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    • TO TBE CHAEHSTS OP ENGLAND.
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      To Tbe Chaehsts Op England.

      TO TBE CHAEHSTS OP ENGLAND .

      My Fbiesds, It Is Now Fifteenyears Since...

      My Fbiesds , It is now fifteenyears since Mr . O'Connell presented me , as a gift to the English people ; a « lft which they freel y accepted , and which , I l ^ licve , they have not regretted . During that period , my continuous endea-• nror has been to emanci pate the Irish mind from those horrible and dangerous notions , with which it had been for many years p oisoned against the Saxon people .

      I have endeavoured to prove to you , that the interests of the two people are identical and inseparable , and , as I have frequentl y foretold , the effect of this disunion and discord has been to make the people of both countries an easy prey to their rulers ; whereas , liad they been united , both would long since have achieved that justice and liberty for which we have so long struggled . My friends , the most hol y maxim is—to return good for evil ; to forget all past differences and let bygones be b ygones ; and rely upon it , that the moment the people of both countries are united , the rulers of both countries will say , « WHAT DO YOU WANT ?"

      Unless hacked b y your powerful co-operation and support , I am a complete nonentity in the House of Commons . My opinions and princip les are not congenial to hon . members ; and therefore , unless backed by yon , LamjJHatterl y powerless , but if assisted by you , I ^ fall then become powerful . 3 ^ * . j T / f I have often told you that men as a body , will be guilty of acts which the basest amongst them would Vlush to acknowledge as an

      individual ; and I do say , that there is sufficient individual intelligence ^ integrity , and lore of justice in that House to he moulded to public requirement and national necessity . But then it must be operated upon from without , because the justification of individual apathy is basedand justly based—upon popular disregard ; consequently , all the catastrophes arising from tins apathy , are consequent upon your own neglect of duty .

      A member who enunciates principles in that House , which are novel not only to a majority —but nearl y to all—is looked upon as a mere speculatangtneorist ; but when those principles become the adopted of millions , then he is looked upon as the propounder of a theory Trhjeh may be carried into practice . My friends , you may rely upon it that the efiectof centralised power in the hands of the few , will be the aggregation of property in the hands of thosefew also , and the total subjugation of the employed to the will and dominion of the employer .

      When there is a gleam of commercial sunshine , the working classes measure their condition bv the comparative , instead of the positive , scale . The man long out of employment is but too happy to be set to work at reduced wages , and mocks his fellow-man , who , for want of employment , is obliged to take shelter in the Poor Law Bastile . " ! so \> , as I do not live upon you—but , upon the contrary , you have impoverished me—I can speak intelligibl y to you ; and therefore I tell y ou that your acquiescence in this comparative scale of existence , and not the cupidity of your masters , or the tyranny of the Government , is the cause of your every suffering . It is to be attributed , not to the union of the privileged few , but to the disunion of the outlawed

      many . Ireland has been again made the Whi g battle-field , and again I ask you , in the words of Mr . Cannin , to make England the free stage for the discussion of Irish as well as English grievances . You may rely upon it , that I do not aspire to Irish leadership , while the dislocated and disjointed condition of Irish Members in the House of Commons is lamentable , wofuL disgusting . Now , let me give you an instance as to the extent to which rivalry is carried with that party .

      Mr . John O'Connell was going to allow the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act to be read a third time without opposition , and told the House that he would reserve his opposition till Lord Nugent proposed his amendment , to limitthe existence of the law to three instead of six months . I could not accept this invitation , and I opposed the Bill upon the third reading , and now mark the sequel . When Lord Nugent proposed his amendment , the fitting stage upon which Mr . O'Connell said the discussion should be taken , the Honourable Member and his colleagues fly from the House , and refuse to rote upon the amendment , winch was to constitute the material grounds for discussion .

      Now , I ask yon , if you ever heard of such policy ? However , as I am satisfied that the past should be forgotten , I now invite you , cnee more , to revive rational constitutional Chartist agitation , and to make the Irish question part and parcel of that agitation . I continue to receive letters from all parts of the Kingdom aside qr me when I shall be prepared to bring ft ward the motion fbr the PEOPLE'S CHA ! -TER . Some propose to hold the National Convention early in March , hut tliat would be nonsense ; and I believe the Executive have prudentl y decided that it shall hi held in the middle of May ; and , as very few Honourable Members understand the rules of

      tin ? House of Commons , I cannot he surprised at your want of knowledge . Of course time must be allowed for getting up petitions , to be forwarded to the several members -who represent the districts from which those petitions come and yon must tn : < h ? rstand that fifteen days onl y , including the day of g iving notice and bringing forward the motion , is allowed—that is , I may give notice upon Thursday , the 1 st of March , that I will bring forward a motion on Thursday , the loth of March , but the rules of the House wonld not allow me to g ive notice that I would bring it on on the 16 th of March , or any later daw

      2 Jow as I wish to write intelligibly to you , I hope you will understand the reason why I could not now give notice of a motion for the PEOPLE ' S CHARTER , I wish the country to have time to get up petitions , so that I shall not go to the House unarmed , and afford all parties—friend andfoe—an opportunity of saving " There are no petitions ; the people are satisfied with things as they are , and , therefore , let well enough alone . " There is not a man in England , nor yet in the world , more anxious for a discussion upon , and the success of , the PEOPLE'S CHARTER than I am ; as . to tell you the candid truth , your apathy , indifference , and servility have tired me of public life , and I wish , most devoutly , to return to my ploughor rather to my spade .

