justification for such anomalies as those here mentioned .
From numbers , I may give a cursory glance at property . The latter is the basis of Whi g calculation . Well , the same inequalities prevail in respect to property as to population . The annual value of the property rated to the poor is 60 , 000 , 000 ; half this amount is paid in nine counties , who appoint 161 representatives , while the remaining thirty-one counties return 310—this is in England . Each of the members for Rutlandshire represents £ 59 , 500 rateable property , while each member in Middlesex represents £ 500 , 000 . Wiltshire , returning eighteen members , is rated at £ 1 , 242 , 000 ; the West Riding , also returning eighteen members , is . assessed on £ 3 , 500 , 000 worth of property , Bucks , rated at
£ 674 , 000 , has eleven members ; while Manchester , rated at more than twice that sum ( exclusive of machinery ) , has only two members . The borough of Marylebone , having two members , pays more to the poor ' s rate than do two counties who send thirty members to parliament . Middlesex is rated on 7 , 000 , 000 of property ; but the opinions of its members are neutralised by men who are appointed b y Harwich , Lymington , Houiton , Totness , Bridgenorth , Marlborough , and Thetford , the annual grental of which is but £ 85 , 050 . Forty-two pocket boroughs , rated at £ 1 , 000 , 000 , is equal , in parliamentary power , to that of all the great , towns of the empire , the rental of which is more than £ 20 , 000 , 000 . Tho result
is , 330 members , or amajonty , represent £ 6 , 200 , 000 rateable property ; the minority , or 328 members , re « present no less a sum than £ 78 , 000 , 000 of money . Hence , one-fourteenth of the whole rateable property
The Political Condition Of Labour. Mr. E...
of the country absolutely controls the remaining thirteen-fourteenths . -: Mr . Mackay , in his worlc on Electoral Districts ; makes these remarks .:- — In two . different modes ^ Landlordism accomplishes . its' purpose . It ' ^ first smothers , as it were , a large proportion of the towns and then so distributes ^ the representation over the rest , as to be enabled absolutely f » control some of them , and successfully to contest others . ' And this writer thinks , that the following is an approximation to the real state of the representation : — ' County members entirely at the disposal of tbe landlords .... 249 Members for tortj-tvre boroughs subject to their influence .... G 9 University members G Total nufflow o ^ netotested ^ seats .. « , » ............ i .. ^ V '"" 32 'f
To this must be added contested seats , which landlordism is ) , „ , To this must be added Contested seats , which landlordism is ) lf 7 able to secure j Total number of members 491 Or a real working majority of 324 . This suffices to make a party omnipotent ; and so the landlords aro in the House of Commons . ' I ask you , then , Mr . Editor , and through you your readers , if it be not sheer humbug to talk about an Appeal to the country , whilst such an iniquitous system as that of our representation is permitted to continue ? Free Trade and Protection can never bo settled b y such a minority of the people as the electors , apportioned as they are in such an obviousl y unfair manner ; nor can it be reasonabl y hoped for , that any good can ever accrue to Labour so long as the sons of Labour are shut out of the House of
Commons , b y so bare-faced a system of exclusion as that here distinctly pointed out . This is the Political Condition of Labour ; and I ask any reasoning man to tell me how Labour can possibly look for regeneration , until the British House of Commons is cleansed of its present abominations ? Political Reform is the one thing needful ; and the men who would lead the public mind away from its consideration , are , to say the least , deceiving themselves and those who follow them . Cheap bread is an unquestionabl y good thing- ; but Parliamentary Reform would not only ensure the cheap loaf , but be the instrument through which justice to Capital and Labour mi ght bo fairly distributed to each . I therefore raise the banner of
Manhood Suffrage , protected by the Ballot ; ' and though I will not bemean myself toobstruct the progress of men who are advocating a change of a less extensive character , yet I will repeat in writing what I have uttered in speech , that as Manhood Suffrage is founded upon a principle , and less than its admission will ever result in the exclusion of men as qualified to possess the vote as those who enjoy it ; so it is better—far better—to settle a great question like this by an honest admission , rather than patch up a despicable system , encourage connection of opinion , leave the principle unacknowledged , and otherwise encourage a feeling of distrust and hatred amongst the working orders .
