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    ioc-october 16. THE STAll OF FUEEBOM. in...

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    A NATIONAL PARTY. F1N5BURY MANHOOD SUFFR...

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    TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE. LETTER FEOM JOSEPH H...

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    | OT7-f*-*-i-U jWWM| IIIMM ¦ |l|l||Hin-T...

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    CO-OPERATIVE.

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    —0-The Roumanian People And Their Manife...

    , vivid vivid and strong , and among the nations who , fighting for Hbertv , ZiC to asert your place . To the Czar who , three years ago , had it ffo » ifesl ° ? y ° lir llal . lona ^ y . you have answere d in the nikm W « of yonr national committee by preaching the holy crusade ? J , U ? a ) Gcracy . H there were a need for it , you have , by showing to ! . wo ; world your nationality , which has grown and strengthened under lJ inA of its enemies , one more proof of the eternal truth that l ^ cat n ationalities are immortal . iiLi iLmwniau st the nations have heard your appeal , and to us , / ., ; , « , i , 1 ) S , it has conveyed a sound indicative of our common origin mmvfi *»* y , bretliren » be y ° also readv ; strengthen the ties lliichhich uirlie you with your neighbours , the Greeks and the Slave . vV * ,,, s- strengthen them , above all , with the Hungarians , vour rlotbirothers both in errors and sufferings . Forget your differences , ' and ater atern ally shake hands with each other . The Hungarians are bro-JIphIph to you , as > J & e you , they demand justice for all , fraternity etweeii aD , and a close union between the oppressed against the

    ^ LrtflUflie of the oppressors . fl fhis bond of fraternity , extended by your ancestors from the ITiberiber to , iie ^> ^ e » wil 5 ? h time and calamities had broken , will Hie % ? o ° ren 11 ' * S - Hitherto the Roumanian in Venice and the ll'alValian at Hermanstadt , both soldiers of Austria , used to oppress the 't , 'lie , and in tongues possessing identical sounds called out to them !! . o ? . ( jtjuy i" Now-a-day , thank God , peoples have entered into a new Hiieiife . ' iJlc Roumanian garrison have , in the peasant of the Lomi harhard valleys , acknowledged a brother , and the Italian garrison have jfcjfcognised his own home-accents uttered among the mountains of TiiTi aitsvlvania . And soon will break the day when the Italian regimt jnenis in lUumiania will fight side by side with their Roumanian

    Itj brethren , as the Roumanian regiments m Italy will fight side by side wi TvitU iks our common motto being , " One for All , and All roit EE ach !"

    Ioc-October 16. The Stall Of Fueebom. In...

    ioc-october 16 . THE STAll OF FUEEBOM . in ^ ———————_____________________^____ *

    A National Party. F1n5bury Manhood Suffr...

    A NATIONAL PARTY . F 1 N 5 BURY MANHOOD SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION . On Sunday morning last a select meeting of the members and fi friends of the Finsbury Manhood Suffrage Association was held at . 1 their hall , Ray-street , Clerkenwell . Mr . Johnson took the chair . j After the secretary had read letters of apology for absence from 1 various gentlemen , Mr . Hockley moved a resolution to the effect that a committee he appointed to consider the best means of inaugurating a National Party for the accomplishment of manhood suffrage . Mr . Beebow seconded the motion . He had for the term of a

    Ion ? life been a reformer . He had supported Major Cartwright in his " demand for household suffrage . When the Chartist movement was inaugurated he felt glad to think that it was a -movement worthy of the peoples support . His enthusiasm at that time led him to believe that the agitation would soon accomplish its object . Since the year 1838 , however , they had gone on one long year after another and were further off now than they appeared to be then . Much of

    this had been due to the hostility raised to the movement in the public mind by those who had pretended to advocate the Charter . We had had a succession of political tricksters . One after another they came forth to serve their own ends and make a trade of agitation . These men did not want the Charter , because they could no longer live by agitation . Political tricksters had given a handle to every government , and had so brought Chartism into disfavour that it wasnow powerless for good . He had' travelled in the north , the boasted stronghold of the principles , and he found that Chartism there was nothing but a iarce . The Chartists made a mistake m and it

