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Northern Star (1837-1852), 20th March 1852, Edition 2 of 2, Page 5

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      [Town Ismi'iok.] An Old Friend Mth A Kef...

      AUCJaUCU -- " - xw _ rrr = ^ ^ Z ^ t ^ r earnestness in tlie course we f « "five «? cre „ , ? nid as bv their support in the *? l TSi « ££ ** views among all classes ,,. t i ,,. t to ff ™ nulch for < IUr own sake as for Vf ^ the Si «» e of the liberty of the f t ^ V at c , use which we shall never desert-we ] to J to them ! hut increased in power and usefuld t 0 ed to i Svin-- that those who are themselves ; «¦ . an'l f ^ ' ^^ fc ft , s 5 nc erity , we shall ^ ?* I cSriL the iirnt belief that , in the long * retrain wilf prevail , ' and that those who consis * v -4 h > -locate it will meet with that success for all inhkihey look to as the best recompense for their

      ' futrSuture , then , the -Star' will be the advocate exp | exponent of general progress It will record belli hell * forward organisations of all kinds , whether icalitical <« r Sowi . It will strive to wed the two to otlh other . It will never lose an opportunity of mptempu nj * engroft tne one upon the other . It ural unje upon those who are banded together for ticVitic al liberty , the frniifulness of social eifort . It prtj pre ^ s upon those who are united for social Uoie'ionition , the necessity for political action . Thus

      ! i p ] -h phase of the great forward movement of huniaj m ; v may be mads to develope the other and organisais f ' ns framed for either object may be , made available hot ) both . Social comfort will lend an added charm mlil p olitical freedom , and legislative liberty will secure the the industrious tlie opportunity of exercising upon r ter terms their industry , and ensure to them the uyijoynif nt of its fruits . It is only thus that the cause the the masses can effectually be served . By that ideode alone can they be led on to both freedom and upkmine « . Let the attempt be made ia thai direc-! n \ on with intelligence and courtesy , as well as with eraer' -v and enthusiasm , and the period will be near hi hand when c ° M ' , ete emancipation , political , ini 5 tm 5 tri-. il , and social , will he within the grasp of the

      B Do our readers think that worth striving for ? Is lerhere a ^ m > le Chartist who dots not feel that the oteote which ought to be his would be more powerful herhen exercised in comfort than when given from tne lidnidst of suffering ? Is there a single co-operator horho doss not acknowledge that industrial prorecess would he more certain if the people had belie franchise to promote and defend it ? We think beherecau be but one answer to b . » th of those questions ; and , beiievin ? that , we entreat our fneads , otjoth poJifel and social to ^ live their support to an ttittempt to develope the great cause of human emanjpapation in bath its aspects—the attempt to which hehe " Star' will benceferrh he devoted .

      ... ... « Nee. T H E S T A R .

      . .. ... « nee . T H E S T A R .

      Mm Battle Of The Outs And The Ins* " ? T...

      mm BATTLE OF THE OUTS AND THE INS * " ? The Sew Ministry , and the Opposition organised hy tithe Cbeshain-place compact , faced each other , for the fiifirst time , on Monday night Expectation was on tiptctoe ; and the attendance in both Houses was unusuaallv large . The tactics of both parties had , however , I been so far disclosed hy the organs of each , that there \! was little to learn on either side . The * Outs' were to

      t try to provo ke the 'Ins ' to an explicit avowal of a def finite measure of Protection , and an immediate disso-1 lution—the' Ins ' " were determined to give neither the « one nor the other . The attack in the Lords was coml nenced by Lord Beaumont , whose speech was cer-^ tahuy a very huge pyramid raised upon a very narrow [ foundation . ' The Premier happily and forcibly ex-[ posed the exaggerated and the alarmist tone which I pervaded it , and defended with great force and ability

      the position he has taken up for the New Administrai tion , In brie f , that position may be described as fol-I lows : —Lord BERisrand his party have been called to I power by no active effort on their part . The blow j which drove the late Ministry from office was not j dealt h y their hand , but by a former friend and col-\ league . It was , in fact , deserted by its usual supporj teri—fell from its own inherent weakness ; and having I come to the conclusion that a dissolution was inexpedient , recommended Lord Derbv to . the Sovereign as the person to be entrusted with the formation of anew \ Government . In accordance with that

      recommendation , and the consequent command of the Quees , Lord BiiBEr undertook the duty , formed an Administration , and is prepared to carry on the Government until Parliament can he dissolved without inconvenience to the public service . In the meantime , he pledges himself to introduce no measures that are not absolutely necessary , or upon which as measures of general utility and advantage there is notageneral agreement amongst all parties . The great questions of Free Trade and Protection are to be left to the issue of the General Election .