On the part of the working classes I ask for Justice —and it is for these classes to say whether or not they are prepared to peacefull y organise themselves to obtain it on their own behalf . Their own strength and consistent demeanour must win the victory for them . The veil which now conceals her fair face will never be drawn , except it be by themselves . All their social attempts will prove still-born —their honest endeavours to better the condition of the labourer prove futile . Men can laugh at them under the present arrangements , for they know they are powerless . Reverse this , and their voice would be listened to , because it must bo attended to . This , then is the right arm of power . * without its possession
men do but battle with the wind . In their well-intentioned zeal , they , or some of thorn , may think differentl y ; but when that has been spent , aud in its place apathy has become the controller of their energies , then they will see that they have been fighting for the shadow , and neglecting the substance . What they and all of us stand in need of , is Political Power ; not that it , per se , will do everything , but that it will be the means , through its possession , of giving to Labour a chance in the competitive struggle for existence . Then Labour must be listened to , because it would be an acknowledged interest . It is not cared for now because it is powerless . Censor .
Open Or Uelhiesehtative Vestries. On Tue...
OPEN OR UELHIESEHTATIVE VESTRIES . On Tuesday evening , a public meeting was held at the Assembly-rooms , Lanadowne Arms , Islington-green , fov t \ -. e purpose of taking into consideration certain clauses in tho present local act of the parish of St . Mary , Islington , and to express an opinion upon the steps to be taken when the report of the committee appointed by tbe vestry shall be brought up , in case of that committee recommending an application to p arliament for the establishment of a select or representative vestry , in lieu of the present open vestry meetings . —Moses Guedalla , Esq ., occupied the chair , and stated the objects of the meeting . He had no apprehension that they should ever return to the oil and obsolete system of select vestries ; tho question was , should they have a representative vestry I lie had received communications , from several members of parliament , and they wore
all of opinion that the best remedy for tho evils generally complained of by the metropolitan parishes could only be achieved by a coalescing of all the parishes , who should at once unite for the purpose of obtaining a general act for the government of all the metropolitan parishes . Among tho many abuses in their oivn parish was the enormous charge for the removal of paupers , tho chief items of expense were for cab hire and fees to Mr . Bodkin . The average charge for the removal of each pauper to an adjoining parish was £ 13 10 s . Another abuse was the charge of £ 160 a year for keeping the borough registration of voters , lie felt sure that there was no remedy for these and other equally glaring evils , but for the whole of the metropolitan parishes to unite in one great agitation for the purpose of getting a general act , by which they should be in future governed . —Mr . Harris rose to move the first resolution . There could bo no doubt that the present system , which countenanced plurality of voting , was working ill . The looa ! act refused a vote in vestry to householders r . v . ed
under £ 20 a year . The qualification to vote for a member of parliament was only one half that sum . At the recent election , the present vestrymen were placed in power through the abuse of plurality of votine ; by not more than 4 , 000 individuals out of tho 90 , 000 inhabitants . He moved that measures bo taken for tbe purpose of making an application to parliament for such an alteration in the local act as would abolish plurality of voting , reduce the qualification of a vestryman to that of a parliamentary elector , vest tho appointment of all tho officers and the sum to ho voted for salaries in the vestry itself . —Mr . E . Smith seconded the resolution . —Several gentlemen having addressed the meeting , an address was moved by Mr . Pinchbank , to the effect that there should be a full , fair , and free exercise to every ratepayer in any amendment to the local act which might be' applied for , which having been seconded , Mr . Harris withdrew his motion , and the amendment of Mr . Pinchhank was put and carried unanimously , and the meeting broke up at a late hour .