    calling themselves the people—they ; never were the majority , was no libel to say that in an agitation they never would be . Places he could mention where Chartism was strong once , hut where there is not now a single man who will give his adhesion to the party . He agreed with the nroposal io agitate for Manhood Suffrage . If the peonleare to have a real movement they must lop off every thing but the ' principle , and must agitate for one thing only . Let them leave the details to a Manhood Suffrage Parliament . The people being free , their parliament would soon make arrangement for the equalisation of districts , payment of the members , and all the other modes

    of making the suffrage national . . . . ., Mr . OsBonNE dwelt upon the utter ineflicacy of pursuing the old round of agitation . It was a singular fact that in this democra t ic horoush the Chartists were completely outvoted durmg _ Mr . jjiracombe ' s candidature upon the question whether Sir . D «™ ° ™ Q should be pledged io the Charter . The hall was iud . and tneie were not more than six to vote for the Charter , c whole hop . Upwards of sixtv lectures had been given in this ha J , and dnnng the enrolled jn the l

    whole time Wsix strangers were / Na" ° ™ Charter Association . Mr . Osborne appeared to think the . name oi Chartist to be in disfavour , through VW ^ too st ^^^ e He would , therefore , support an agitation for the stiff age only . How many adherents had they gained by their amendmeiia r h one , hut had lost friends . Mr . Osborne resumed Ins seat amidst ajylan * . The chairman observing Mr . G . Julian H ^ J ^ SJ the meeeting would be gratified to hear any remark , Mi . Harney

    would be pleased to make . . , a *? I have Mr . JuLan Hakney then rose and said :-Fnends-A I ave been directly appealed to I will ^^ e ^ X \ J f j"JZ when I received the invitation that I should be able to attend I is meeting , having an engagement with a gentleman £ * " * ££ emplo / ment of some of the unfortunate reibgees I have en able to terminate the interview sooner than V ex e * J » ¦> repeatthe terms of the letter I sent to J ™*«™*^ £ * ^ I consider this meeting , if called for any otherJ ^>; * an £ eussion , as being premature . Much remains to be said yet on the principles which shall be enunciated and the pelcy ^ vh eh shal l be pursued by the new party . Mr . Nej rton ^^ taken ** * £ * jesting the formation of a National Party , >^ gf ~ should be conceded the initiative of convening a meeting for acUon . That a thoroughly new movement is needed ^ will no be denied by are Interested in holding a ^ on ; ana . an

    an ; V ^ r ^ So up here sir face to face and teeth to teeth with tho & e who wi » u w Siting , that the Chartist organ isation ¦» ^^ J * ^ Ihey can never die . But tne oia . -nwu u o , Jr And here let me express my contempt for hos * h o , to iserve lie r own ends , have distorted such language into' ^ d ^ laiation that the Finciples are dead . Such toW } ?™ J ^ ^ \ ^ my belief there was for Chartism no ^ J ^ ws ine grong ainew birth , coupling ther ewith W ™™™^^ Z ^ a new party , avoiding the errors ^ of the Tat Ihe same 1 repeat . Chartist organisation is dead I hat ™ 1 ! i * "iP denV to exist is but a hollow sham ; falseh ood alone _ can ^ that it is shamI hav been too long connected with « Chart , m

    a . e nortowXtyoirr " localities ^ mean . We see the n me Brompton , Chelsea / rower Hamlets and so on , »^ e ^ people of these places are actually ignorant of the existence of any semblance of agitation among them . Halt , -dozen men here and a less number there , p assing themseives off as Ihe Chartist , of the district . " It is no new thing for movements to die out many have met such a fate before accomp lishing . ^ $ ^ * J ^ ™ stimtional Society » the « Revolution Society , ^ ^ F ™^ and the « Hampden , " the "Sydney / ' and bpencean Associa tons , of thirty fears ago , passed away from the world , and no a