      Such was , in substance , the declaration of the Premier and the Chancellor of the Exchequer , and it most be confessed hy all but their most bigotted opponents , that it is a fair position to take up . If a dissolution was inexpedient three weeks ago it must be equally inexpedient now ; and it is difficult to understand upon what ground the statesman who shrunk from recommending that course bo short a time since , should now seek to force it upon his successor . The actual business of the country has not ibeen advanced . Since he left office grave anil importnnt fiscal questions , as well as matters which ,

      according to his own showing , were of the utmost consequence connected with the defence of the country , press for settlement . It would be a positive dereliction of duty to dissolve under such circumstances . With regard to the other great point urged by Lord Beaumont and by Mr . Vilueks , who in the Lower House led the opposition , namely—the right of Parliament to an explicit declaration of the policy of the Government with respect to Protection , Lord Derby retorted by an unanswerable' tu quoque . ' When Lord J . Russell took office in 1846 , Mr . T . Buncombe pressed tbe new Government for an explicit declaration of the policy which it intended to pursue . In reply , his lordship declined to make any such declaration , and backed up his refusal by referring to

      precedents in the cases of Earl Grey , Lord Mel-Sourxe , and SirH . Yzrl—none of whom had made [ any declaration on taking office . It was , therefore , ^ constitutional to demand it ; and though on the Question of tbe Irish Church and other matters , he had expressed very decided opinions put of office , he would not pledge himself to act on these opinions if he found that the convictions of the people were not tfl accordance with his own . The parallel is complete , and it is rendered all the more powerful in favour f the present Ministry , because Lord J . -Svssell aud tbe Whigs were active parties in displacing the Minister whom they succeeded in 1846 . They were an organised opposition for the avowed purpose of obtaining office , and had , therefore , prima facie , tlie less excuse for refusing a full , frank , and

      explicit exposition of their policy . Ia the abstract , and upon constitutional grounds , therefore , the position which the new Ministry have taken up is perfectly unassailable , and any attempts | to drive them from it mast be purely factions . The p-jbrid "Liberal' Opposition are suffering the natural i nsult of their own misdeeds , ia being forced into such ! course as they are now pursuing . They did not - » ake that use of power while they possessed it . which

      * Quld have prevented the restoration of their political rivals to office . Tbey alienated the masses from them by their apathy and lukewarm support of popular principles and measures . They have fallen because they were unfaithful to their own professed [ Political creed , aud prostituted the power entrusted r Aen - for the public benefit , to class , personal , and prty interests . For this they are now justly bSbt byEeeiD S ^ Tor 5 esa S on fcneMin 5 ster r » l uenches , with a determination not to be driven

      or £ \" tDoat a hand-to-hand and desperate straggle , ' * nich they will select their own time , purpose , and w * wea P ° » a » d c ° nw provided with all the wf of offic ? and the re 6 oarce 8 of the Public j ^ S * both in p atronage and pelf . i aTe Coe ^ nt > t appear tons that the people at large eerta ; ) * to fear from * P re , ent Ministry ; and lio $ they have still less to hope from tho restora-W / &< Whigs , re-inforced with a few Free Mr . 3 ' and simple . Both Lord Derby and Bfp j ^ EU _ repeatedly disclaimed the restoration and ijj *^ 0110111 * hi the shape of a revived duty on corn , bur fina m a decided leaning to an adjustment of burdens 'J'tem , with the view of equalising INnes " of " ^ meaI 15 ° « " meeting the conse-Nh )!* 1 th recenfc commercial policy . To such a ^ til jast a - Duld to bat one answer on the P * Peofop * * " ^ partial »•« - If » - wai wrong in Prire at th Umea for the landlord or farmer to K °% wront / ? of & e manufacturer , it is r ^ nse of ?& manufacturer to thrive at the --aea gncaittutf clftmnW 4 - EaiiplftV

      Mm Battle Of The Outs And The Ins* " ? T...

      and no favour' ought to be tho motto of the people in this contest . They ought neither to be the partisans of tho cottonocracy on the one hand , nor the coraocracy on the other . By holding the balance fairly , the Liberal party will become more liberal . They must bid higher for public support . The settlement of 1846 , with respect to the Corn Laws , is no more to be considered a final measure than the Heform Act of 1831 . "We must have no Finality—no living upon traditions , instead of acting in the living present . In this respeftt the advent of the Tories to power is rather to be rejoiced at than mourned over . From the tone of Lord Derby ' s speech on Monday night ,

      it is evident that he has a sincere and deep-rooted detestation of democracy in all its forms . Again and again did he call upon the privileged classes to aid him in resisting its encroachments , and declared his determination to oppose auy increased introduction of the democratic element iuto our institutions . This is as it should be . We prefer « the bold , erect , and manly foe ^ to the undecided , sneaking , pusillanimous , or treacherous friend , whose friendship expires in prof essions , or translates itself into obstruction in acts . Such a Ministry as that of Lord Derby's will put the country on its mettle . We shall see whether Parliamentarv Reform , National Education , and

      other great questions , are to be arrested by the fiat of the haughty Lord of Knowsley or not . The larger issues involved in a contest with such an-opponent , will soon cast into their comparative insignificance tbe party questions raised by sglfish and trafficking politicians , or interested classes . The nation will rise above tho sordid and grovelling state of mind , which regards everything in a purely material and monetary point of view , and once more ascend to the dignity of asserting and maintaining principles which affect the welfare of the whole people , and regard man as man , not as a mere toiling , buying , and bargaining animal .

      Under the reign of the Whigs and the mere Free Traders , the country has been lulled into an apathy and indifference to principle almost equal to that which has pervaded Parliament itself . Something was needed to rouse it from this deplorable and dangerous condition . There can be no fear as to the result of its re-awakening . The History of England is one long record of the ever-growing strength of the people and their victories over arbitrary power and exclusive p r ivileges . Each successive barrier , erected by the aristocracy against the advancing tide of democracy , has been surely swept away , and those which may be reared by the Earl of Derby will as certainly meet the same fate .

      Extinction Of Paupebism. Since The Passi...