      , I wish the Convention to be sitting for a week before the petitions are presented and the question is discussed . I wish arrangements to be made for raising the small sum of ^ 100 , to which I will add £ 50 , to be distributed as p rizes for the best essays upon the Labour Question , and whenever you are prepared to take a moderate share of labour I shall always be prepared to take the lion ' s share . Again , I say , remember the maxim of Mr . Habkokx" THOSE WHO MUST TAKE CARE

      « OF THEMSELVES HAVE NO TIME "TO TAKE CARE OF YOU ;" * nd if yon are not prepared to take care of yourselves it is impossible that either I or any other person can take ' care of you . ' I have never asked a fevour of or accepted a foour from von . ' The continuous and perse-^ vriag advocacy of your cause has subjected J * to odium , persecution , andloss of property ; bui as it is my cause , and not adopted to J *** popularity or gratify -mean ambition , 1 adhere to it if all desert it . ltJ * faithful Friend and RepresentatiTe , Feargus Q'CoraoFi .

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      S ™£. Ch 0f M - O'Connor Upon The Minist...

      S CH 0 F m - O'CONNOR UPON THE MINISTERIAL PROPOSITION TO DESTROY IRISH LIBERTY . * " The following is the speech of the HcWur able Member for Nottingham upon thVjhird reading of the Suspension of the Habeas Qorpus Act—a speech which , we feel assured , will he read with delight by the working classes , as it will convince them that the power of raction cannot scare the honourable gentleman ^ from the perform ance of his duty ; and they will be the best judges as to whether or not the speech was irrelevant to the subject under discussion , discursive—anjL as the Times sa ^ s , difficult to ahaly * se . /^ 5 at we beg to assure the Press and its adherents , that , as the censure of slaves is adulation , their abuse of Mr . O'CONNOR but tends to rivet affection for that gentleman more strongly in the hearts of the millions .

      Mr . Fbaboto O'Cosson said that whatever mi g ht be the sentiments or feelings of the . hon . member for Limerick , he , as an Irishman , -ihotagh' an . English' member , would oppose this tyrannical bill at every stage of its progress . He remained unconvinced by all the arguments , varied as they were , of the hon . gentlemen who . supported it ; the government who had introduced the measure affected to condemn yielding to pressure from without , and he would now , as the noble lord ( Lord John Russell ) appeared to shrink from his duty as leader , lay before the House the letter of Lord Clarendon , which must be

      considered as the indictment against the Irish people ; and quibble as they may , and juggle as they maybe would prove his case upon the words of Lord Clarendon himself . When there was a debate coming on upon the Southampton Small Tenements Bill there was a very full house , but when that discussion was over , and the division taken on such a bill , the house was immediately thinned as if by magic . The noble lord had been emphatically addressed , and had received from the corporation of Dublin the most fervent congratulations upon the perfect restoration of tranquillity to that country , lie was aware that the noble lord at the head of the

      government was anxious that the Jewish Disabilities Bill should be brought on that evening ( hear ); and he was aware that there were many members present who were prepared to resist that inroad upon the constitution , if such it was to be called ( hear ); and it was clear to him that there was more importance attached by the House to the Jewish question than there was to the consideration of the condition of Ireland . Ho recollected that the noble lord , in introducing the Jewish measure last year , had asked , why not admit to the house those who bore the burdens of the country ? why should not those who bore those burdens have a portion of the honours ? Perhaps there was no parallel in Parliamentary history , or in constitutional usage , to the ease submitted to Parliament—to

      ask acquiescence in the greatest violation of the British Constitution . The ri g ht hon . the Secretary of State ( Sir G . Grey ) , as he had before observed , opened the case of the Crown in a lame , a vague , and inconclusive speech ; and how had it been sustained by those hon . gentlemen , who , upon any pretext whatever , were prepared to coerce the Irish people ? First came the noble lord , the member for Bandon , and his reason was that he had been foreman of the grand jury of the county of Cork . ( A laugh . ) Next came the noble lord , the member for Tyrone , who indulged the House with a trite and well-directed fire against the Whig government , for their treacherous and truculent conduct , when their object was to oust the right hon . baronet , the member for Taniworth , and to return to office . Next came the hon . member for

      Montrose ( Sir . Hume ) , who , with his characteristic consistency , was plausible , fooling , and sympathetic for the Irish people . He said , " I will give you this measure now , but it is the List , and you must propose remedial measures for Ireland . " But while we had coercion after coercion 'Bills , which were to be the means to the end , we had not as yet had the first of those remedial measures . Next came the rig ht hon . member the Secretary for Ireland , who knowing the temper and tbe feeling of the GREAT GEXTLEMEX OF ENGLAND , whep . Ireland was the question—threw out a feeler for confidence in the government , and assured the House that the letter of Lord Clarendon had no reference to the Repeal