    A National Party. F1n5bury Manhood Suffr...

    exist only in the memory . If these movements have passed away , is it extraordinary that the Chartist movement should [ be powerless ? There wanted new blood infused into an agitation . Mr . Newton is a man , young and enthusiastic . Young , inasmuch as he has not been actively associated with the movement now passed away . 1 differ with Mr . Newton in reference to the basis of his projected national party . The suffrage alone is not manhood suffrage , without those other additions necessary to make it a verity and not a

    Gallic sham . The matter , however , is not yet fully discussed , and i should wish to hear a great deal more on the question . Mr . Newton , I dare say , will speak again , and when others of experience have expressed their views , it is to be hoped that a common ground of agree , mentand union will be arrived at . The question must not be hurried-The public mind , in my opinion , is not yet in a state to receive the advances of any party , however promising it may appear . Witness the present stagnation of parties—not one capable of any vigorous effort . I think that for a new movement to succeed we should wait till it is

    impelled from circumstances outside our own circle—such circumstances may occur in a very short time , certainly at no very distant period , A revolution on the Continent , or some political conflict in our own Legislature , both of which are possible , immediately would arouse the dormant spirit of our countrymen , who would rally round a veritable party for the enfranchisement of the people . Such a party would have no faction—faction itself would be submerged in the great gatherings of the people . When such

    a party is formed , though I shall be ready to give it my advocacy , I must be excused if I take not a leading part therein . My views will be directed , not merely to the suffrage , but also to the future , when the Charter shall have been obtained . It is better for new men to have the- guidance of this movement . To such men , if I can give them my confidence , I shall cheerfully submit . Let such a movement be inaugurated , and we shall soon establish the reign of political and social justice . Mr . Harney resumed his seat amid the cheers of the meeting .

    Mr . Thornton Hunt then spoke at some length , and alluded to the apparent absence of the spirit which once distinguished our ancestors . To be worthy of liberty we must be like the Americansshew that we are not afraid to fight for its defence . The American has his rifle , and will use it in protection of his hard-won liberty . So should the Englishman be resolved . We must have our rifles , and spirit to use them , and even the demonstration of such spirit would get our rights , and would maintain them without bloodshed .

    Mr . Robert Le Blond followed , and , in the course of an eloquent speech , said , if men would set up a little man-god instead of principles , they would stultify themselves . We must be no longer like the lion and the fox quarreling about the prey not yet run down . The struggles of Reformers should be confined to the one thing needful . If they are strong enough to carry one point they will carry the whole .

    Mr . Le Blond having concluded his remarks amidst the applaus of the meeting , some conversation arose as to the propriety of adopting the resolution , and it was finally agreed that the meeting should be considered as merely discussional and preliminary , and the audience dispersed evidently well pleased with so temperate and wellconducted a discussion . It is expected that another meeting of a similar character will be held in the course of a week or two .

    Taxes On Knowledge. Letter Feom Joseph H...

    TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE . LETTER FEOM JOSEPH HUME , M . P . Bnrnley Hall , 10 th of Oct ., 1852 . Dear Sir , —Your letter of the 7 th instant onl y reached me yesterday , and I hasten to answer your question . In the first place , you are rig ht in using your best efforts to increase the number of Associations for removal o f the Taxes on Knowledge , and I think the question becomes daily more and more approved of by alt persons , except the Whigs and Tories—both these parties oppose , as they consider Government and its profits theirs alone ; andthat the spread of knowledge endangers their monopoly of power and profit 1

    When I look back to the Deputation that attended Lord John Russell , of which you were one , and heard his declaration that he coneidered the repeal of these taxes only as a question of revenue , and yet after the evidence before the Committee on that subject , refused to do anything towards the objects which the Association have in view , when he had the power , I must protest altogether against tlie Association demeaning themselves to ask Lord John ' s assistance , now that he is out of power , and cannot do anything to aid us in the struggle . He will now make professions . I dare say , but I should consider them hollow and valueless .