      EXTINCTION OF PAUPEBISM . Since the passing of the Poor'Law Amendment Act in 1834 , eighty millions sterling have been levied for the support of Pauperism iu England and Wales alone , or upon an average for the sixteen years , five millions per annum . To this must be added two millions more for Scotland and Ireland , making in all seven millions yearly . But even that is not the whole cost of Pauperism to the country . It is calculated that there should be added , at least , three millions and a half more for the loss of the wealth which might be created by the able-bodied indoor and oatdoor poor who are , uuder the present system , kept compuUorily idle . Ten millions and a half annuall y Yet we boast that we are enlightened and practical people !

      The Poor Law Amendment Act was directed to the correction of the abuses which had crept in under the old law , and was purely negative and antagonistic inits character . Its franiers sought to counteract existing evils , rather than to frame a new system upon broad and remedial principles . Wa now see the result . Pauperism is an established social disease which it costs the country a sum equal in amount to one-fifth of its whole revenue to treat topically . At the end of each year we are no nearer its eradication than when we began . So far as the essential and direct object of a Poor Law is concerned , we might as well have sunk the seven millions in the middle of the Atlantic .

      The folly of fashionable Political Economy , was perhaps never more conspicuously displayed than it has been in all matters connected with this question ; nor has the utter failure of tbe system silenced the advocates of tbe fallacies on which it was based Although experience has demonstrated that the workhouse test , the worse than penal diet , and tho actual penal discipline by which it was sought to prevent tbe poor from seeking relief , has not put down ' Pauperism—neither the Legislature nor the Government has dreamt of any better method of solving this great problem . They have been content to rest satisfied

      with the sbalio wsophisms by which the Economists pretended to have settled the question . Pauperism , in their hands , has become one of the ' institutions' of modern society . In other stages , there may have been casual and temporary poverty , arising from peculiar and varied causes , bnt never before was there exhibited such an extraordinary anomaly as the growth of a mass of permanent Pauperism co ordinate with an uupatalkd increase of the means for producing wealth . The very terms ' Pauper' and ' Pauperism' aro of modern coinage—the new fact had to be suited with a new nomenclature .

      What is tho cause of this state of things ? Because the state doctors have treated the disease on a radically unsound theory . They have strenuousl y opposed the principle of reproductive employment , for the poor which can alone constitute the foundation of any really beneficial legislation upon tbe subject , as being subversive of the best interests of the community . It has been deemed a conclusive answer to all proposals of that kind , to say that the reproductive labour of paupers would interfere with independent industry . Yet when this formidable objection is analysed , it will be seen to be a mere bugbear . Yon must pay for the Pauper , whether out of his own labour , or the labour of somebody else . Before a man enters the workhouse—unless he has been a rich one—ho

      must have lived either by labour , begging , or stealing . In the first case , his labour must have quite as much interfered with the industry of others as it would when employed under a reproductive system . Beggary or robbery involve a still moro ruinous interference with the resources and industry of the community . We are happy to observe that a Society , under the title of the Poor Law Reform Association , has taken up this grave and important question , and is holding meetings for the purpose of creating a new public opinion on this subject . In this work they have received good help at starting from Thomas Cablyle , who , in his earnest and characteristic style , thus writes to the Secretary : —

      According to all the notions I can form of our strange time , with its manifold perplexities , Its vague , high-flying hopes , and fearful , steadily advancing perils , this that you have in view is precisely the thing needfullest to be done , the first of all real steps towards safety and improvement for English society , as matters now stand . Till some veritably wise and human mode of dealing with that frightful , erer-increasiug class called paupers is attained , or , at least , is zealously endeavoured after by the government arid the community , I can only consider English society , as in a state of slow continual'inoie , every day bringing it nearer the state of fame and utter conflagration , into which we have seen all other European societies already go , in a very tragic manner ' . This is , and has long been , my fixed opinion ; grounded on ionaroerable considerations , deeper and less deep , on which volumes mi ght be written , and which areof far too extensive compass to be entered upon here .

      One thing may be asserted , without risk , and has the closest reference to this matter . If free bargain in the market , and fair up-and-down wrestle and battle between employers and employed , be the rule of labour ( which I am far from believing it capable if being , except for a very limited time , and in very peculiar circumstances ); still more , if new and infinitely mere human arrangements between emp loyers and employed ara—as all men begin to surmise , and as many men have long foreseen—an indispensable necessity for labour , in England as elsewhere , then , clearly , I say , u . either case , the first condition of fair play is , that all paupers be quite eliminated from the controversy , aud carried clear away from it , out of the labour marfeet , and its wrestles and Us struggles . This , one would think , needs little demonstration . Alas ! if the pauper the rich

      were always supported by , especiall y by the idle rich , I could esteem it for the moment a small matter ; but he is supported by the poor , by those who are not yet quite paupers-who , with fatal invincibility ( and not by his " rates" alone , but by his bad condHct , by his bad example , by the thous andfold infection of him every day and hour ) , he is drawing down into that sad category ! It i » miserable to contnik The course of etery idle , foolish man , left loose to become a pauper-continually derang ing every honest workman ' s bargain , then taking shelter m the poorhSuseatthe bonest workman ' s expense , then again , burstfir out to prSducenew derangement and confusion-is like thi coureeof an incendiary torch among the peaceable pos-Scions If mankind ; it is « ad as would be the coarse of % ^ S ?^ £ SS to run ambling about * , . { reel , in these limes of our ? .