Leicester-Square Improvemhni Bill.—A Num...
LEICESTER-SQUARE Improvemhni Bill . —A numerousl y attended meeting of' the inhabitants of Leicester-square took place on Thursday evening at the Sabloniere Hotel , for the purpose of adopting measures to oppose Mr . Wvld ' s bill for building permanently on tbe interior of the square ' . W . It . Rhodes , Esq ., was called to the chair .-Mr . Hind explained tbe objects of the meeting , animadverting in strong terms upon the misrepresenta tions made to the inhabitants , for the purpose of obtaining their sanction to the erection of a building now standing upon that pieco of ground . —Mr . Eidgway dwelt upon the fact that only three inhabitants supported Mr . Wyld ' s proposed improvement . —Resolutions were put and carried unanimously—1 st .
Condemning Mr . Wyld ' s misrepresentations , and pledgmg the inhabitants to oppose the bill in every stage . " 2 ndly , " That the meeting regarded , the bill as an act to confiscate tho rights of private propertv , " Srdlv . "That ho proposed simply , in the first instance , an erection of iron and glass ike the Crystal . Palace , without any stone , slate , and bricks , m tho construction , and that only forthree yean , to which his present bill was a gross contradiction . Thanks were then voted to the chairman . . The CowtT .-The Queen and her family are residing at Osborne . Her Majesty has not been visited by any of the ministers since the levee held on the 3 rd inst ., nor has any ; ditsmguiaaed guest arrived , :
F O'Connor Fund, L\- Qu .W.Ednespay ~ Ey...
f O'CONNOR FUND , l \ - Qu . W . ednespay ~ eyining the " third meeting W ihe GonviJittee ok the above fund was held at lG , Gje ^ indroffl-street , Mr . 'M'Gowan in the cli ' aife ivKeh the- following address . to the public , tfeilfnends of Mr . O'Connor , and the CliarlistsBflhe United Kingdom , was unanimousl y agreed to : — 'For a ,. considerable number of years Mr . Eeargus . 0 ! fe'oi , nor , jM . P ., has . occupied a prominent position ^ among : the public men o £ this country . Whatever may . have been thought of the political views of which ho was the advocate , or tho policy pursued by tho party of which ho was the leader , no one could doubt the zeal and disinterestedness with
which he devoted his time , energies , and means to the cause he had espoused , ; : ' . On the practicability of the Land Plan , " originated b y him , . there must necessarily exist . ^ great diversity of opinion ; but it vol ! gene-. 0 &? conceded that the object , if practicable , ¦ ~ ^'^ M * good , one ; and the decision of a W ; § fi it $ ' Committee of the House of Commons , aftejva strict investi gation , proved the . honestyand gpoffiuth with which its . affairs were conducted .
, a ^ wellsasthe expenditure of a large sum . out of Mr . O ^ 0 ?* ' 8 own re 8 9 wces to promote the objects of thejlompauy The unfortunate failure of that Compa ^ ir and the numerous and embarrassing claims m | 9 e ' upon Mr . O'Connor in consequence , have ultimately seriousl y affected themind of that gentleman . Recent events which have been recorded in the publie journals , and the nightl y experience of members of . Parliament , as well as that of all who cpmoia contact with him , prove . this fact beyond doubt .
'In addition to this painful fact , it appears that he is almost ,, if not entirely y ^ fitbout pecuniary re sources , aiu ^ that he ^ a ^ o ' rJel ^ p its either ^ able or-willing to undertake the measure * necessary under such' circumstances . ' These reasons have induced several friends to form themselves into a committee for tho purpose of alleviating the condition of this unfortunate gentleman as fur as pecuniary means can do so . In taking this position , the Committee do not in the slightest
degree identif y themselves with Mr , O'Connor ' s peculiar views , or past policy . Theysimpl y feel thesympath y which Englishmen of all ranks aud classes ever feel for the unfortunate and the distressed , and they appeal with confidence to that common sympathy on the part of their fellow countrymen , as well as to the stronger feeling which must incite the numerous party with whom Mr . O'Connor acted , to come forward with liberal and prompt subscriptions . The objects of the Committee are twofold .