    I consider Lord John as not sincere as a Reformer both civil and religious ; and , after the speech on my motion for Reform in 1850 , and his do-nothing policy afterwards , when he could have acted and could have kept the Reformers together , and have kept the Tories out of power , I would not pav him the compliment that you proposet 1 wish I could look on his speech at Perth as honest and sincere—which I do not : and I theveofore obi ' ect to the Association demeaning itself by the course you propose . We shall certainty succeed—but it will be against both the Whig s and Tones ; and I would hold both parties cheap in regard to their assistance .

    All the Whigs deprecate in words the fettering of the Press ; and yet , with power in their hands , they have pertinaciously refused to knock off any one link of the enslaving chain that prevents the spread of knowledge , and the education of the Nation . # I hope that Mr . Cobden and other members will agree with me , and that you will keep a high hand , and set the two great oppressing parties at a distance . I remain , your obedient Servant . To C . D . Collett , Esq . Joseph Hume .

    | Ot7-F*-*-I-U Jwwm| Iiimm ¦ |L|L||Hin-T...

    | OT 7-f * - * -i-U jWWM | IIIMM ¦ | l | l || Hin-T < ¥ IIIWII * WTir-TffnW f-n-Y Locality . —Locality meeting , Oct . 10 , ISS 2 , Mr . Dickson in the chair , ? hpiaditon that were appointed at the previous meeting brought -forward the balance sheet , and stated that they had found the income to be 21 . 4 s . Ojd . the pxiienditure 11 . Is . Od . leaving a balance in hand of the treasurer of U . 3 s . 0 % d . tup lnhnce that was received , after which , Mr . Slocombe moved , and Mr . Mather branded that 10 s . be sent to the new Executive of the « National Charter Asso-. T ,, ' Mr Washington moved , and Mr . Travere seconded , the following m Iment ' « That the Members of this locality of the late National Charter A « opfatlon ' seeing no political body efficiently struggling for the emancipation ^ VhJ people , and hearing of the practicable formation of a national party for % eAttainment of universal suffrage , revives to withhold its funds until a time wives for a well considered disposal of the same . " Some considerable discussion having taken place , Ms . Taylor moved , and Mr . Tavrah seconded , that the

    locality stand adjourned , *—carried . Public Mbotisg at Leicester . —1 public meeting was held in the Market Plnce Leicester , on Monday evening , Mr . J . Elliott Jn the chair , when the follow-£° r esolution was passed . Moved by Mr . J . Newton , and seconded by Mr . G . Bucl-by " That this Meeting views with feelings of the highest indignation and contempt , the conduct of those parties who render themselves the tools of persons whose conduct is equally as-contemptable , and whose dastardly and unprindoled object is to make null and void , if possible by any means , the lain election of Messrs . Walmsley and Gardner , which was solemnised by the united and „ nbou « ht votes of more than 1 , 700 liberal and independent electors of this borough !! . , n example if carried out in ot ! : er parts of this country , would ultimately lead to the entire enfranchisement of the male adult population . Tins meeting is also fully sensible that there is not the slightest foundation to warrant such disgraceful " proceedings as are now being carried , on by the worst enemies of the peop le .

    | Ot7-F*-*-I-U Jwwm| Iiimm ¦ |L|L||Hin-T...