      Extinction Of Paupebism. Since The Passi...

      Air . Cablile adds that he is quite aware the sub . ject has its difficulties , and , in its ulterior development , may lead us into innovations for which wo are little prepared at present ; that , however , so far from being a reason for not taking tlie task in hand , is in reality an additional reason' for making a beginning . How is that beginning to be made ? To us the way seems clear enough . It has alread y been to some extent , pioneered by isolated experimenters At Cork the excessive rates induced the guardians to try reproductive employment as a means of lessening them . They looked at the matter solel y in an economical point of view , and they were successful

      not only m thaj respect , but in others , on which probably they did not calculate—the morals of the poor were improved at the same time that the burdens on the rate payers were diminished . The example has induced others to follow , and the system is spreading in Ireland . In the Thanet Union the guardians have converted the able-bodied paupers into a source of profit instead of loss , with the same beneficial moral results . At Sheffield , a few years since , it was found that the much vaunted ' testlabour ' of tho economists who invented the existing system , and which is made purposely unproductive and irrit ating , made the paupers refractory . The workhouse was a scene of constant turmoil , insubordination , and

      outrage . Some of the guardians , relying on their own common sense more than the theories of political economists , proposed the establishment of a Pauper Farm . Waste land , at a short distanco from tho town was hired , and the refractory able bodied paupers were set to work upon it . Disorder and mutiny disappeared before the magic influence of well directed labour . In a short time work upon the farm became a privilege only granted to tho bestconducted , instead of a punishment for the disorderly and insubordinate inmates of the workhouse . The experiment was decidedly successful in a pecuniary sense , while at the same time it improved the character of the workers , and taught them how to get independent labour .

      We might point to many other practical illustrations in proof of the certainty with which the general adoption of the reproductive system would put a stop to all the evils which are inherent iu the present mode of administering poor relief , but our space will not permit . It is onl y necessary to add that the means for carraying out that system exist in abundance . Millions of acres of cultivable , but uncultivated land lie waste , while hundreds of thousands of able-bodied

      labourers are kept idle at au annual cost of seven millions ol pounds sterling . This waste land , wasted labour , and misapplied capital , constitute the trifold foundation on which a national system of reproductive pauper industry is to be based . It is only requisite to bring these three primary elements of wealth together in proper combination incrderto make , that which is now a shame , a disgrace , and a sore burden to society , tho source of increased riches , strength , and prosperity to the whole community .

      A loan of twenty or thirty millions on the security of the rates , applied in a scientific and systematic manner to the cultivation of tbe fifteen million acres of uncultivated land in the United Kingdom , would in less than ten years destroy both Pauperism and Poor Rates . Why don't we adopt such a measure Because the political Economists say it is SOCIALISM John Bull—honest , but simple John—is frightened at that word , and so goes on suffering grumbling , and paying .

      Society Of Tbf Fhiends Of Italy.—The Sec...

      Society of tbf Fhiends of Italy . —The second conversazione of this Society is to be held next Wednesday . On which occasion Mr . G . Dawson will commence the proceedings with a lecture , which will lie followed by a conversation , in the course of which M . Mazz ' mi will avail himself of the opportunity of familiarly explaining the Italian Question . His lecture , at the former mpeting , has been reprinted as a tract , with notes and illustrations . We have no doubt the meeting will he like the last , an extremely interesting one . Engineers' Strike . —This unfortunate dispute seems to be in much the same position as last week . Th » -re are indications that , in the very nature of things , it ia drawing to a close , but the contending parties hesitate as to which shall make the first advance . The masters' committee publiali deceptive statements of the numlier of men who have signed the declaration , for the purpose of producing an

      impression that they are winning . The men retort by a counterstatement to show they are unsubdued , that their ranks are still unbroken , and that the obnoxious declaration must he withdrawn as a preliminary to any negotiation whatever . A deputation , from the Executive , has visited the principal towns and cities of Scotland with the view of eliciting the sympathy and support of their Scottish brethren . At all these meetings report states the greatest unanimity and determination prevailed , and , thus reinforced , the men will he able to maintain their position longer , without materially encroaching upon the capital of the Society . We observe that a delegate meeting of the Birmingham Trades is summoned for next Tuesday night , at the Ship Inn , for the purpose of adopting measures to co-o , ; erate with the men on strike . Deputations from London and Manchester will be present .

      West Riding Election . —Mr . Oastler addresses a power-All letter to Mr . Cobden , in the ' Home , ' this week , anent the forthcoming election . The indignation of the 'Old King' is roused at the style in which the Free Trade leader assumed to have disposed of the representation of that immense and influential constituency , and he promises that the election shall not he settled without' reason and argument , ' both of which Mr . Cobden considered unnecessary at tbe Leeds meeting . I am , ' says Mr . Oastler , * an old stager at Yorkshire elections , and if health and years allowed , I would be at your elbow , trying to make dark matters light , and to sweep away some of the sophisms you palm oif on your

      dupes , by the more solid , but less flashy article of truth . I am fond of" reason and argument , " and , mayhap , I would have dragged you into some " reasons and arguments" you are just cunning enough to avoid . You , no doubt , make sure of having your run unimpeded by me . Be not too confident . All is not yet" quite safe . " I may , one fine morning , just look down upon you , to watch how you ensnare and worry your prey . True , I am frail , bnt there are times when the spirit feels strong , though the flesh be weak ; and it is not impossible that I may once more witness au election in my own native Yorkshire . Not a few of my own Yorkshire "lads" would yet welcome me at " an election stir . " Depend upon it , you are not yet" quite safe . "'

      Wolverhampton Conspiracy Case. Glasgow, ...