1 . To employ , if thought advisable , an accountant to prepare an analysis and balance-sheet of theo Laud Company ' s expenditure , iu order that the affairs of that Company may be honourabl y wound up . ' 2 . To purchase such an annuity for Mr . O'Connor as will at least suffice to provide him with necessaries and comforts , during tho remainder of his life , and to place him under the circumstances best adopted to restore health of body aud mind . '
' The following constitute tho acting Committee : — Messrs . John Shaw , ]) . M'Gowan , G . A . Fleming , C . W . Di . nford , JohnMathiiis , John Milne , J . J . Bezer , John Dicks ; J . Arnott , Secretary . Messrs . T . S . Duucombe , M . l \ , T . Wakley , M . P .. Sharaian Crawford , M . P ., W . Williams , M . P ., G . Thompson , M . P ., and J . Williams , M . P ., have been applied to . Some of these gentlemen havo already consented to act on the Committee , and all of them have promised to assist with their aid and influence its objects . We shall be able to give a complete list next week .
'Subscription-books , and all other information , may be had upon application to Mr . John Arnott , secretary , at the * Star ' office , ID , Great Windmill-street , and subscriptions will be duly announced each week in the columns of that journal and ' Reynolds ' s Newspaper . ' 'Tho subscriptions will be paid by the treasurer into the London Joint Stock Bank , until they amount toa sufficient sum to purchase an annuity , when the necessary legal forms for appointing trustees and other measures requisite in such cases will be executed . In . the meantime , tbe subscriptions will be placed in tho bank to the credit of the O'Connor Fund in the joint names of Messrs . M'Gowan , Fleming , and Shaw . Monies Received per tt . O'Consob . —Sto 8 lsp > rt , per J . Walker . 10 s . ( id . ; Winchester , per G . Sturgess , 4 s . fid ., Glasgow , J . Ureer , M . D ., 10 s . ; J . Murray , Sheffield , 6 d .
Amnesty To All Political Exiles. A Publi...
AMNESTY TO ALL POLITICAL EXILES . A public meeting , called lor the above object , Was hold on Tuesday evening , at the Scientific and Literary Institution , Little Saffron-hill , Finsbury . T / ie meeting was well attended , and an enthusiastic spirit prevailed . Mr . Butlku having been called to the chair , introduced tho subject to the meeting . The Secrktaktc read letters of apology from T . S . Duncombe , T . Cooper , J . Harney , and others , approving of tho objects of the meeting , but pleading other engagements foe non-attendance .
Mr . Murray moved the first resolution as follows : — " That this meeting , sympathising with the Politk-: tl Exiles of Great Uritain and Ireland , and believing the y . imishmenh they have undergone to be amply sufficient to atone for the crime ^ in the eye of tho law ) , of endeavouring to achieve the liberties of their country , resolve to petition parliament ,. and memorialise her most Gracious Majesty for a lull , entire ,. and complete amnesty to all political offunders . " Many of : these cxileshad been banished from their native land , merely for differing in opinion from the government of tbe day ,, and others bad been entrapped by the agency of Whig spies .. Granting that the men had committed errors , they had not i done any injury to society , and the punishment tiwy had J already endured more than expiated the errors they had i committed . Frost and his companions had cnJured long ; years of exile , and no barm could fall on society by allowing » them to return to their homes and families .