    THE SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATIONS . ( From the Society ' s First Report . ) Our name tells all . we are a Society for Promoting Working Men ' s Associations —Associations of all kinds of workers , be it remembered—skilled or unskilled , workers with the head and workers with the hand . That our efforts have as yet been confined to hand-workers , is an accident . We believe and teach , that Association , Fellow-labour , is the true law of all work , from tho ruling a nation

    to sweeping a street . But in setting to work we had to find out where this truth which it is tlie object of our lives to proclaim , was least acknowledged ; where the contrary principle—the evil principle as wg hold it to be—that the true law of work is competition , or every man for himself and against his neighbour , — was most dominant , and bearing the greatest fruit after its kind . There was ' no need to look far , or hesitate long , in London . Wheresoever the carcase is , ' there will the eagles be gathered together . Competition , though tacitly acknowledged everywhere , is practically and actively carried out chiefly in trade , and in that part of trade which is most necessary and most iinjyfjwj ] , wind , supplies our every day wants , our fo « d , our clothes , our furniture . Here is a great stronghold , from which she proclaims day by day , and year by year , her ° lyin " ' « 'ospel

    that to buy cheap and sell dear—in other words , to make youv neighbours ' necessity an excuse for giving less than you ought , and taking more than you are entitled to—is the true wisdom oi a nation of traders . That gospel which it is considered a sort of wicked madness , or at best a maundering and Utopian folly , to deny here in England ; and which sits triumphant over tho workshop and the manufactory , uncontradicted , except by tho voiceless misery of the millions who are daily giving more of their life ' s labour for less of th (> comforts and necessaries of life ; or by the occasional outbreak of some gnat strike for an advance of wages , or sliorcening of the hours of work , which lights up for an instant the ghastly gulph which is ever deepening and widening between employers and employed .

    The awtui pictures which appeared in the Morning Chronicle in the autumn of 184 . 9 , of the state of the tailors and needlewomen of London , were tiie immediate causa of the forma / ion ot our Society . Our first meeting was held in November 1849 , and at that , meeting eight or ten gentlemen , and two or three working men , determined to start an Association of Tailors ; choosing this trade because we had already a man whom we could thoroughly trust as manager and because we could immediately ensure a certain amount of business to the Association by becoming ourselves its customers . And now , having as we believe , laid hold of the true idea , we have to confess that our first attempts to carry it out were all wrong . We assumed that all the slopworkers of Loudon must be alive to the evils of their position , and ready to try patiently and meekly any plan which offered a deliverance . We did not therefore take any pains to select tho men for our first experiment : we called together

    large bodies of tailors , and told them what we intended to do , and then accepted the first that put down their names , with scarcely an enquiry as to tiieir characters ; and set them down together at once in the house we had taken at 34 , Castle-street , Oxford-street , to work out the great principle of Association , and show the world what brotherly labour and self-government could do for workingmen . Meantime , no sooner had our first Association started , than questions of all sorts arose as to its constitution and government , it relations to ilss founders and the public ; moreover , other bodies of working-men applied to us for tho same kind of help as . we had given to the tailor .- * . It became jieces . - -. iry therefore that we should meet often , and organise ourselves so as to act with effect upon the bodies of the working-men with whom we were getting into connexion , and so in February , 1850 , the Society was definitely formed , into the shape which it still keeps , and took offices at 458 , New Oxford-street .

    Vve have published full details as to the organization of the Society , in Tract V ., on Christian Socialism ; it is needless therefore here to enter upon tlie subject . In order however that thw Report may be undprstood by those who have never seen the Tract , we may here state shortly : —that the Society consists of Promoters and Associates . The promoters ar « represented by a Council of twelve , under the chairmanship of the President of the Society . The Associates , or Members of Associations connected with the Society , are represented by a

    Central Board , under the chairmanship of one of their own body , elected by themselves . The Council of Promoters has charge of ail business which the Society may have with the public at large , and of the teachings which the Society may feel itself bound to put forth : it has acted also in practice as a Court of Arbitration , to which the Members of tlie Associations may come , if they please , when internal disputes arise . The Central Board settles the trade affairs of the Associations , and their relations with one another and tiic public as trading bodies . Both of these bodies meet weck . lv .