      WOLVERHAMPTON CONSPIRACY CASE . Glasgow , March 17 . —The vindictive imprisonment of the defendants in the above case is arousing the sympathy of the trades of Glasgow . During the week we have had interviews with some of the leading minds in the city ; all of whom feel very strongly tho injustice done to labour by the incarceration of Messrs . Peel , Green , Duffield , & c , for their noble defence of Trades ' Unions . Oa Monday evening , the 15 th , we had a meeting with Messrs . W . and J . Brown , Mr . Duncan Sherrington , and others , whose unwearied exertions for the elevation of the toiling millions have deservedly obtained for them the

      confidence of the trades of this city . Tbe object of this meeting was to adopt the best and most practicable measures to secure the assistance and co-operation Of the Trades to aid the London Defence committee to liquidate their liabilities . All present seemed animated with one feeling , and were unanimous in their determination to maintain the undoubted victory we achieved for labour in tbe Court of Queen ' s Bench . After an interesting ' conversation upon the question , it was resolved : — " That a delegate meeting of the Trades of Glasgow should be immediately called ; and in the interim the deputation from the Defence Committee should wait upon as many trades as they could gain access to . The delesatemeetlng is called for Tuesday , the 23 rdinst . "

      In accordance with this resolution , we have waited upon tho Committee of the Tailors , Shoemakers , and Boiler Makers—all of whom uppeav to he warmly interested in our object—and have expressed their willingness to use 0 ' ery exertion to give substantial and immediate assistance ; and from the courteous and spirited reception we have already met , we think we are justified in saying that a large amount will be contributed here . This , however , will be a work of time , and require considerable exertion and perseverance . We will give this ; the rest is with the trades . We hope next week to he able to report that at least some of the trades have commenced the work hy voting some assistance from their funds . Edward Hunpuiuhb . William H . Burh .

      Parliamkniaby Reform—A Public Meetm? Was...

      Parliamkniaby Reform—A public meetm ? was called on Thunday evening at the Druids' Hall , Farringdonstreet , to review the policy of the late Conference ef tbe Parliamentary Reform Association . The hall was well filled , and Ingrain Lockhart . Esq ., presided . Mr . J . Shaw , moved a resolution to the effect that the Charter was the only means which would really enfranchise the working classes . Mr . C . Murray seconded the resolution , which was supported by Mr . Bronterre O'Brien , Mr . Jones , and Mr . Beter . Mr . F . Nicbolls moved , and Mr . Thornton Hunt seconded , an amendment urging- tho necessity of union among the Reformers , and that while keeping up the Chartist organisation , and taking every opportunity to explain the point * of the Charter , they should aid them in extending the franchise , and defeating the common foe . The reitflution wag carried with only six dissentient * .

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      National Association Of United Trades.

      NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNITED TRADES .

      " PIAT JUS'HTIA . " " If it were possible for the working classes , by combining among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general rate of wipes it need hardly lie said that this would be a thing not to he pwmsbea , but to Vie welcomed and rejoiced at . "—Stuam Mill . The circumstauces under which , in 1845 , tho National Association was called iuto existence , were , in many respects , similar to those of the present time . An insidious and covert attack upon the industrial freedom of the working classes had just been discovered quietly working its way through

      tho House of Commons , and happily defeated by tho vigilance aud spirit of Mr . Thomas Duucombe . A delegate meeting of tho Trades had been suddenly convoked at the Bell Inn , Old Bailey , to arouse the working men of England to a full sense of the imminent and dangerous violation of their rights , which the passing of tho Masters and Servants Bill into law would have accomplished . An active agitation ensued , and their patriotic representative , Thomas Buncombe , backed by countless petitions from all parts of England and Scotland , succeeded in strangling the monster measure before it had arrived at maturity .

      • F , ia the whole parliamentary life-time of this true frieud of the people , he had accomplished but this one benefit for labour , ho would be richly entitled to the everlasting gratitude of every man who lives by the wages of his industry ; and we trust that the working men of Finsbury , whenever that gentleman presents himself for a renewal of their confidence , will remember aud gratefully acknowledge the deep obligation they aro uuder to him . Well , this deadly attack upon their constitutional rights having been thus happily defeated , Mr . Duncombe suggested to the delegates the propriety of taking immediate steps by a union of their several organised , though then isolated , bodies , to place themselves in a position at any future time to promptly and effectually resist , by a combined action , any similar attempt to make them tbe legalised slaves of Capital .

      The Delegates forming that Committee were not slow to perceive the wisdom of that recommendation , dictated by a necessity so urgent and indisputable . A conference of the Trades was called , and a Committee chosen to draw up a constitution and laws for a National Association of United Trades , for the Protection of Industry . ' At a subsequent conference , a draught of a constitution , and rules prepared by the Committee so chosen , and carefully devised by them'to be strictly within the letter and spirit of the laws , were finally adopted , and have since been , and remain to this day ( with a very few unimportant alterations of mere detail ) the constitution and laws of the existing Association ,

      The trades of Great Britain have just now escaped from a danger as imminent and fatal to their interests as that the Honourable member for Fiuabury saved them from in 1845 . And it is somewhat singular that the association which his foresight and patriotism called into existence , although but a shadow of the important reality lie had anticipated , should have been , iu a large measure , the instrument of preventing a judicial perversion of the combination Jaws , which would have as completely placed labour under the heels of capital as the obnoxious classes in tho Masters and Servants Bill of 1845 .