Mr . Bimos socondi d the resolution . As one of the political prisoners of 1848 he felt great sympathy with hiss brethren in exile . Lsrd John Russell had in his works de-iclaved thiit viinellion was sometimes a virtue , There was is not so much violation of the law in tho actions of the exilesjs as thDro was in the procuriment of tho Reform Bill , whiemh was said to have been obtained by moral means . In 184 BIB there bad boon no burnings at Bristol—no torchli ght meet-tings throughout the land . Tho men who were transported ^ had not received a fair trial , and on every principle ofof justice and mercy they should receive a free pardon . Duringig the Whig Administration , the Dorchester Labourers , theoe Glasgow Cotton Spinners , and the Canadian rebels had nihil received pardons , and in the former case a free , passagege home , and remuneration for the wrongs that had been innnflicted upon themv It was owinu to the apathy of the peop ! e >! e alone , that Frost and his companions had not long yjnCQCO been iu the bosom of their familiea in their nativo landjd .
Mr . Windmill supported the resolution in a spirited ad-iddrww , and it was unanimously agreed to by the meeting . Mr . Finlkn moved a petition to the House of Commons . is , founded upon tho above resolution . If men would nofcot struggle to recal to liberty those who had fallen martyrsrs to their cause , it augured but ill for the futuro prospects ofof the human family . " Thomas Cooper , in his " Purgatory of of Suicides , " had for ever immortalised these men , andnd stamped their persecutors with infamy . Each and all thesesse men , from Frost to Cuffay , Mitchel and the Ilia !) « xiles , e 3 ,, deserved to be separately eulogised , and their memory kept'pti green and fresh in the hearts of all the Democratic ' bodyjjy ., Tho speaker , during a long and eloquent address , was eueuthusiaitically cheered .
Mr . Bkzer seconded the adoption of the petition . Tlelle ! should bo doubly ungrateful if ho did not warmly reapondmdl to the seutiments previously uttered , lie was person . iUyiUji acquainted with roost of the victims who had been cxilecilec : in 1848 . These men who were now suffering in the Penama , Settlements , were honest , sincere , warm-hearted Democratsats i of whom the country was not woi-thy . Tho Whigs weruern more seditious when out of office ihan ever the Chaftisttisti were ; the Protectionists were the same ; rebellion and scdiicdii tion were only called so when unsuccessful , and developeopeo among the poor . Sharp died in Tothill Fields , because hie hn said , on Clerkcnwell Gveen , "Men , stick for your rights 1 . ' . !? . " This , in 1848 , was sedition , and punished by impmonmentien ;
and death . The extreme opinions of one period were thougbugbi moderate in a succeeding age , and if punishment was em em dured for them , it implied no disgrace , and the punishmeiuicui should be remitted as speedily as tho people could obtaUtaju the power . They might not have exercised discretion i » n hi their attempt to achieve their country ' s liberty , but tlie ; the ; : had proved they deserved freedom , by daring to struggliggll < for it . . ' ¦ Mr . Osbor . ve supported tho petition in a speech of greajreai practical effect , in which he regretted that the leaders orsco the people had been so apat hetic upon this subject . II III suggested that a committee of twenty persons should Ud hb appointed to get up a large , out-door meeting upon tin tlili subject . . , , j . , The petition was then unanimously adopted .
Mr . T , 'M . Wheeler moved ' a memorial to' the . q . acelucew fouuded upon tho resolution , and explained tho stops take ' taku by the late Convention to obtain the liberation of the exilexilee Mr . Ldomks seconded the adoption of tho memorial , vhiivhui was agreed to after an address from Mr . Dick . Mr . Osdornk moved , and Mr . Grani seconded , tho alio aa pointment of a Committee to get up a , public out-door mee men ing on ClerKonwell Green , on May 1 st . The motion was agreed to , aud the Committee appoint tain ! cc The meeting then adjourned , with a ' vote of thanks t j fc t j « ehairnun , ¦> ¦ ¦¦ ¦ - . "*¦•• ¦ -. ¦ . : '• .. ' . " ¦? ' ¦ ¦
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 20, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_20031852/page/1/
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