    The first difficulty which the Sociely had to meet was the impossibility of giving a legal existence to the Associations which were growing up around it . If the number of members was icss than twenty-five , they were all partners , consequently , under the law as it then stood , every individual Member had power to pledge tlie credit of the Society , and might have made away with the common stock , or refused to obey the laws of the Society , while the only remedy ajjainst such dishonesty was a suit in Chancery . If the Association numbered more than twenty-five , it placed itself out of the pale of legal protection , unless it chose to register under the Joint Stock Companies' Act ; the provisions of which , being wholly framed for bodies of persons subscribing capital merely , and not labour , were totally inapplicable and too expensive , in any case , to have been of use .

    Under these circumstances , we made the best shift we could for the time bein" * by vesting the whole property of each Association in Trustees , and giving them power at any moment to enter , and deal summarily with that property . We also set seriously to work to get the Law altered , and as Mr . Slaney had just - obtained a Committee of the House of Commons upon the Investments of tho Working Classes , we sent members both of the Council and Central Board to give : evidence before it , of this great want in our Statute Book . Mr . Slaney took th e e matter up warmly , and the Pteport of his Committee urged strongl y the nccessit of giving proper facilities to working-men to combine together , for the purpose g of carrying on their trade for their own benefit . In the Autumn of that year x ( 1850 ) , the Bill which has since passed into Law , was prepared by Mr . Ludlow *

    ( Member of the Council of Promoters ) and early in the next session , by the ex- :-ertions of Mr Slaney and other gentlemen , it was submitted to and approved by > y the then Government , who undertook to pass it , but did not keep their word . d . Again , at the beginning of the late session , ( 1852 ) the Bill was brought forward rd by Mr . Slaney , the Whig Government having refused to take it up—and thatiat gentleman , seconded by Mr . Tufncll and Mr . Sotheron , succeeded in reading it it twice and obtaining a select Committee of the House upon it in May . Ii might : ht still however have stood over the session , but that several members of Lonbrd Derby ' s government took it up warmly , Lord John Mam-crs and Mr . Henley

    at-attemleu tlie Committee regularly , and supported Mr . Slaney at the third reading . ng .. The Bill was read a third time in June , and is now Law . Its short tide is " TheThea Industrial and Provident Societies' Act , 1852 , " and , under its provisions , all alll bodies of working men joining together for the purpose of trade may regisieisieu themselves , and so obtain a legal existence . It enables them to sue and be sueduedl in the names of their officers , gives a snmmary tribunal to which they may ap-appeal in cases of dispute , and power to bind their members by their rules . ThtThu machinery of the Friendly Societies' Acts has beet ; adopted , and the Registrar ou * o > Friendly Societies will now register Associations and Co-operative Stores ,

    The Report then details the hi ghly important and successfissfuu labours of Mr . Walter Cooper in the provinces ; and the visit cit cc the President of the Society to Bury , & c ., & c ; also the lectur & urcc delivered by members of the Society ill London .

    Having enumerated the publications of the Society , tlie Repoiepon proceeds as follows : — When the great disputes in the iron trades broke out , the Society could nld nn fail to feel a deep interest in it . On the one hand , the doctrines put forth in ti in 11 " Representation of the case of the Employers of Operative Engineers , " of t ot" 11 mastei-s right to do what he liked with his own , when he had ance bought ghfc M labour by a "lawful bargain , " excited its strongest reprobation , as being oppospposis to all those principles of mutual dependence and mutual justice which it had bead bee

    endeavouring to inculcate . On the . other hand , wo could not but be dee ] deep ] pained to see a contest , in which so much of right was on the Hide of the worlcirorkiiii men , assume in its progress more and more the fruitless character of other sirer sirit lar disputes , and vast funds , which might hare employed [ many a willing brag lint in co-operative labour , exhausted once more in the effort to maintain thousanousaiai in idleness . On the whole , one duty as a Society seemed to be to stand by , a by , aa as far as might be , to secure justice lor tlie working-men by enlightening opinj opinn —above all , to strive to turn the dispute , whatever might belts issues , to the ) the j vantage of the cause of fellow-work;—and in the meantime , to leave indiviohdividid

    Co-Operative.

    CO-OPERATIVE .

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 23, 1852, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_23101852/page/11/