      We think we may fairly take credit for the Central Committee , for having been primarily the humble means of causing Mr . Justice Erie ' s Stafford law being amended by the superior judgment of the Court of Queen ' s Bench ; for had Messrs . Peel , Green , aud Winters , accepted the offer made to their counsel at Stafford , to plead guilty to the minor counts of the indictment , upon condition that no sentence was to he called for , the law , as there laid down by Justice Brie , would have been this day applicable to every Trade ' s Society , and all freedom of action would havo been virtually denied them . Thus far , then , has the National Association fulfilled its mission . Although not in a position of itself , unaided , to cope with the

      formidable conspiracy bent upon the legal destruction of every form of combination , it still formed the advanced guard of labour , and boldly grappled with tho enemy until the main army of industry could bo summoned to the rescue . While taking such credit for themselves as they think they are justly entitled to , the Central Committee would indeed be guilty of tho grossest injustice and the basest ingratitude , if they failed in giving-the full honour of the great moral victory ( for such it trul y is ) which has been achieved to tho indefatigable perseverance and untiring energy of the Defence Committe and its pro . vincial auxiliaries , and to the noble and liberal response given by the majority of . the Trades of England

      to their appeals for assistance . We doubt whether there ever was an instance in the history of Trades " Unions and there struggles , where such extraordinary and continued efforts were made , as has been so successfully by the London Defence Committee in the Wolverhampton Conspiracy Case , aud we do most sincerely hope that this excellent committee will not consider their labours ended , and separate without taking into its serious consideration the Labour Question with the existing and every day increasing necessity of a closer connexion than now exists between the different sections of industry . We think that every man who has observed and reflected upon the recent movements of the capitalists in Wolverhampton . Oldham , Manchester , and

      Bucklersbury , must come to the conviction that the time is now arrived when the advice given by Mr . Duncombe in 1845 , to throw aside their petty class prejudices , to unite upon a large , broad , and liberal basis for their mutual protection from the aggressions of capital , and for tho elevation and conservation of their order should be fairly tried . We know the difficulties which are . in the road . We know tbe amount and depth of the prejudices which must be sacrificed upon the altar of generosity . Tbe identity of interest between the highest paid mechanic and the worst remunerated artizan , very few of the former will in tho abstract deny ; hut how few are willing to practically acknowledge such conviction ? And yet it is this false pride , this hugging a fancied pre-eminence over others less fortunate

      than ourselves , which hnsbeen , and is , the great stumblingblock to a National Combination of Labour . In what consists the superiority of the man r . iio spends a lifetime in manufacturing the fragment of a watch , or the fraction oi a steam-engine , over the weaver of either of the textile fabrics , the shoemaker , or tbe tailor ! Or wherein does the one promote the comfort and happiness of the great mass of society in a higher degree than the other ? If , then , no intrinsic superiority , or no appreciable degree of higher individval utility can be discovered in one over the other , how puerile is it to simulate and pretend to a distinctive superiority which does not really exist , and to permit such unwarrantable assumptions to paralyse every effort to improve the condition of our degraded order . It is said that

      " Poverty brings us acquainted with strange bedfellows ;" and we venture co predict that unless this false pride is speeedily given to the winds , and only one distinctionthat of Unionists and Non-Unionists pe permitted to separate one working man from another—the day ap « preaches surely and rapidly , when all will be brought down to the same wretched level of demi-pauperism and slavish degradation . Tiieefforts now making by the capitalist Engineers to crush every noble impulse and every vestige of independance in those by whose sUill and industry—by no means too extravagantly paid—they are enabled to realise their colossal fortunes , and in many instances lift themselves up from their primitive insignificance , frotn the ranks of labour , to a tit ' ed

      pre-eminence , must surely convince not alone the skilled mechanics , but the rightminded man in every class of British labour , that His highest duty and most obvious interest are now to throw aside all questions of sickly pride , and to grasp the Miner , the Weaver , and the Stockiuger by the hand af brethren possessingw same common humanity , the same common rights , and groaning under the same common wrongs . Labour must , forthwith , heceme nationally combined and organised , to enable it to successfully resist the insolent assumptions of the purse-proud bull-frogs of Capital . Labour can no longer afford to tolerate a spurious aristocracy in its ranks . The true and only way of maintaining the skilled artisan in possession of his rishts and

      privileges , of securing to him the full enjoyment of" a fair day ' s wage for a fair day's work , " is by a hearty and disinterested effort to aid the unskilled labourer , not to maintain hii existing anxiety and misery , but bv offering hira the strong hand of fellowship , lift him up to a better and more manly position . It was for this object that tho National Association was first established ; for this object has all the efforts of its Executive been at all times steadily directed , and for this object—the very heart of its principles—it still exists , and . ttiU calls upon the skilled trades of the metropolis , upon the skilled trades of England , to rally under the banner it unfurls , inscribed with tbe motto , " NATIONAL OnOAMSATION THE ONLY REMEnY BQR

      ISSV 8 TKIAI , WRONGS . " n . d t . r > Wiluau Peel , Secretary Queen g Bench Prison .

      The Amalgamated Society Op Engineers. Th...

      THE AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OP ENGINEERS . THE STRIKE , The Employers' Association still adhere to their " decla Kfction , ' while tu « Amalgamated Engineers continue reso

      The Amalgamated Society Op Engineers. Th...

      hit" in t ! ie determination ncvor' to s'yn . As a matter of course in ho largo a liorly as tho Amalgamated Society of Engineers , there aro individuals who profrss to be exceedingly anxious for an immediate nrranecuwnt with the empiiiyers , and who would care littlo aiumc tlie tnodo by which it might bo arrived at . Sontu two or three members belonging to otic of the largest London branches recentl y expressed a wish that overtures—based upon some concession of [ . wiciple— .-houM bo made to tlie employers ; and , at . n full branch mcetim ? , iu order that tho question might bo settled at ojjci \ jv motion was made to that effect , accompanied by an amendment , embodying an expression of confidence in lhe Executive Council , and

      repudiating all ideas of concession , the Litter being adapted almost unanimously—in fact , with « ot move than three or ( cur dissentient voices . Tho workmen were paid on Saturday their ninth week ' s jiav , at tho usual rate , viz ., lot . fur society , and 10 s . for ' tion-socie ' . y hands . Tho moulder * , who possess but a small accumulated fund , have hitherto paid their strike hands tiie sum provided by tho rules of their society , viz ., 3 s . per week ; but , finding it impossible that tbey could continue to exist on such an al ' owance , their executive committee has called for a dav ' a pay per week , to bo contributed by every member in work , for the purpose of enabling them to increase the strike allowance to 10 s ., an arrangement which will be brought m operation next week . °

      Gufcowr , Saturday . —Lm tuirht a deputation from this society , consisting of Mr . Newton and Mr . Morrison of London , and Mr . Holes , of Duiy , addressed a lar » c meeting in the City-hall on the subject at present in dispute between tbe members of tbe society and the employers . —Mr . Jam ? s Moir , town-councillor , wag called to the tlluiU' . —Mr . 'Newton delivered an address of two hours ' duration , which contained little beyond that which ho had previously uttered in London . He denied , as asserted by the London newspapers , that 7 , 000 men had signed the mas ers ' declaration , Not more than 300 had done so in London , and these men were mostly from tho country , and knew little or nothing of tho real merits of the dispute . He stated that i { required £ 2 , 300 per week to curry on the contest , or , in other words , to support tho members who were on strike , and that about £ 10 , 000 had been already expended . He concluded by making a strong appe . il to tbe trades of Glasgow to come forward with pecuniary contrj . buttons . Several resolutions were carried favourable to tho objects of the deputation .

      A letter appeared in the " Times" of Monday from Mr . bydaey bmith , which utofeawl to gw » a correct account of tie number of men who had returned to work and signed tho "declaration . ; ' The Executive Council have sent a reply to tho same journal , from which wo give the following GxtructB i ^^ « "Tho numbers given by Mr . & ro ; , h were 9 , 034 of all branches of the trade , including 1 , 313 labourers . It is really qmto impossible to surmise how Mr . Smith arrived at ino result , it it Had been a true one , it would to some extent have influenced the issue of the contest ; and , if false , a belief in it might have dispirited the members of the Amalgamated Society . That probably was its object . that

      Wo are sure , however niui-h you mav desire an accommodation ot the dispute between tho iimnufactnring engineers and their operative , you would not desire to see it brought about by the circulation of untruths . We beg that you will give insertion in your columns to this letter and the following return , procured by us from sources winch do not admit of mistake , and which proved that Mr . bmithJias grossly exaggerated the number . ' The following-is a list of persons working at those branches of trade recognised by the Amalgamated Society in tho London manufactories : — " Maudslay ' s , 52 ; Miller and Ravenhill , 44 ; Robinson and Russell , 22 ; Miller and Itavenhill . Blackwail , 13 ; Seawards , C ; Blyth ' s , 63 ; Penn and Sons , 28 ; Scott ' s , 8 ; Burton ' s , 12 ; Enstoxi and Amos , 24 ; Beanie ' s , 21 ; Donkiu ' s , 12 ; Fletcher ' s , G ; Napier's , 2 ; Shear's . 1 Simpson , Pimlico , 22 , Svrayneanu Bovil , 30 ; Total , 3 C 6 . " This number is made up of tbe following branches : — Fitters and erectors , 159 ; Turners , 102 ; Millwrights , 13 ; Patternmakers , 14 ; Smiths , 78 ; Total 360 .

      , " In addition to this number there are titty-one moulders in the whole of the above-named manufactories . In Manchester there are a less number than in London ; and in Oldham , oot of « bout 600 skilled workmen turned out of employment , there are not more than twenty men who have signed the declaration and taken their places . " We have included in our list all those who have been now put to the different branches of trado for the first time , and whose worth to the employers may be fairly estimated by the difficulties which tho several foremen are in to got work completed in any fashion , some of them declare that they cannot stop long in the shop where such workmen aro to be directed and controlled .

      " Good men will never sign a declaration so subversive of true independence as the employers' declaration is ; and , therefore , no settlement can take place while it remains a tradition for resuming work . "

      ©Fartfet Ftmlligmcfc

      © fartfet ftmlligmcfc

      National Chaetiiil Association. The Exec...

      NATIONAL CHAETiiil ASSOCIATION . The Executive Committee met on Tuesday evening , March 16 th , at 3 , Queen's Head-passage , Paternosterrow . John Bezor , presided . The correspondence received this week strenuously called upon Messrs . Bezcr and Shaw to retain their seats until the debt is discharged . CASH ACCOUNT . From Mr . Jones , 7 s . ; John Aird ls . ; John Taylor , ls . ; John Wheelhouae 6 d . ; Thomas Crowther , 6 d . ; Ockbridgo , per S . Briarly , Is . 6 d . ; Hamilton , per A "Walker , 3 b . Od . ; Shin , per J . Shaw , 7 s . 6 d . : —Total , f 1 2 s . 2 d . J-4 JIES Qrassby , Suh-SecrGiary , 96 , Regent Street , Lambeth .

      Mtkraroutak Dewig.Vre Meetinu.—"Jtinsuur...

      MtKRarouTAK DEWiG . vrE Meetinu . — "JTinsuury Literary Institution , Sunday afternoon . Mr . Bligh in the chair . Contributions were received from Finsbury , Victoriapark , and other localities , also a considerable amount to defray the expenses of the proposed public meeting to review r the proceedings of the Parliamentary Reform Conference .. Mr . Jones reported for the O'Connor Committee . Mr ,, Reynolds , in consequence of private affairs , declined actingg as treasurer , but would render all the assistance in his s power . Correspondence was read from T . S . Duncombe , 3 , advising the amalgamation of the Committees having tbeie same object in view . Mr . Patrick O'Hignins bad gladly

      ac-c-ceeded to their request , and would act in any capacity they . desired . He was to have aa interview with Sharmamn Crawford immediately upon bis arrival in town . n Tbe report was received , and tbe time for voting forbr the officers to be elected was postponed until April fits , ——Mr . Jones then moved an address deprecating anjn ^ rivalry between the two committees , each could act ir it their separate spheres , one appealing more especially tt l \ the Chartist and Land Members , and the other to the pubiiclic The address was , after some discussion , adopted , anam Patrick U'Higgins appointed to act as trustee . Mr . Bezeze gave in a report relative to the public meeting and read th th correspondence relative thereto . Mr . F . Farrah moved-d" That tbe resolution passed by the Delegate Council , relaele live to the Manchester Council calling a Conference , be re re

      scinded . " Mr . Knowles seconded the motion . Thereportorl from the localities were then given in J > hn-street , Shiphij City , and South London were opposed to tbe Conventiotioi North London , Victoria-park , Finahiuy , and Weatmws % ta % tt were in favour thereof . Chelsea was in favour of a Converter , tion to which person ; of other shades of opinion should bd b i invited . The Royal Mint-street locality had come to no n > decision upon the subject . The delegates from the Hoxtoxto locality were absent . The question was then put to thi th i vote , and five voted for rescinding the motion and eightighi against it . Mr . Knowles reported from the Committee foe fo i getting up new localities and organising the old Oneonef Messrs . Jones , Bezer and Clarke addre «« d the Council oil 0 " this subject , the following Sunday being the last in thi th i quarter . The localities were requested to elect two deltdelt ¦ gates , each to sit on the ensuing Council .

      Brighton . —At a special meeting of Land members , irs , i i was resolved : — " That a Committee be formed for tb tit purpose of raising subscriptions to employ an accountawtai i to arrrnge Mr . O'Connor's accounts with the Land Cod Cod j pany . " A committee , consisting of Messrs . White , MooMoo » Halkham , SinnocW , Williams , Slaughter , Tuletr , and Geor ^ eo ^ :, Sinnock , Secretary , 16 , Castle-street , were appointed . T T >! shillings was collected .

      Ship LocAiirr . —At a council meeting , held on Tueadaeadt i it was resolved : " That in consequence of the ability dity d 1 played hy Mr . William Newton on every occasion , hi , hh more especially by the dignified manner in which he me bt recently advocated the rights of man , against the tjran ; jr » na of the so-called master class , we recommended that gat g << tleman to our brother electors and non-electors , as a is a and proper person to represent the borough of the Ton To »* Hamlets in the next parliament . "

      Sooth London Locautv . —At a meeting at Iroi Iroin Coffee House , Broadwall , Stamford-street , on MondHondfl evening—Mr . Prowling in the chair—ihe delegates gles gaa in their report from the Metropolitan Council , ani ** d <*« ' « re-elected for the ensuing quarter . An offer n 8 ! i 8 jw ^{ w made of the gratuitous use of the South UnioJ $ ^ M § Wednesday evening , it was decided that a P ^ Jf ? 5 « WK «^ should be held in that place on Wednesday ^ m * g ;/ . MM . M * M 24 th , and a committee appointed to carryj ^ % )| ffi <» fe ^ tfeg ^ Wheeler acting aaSecretary . - ^ -iMw & d ^^ Victoria Park L ocAwry . -At a AmjUitt resolutions were adopted approving of U ^^ Mi Manchester council , and for the forMtioi ^ te ^^ fia 4 (| and also that an addr «« be issued in the h « nMdHriftfiHiftiiii this locality . The following mewbera were N ^ eteitteM D . Sneliing , W . Vickers , S . Firdenand . E . SToW-feeA' * ' !!!! surer ; L . H . Pelterit , Secretary . '\ ' % > FiNSBURV . -Tbis locality met at thi Literary bitltiinitttira on Sunday last , when Messrs Butler and Weedon iepoi tepoio ( torn the Metropolitan Council , and Messrs . Butler Sutler r Down were elected delegate * to lb % t body .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 20, 1852, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_20031852/page/5/