      Agitation . And then an amicus curia flew to the rescue , and the hon . member for Tavistock—every other charge against Ireland having failed—based poverty , famine , misery , disloyalty , and insurrection upon the plea of procreation and progenitireness . ( Laughter . ) And this worth y disciple of Malthus told us , that to the potato Ireland owed this national maliidy ; but he forgot that in the speech from the throne , the tranquillity of this country was ascribed to the intervention of Divine Providence ; and he forgot that it was a divine injunction to multiply and be fruitful . ( Laughter . ) There was an old proverb that " What was one man ' s meat , was another man ' s poison ; " and perhaps it would eoually apply to tho fair sex , and

      with the permission of the House , he would make a short digression to illustrate the fact . Once upon a time there was a noble lady , childless , but who would have looked upon an heir as a blessing , driving through a wild part of the country in an open carriage ; she was overtaken by a thunder-storm , and was obliged to take shelter in one of those Irish brcedinsr ~ cnges , where she saw a brood of younglings—" gravis , " as we call them in Ireland—covering the floor . She would have looked upon them as a blesssing had they been her own ; the mother would not have considered them a curse if she had been able to support them . " My good woman , " said the lady , " how do you contrive to have so

      many children ? " " Wisha , my lady , we have nothing to blame for it but the praties . " The shower cleared off ; and , before starting , the childless lady said to the peasant : "My good woman , could you let me have a few of your potatoes ?" "Oghlthen , and welcome , my lady . " The potatoes were put in a bag , and the bag was put in the boot of the carriage , and the lady drove off ; hut had not gone far when she heard the woman screaming after to stop . " Well , my good woman , " said the lady , " what ' s the matter V " Why , my lady , " she replied , out of breath , " I foller ' d you , to tell you , that the devil of good in them praties , barring we send our Pat with them , for it ' s him that does all the mischief . "

      ( Laughter . ) Now , then , if it is the potato that has been the real source of Irish grievances , and if Paddy will not breed upon turnip-tops , sea-weed , and Indian corn , the same legal maxim that Blackstone applies to the duration or cessation of the Habeas Corpus Act . will equall y app ly to the hon . member ' s charge of procreation . —Cessante causa , cessat ft effect ™ . ( Laughter . ) But , sir , if the effect should not vanish with the potato , and if this Irish propensity must be checked by some other means , you must have a new minister added to the cabinet , * and none better qualified than the hon . member for Tavistock . I cannot name the duties , of his office , but I can describe its badge and symbol his neck

      —he must wear a cow ' s horn slung ^ round , and blow it whenever he comes within sight of those Irish breeding cages . ( Laughter . ) Next , sir , we come to the reasons of the hon . member for Buckinghamshire , ( Mr . Disraeli ) for supporting this measure , and what are they ? He says that the pressure from without has no ri g ht to use any influence noon this Assembly , launched into a dissertation ujon Free Trade , and told us that he wouldI not only put down agitation for a Repeal of the Union , hut that he would consent to put down all other a « ntation . But see what a different construction 13 put upon agitation when it is to serve party or 111-Sivi & urposes . Hasthehon . gentleman read the speech oL Soble lord ( Lord Brougham ] 1 m another place in which that noble lord , adverting to Free SS notation says"I joinedI it , I tolled tf

      , and encohraged it to an extent t at * « g tutionaland all but unlawful ? ( Hear , hear ) Now , there ' s the authority , of a Lord ChaBcdJw of England , furnishing us with the most extreme hcence for agitation , by a man who has been aU things to ailment-Whig , Tory , Radical , , and B ^ pubhcan . But would the hon . member for . Bucking hamshire resist an agitation that had for its object t he re-Uttposing a duty upon corn , if the effect was to place him and his friends upon those opposite benches . Xext came the right ion . baronet ( Sir B . . led ) , while actinor unnn his nld maxim of returning gOOtt

      for evil ; he said you- opposed me when I proposed to shut the disorderly up by night , I wul support you when you propose to shut them up by day and by night . " His speech was a rejoinder upon the defence oithe noble lord and his administration , with reference to the Appropriation Clause and the Arms BUI ; it was powerful , it was telling and . convincing ; but althoug h his ( Mr . O'Connor ) former speech was termed discursive , neither the noble lord , nor the hon baronet touched the question at issue . It was a inhiisterial jostle , and the ri g ht hon . baronet concluded by reminding Insh members , that they had not proposed any remedial measures , But ¦ he

      S ™£. Ch 0f M - O'Connor Upon The Minist...

      would remind the right hon . gentleman of an Irish saying , that "It was not fair when you keen a dog to be asked to bark yourself ; " and he would ask if it was fair when the Irish people contributed their portion of the governmental expenses and the salaries of the ministers , to be asked to propound measures for Ireland ? Was it not the duty of the government to"do so ? The noble lord stood £ 0 the English and Irish people in loco parentis , -nis administration had been described by the gah lant member for Middlesex , as the " Happy Family , " and the noble lord was pater familias , but let the House observe with what rapidity and upon what poor and slender evidence coercive measures could be passed , while no administration could devise a single remedy for the numerous evils of

      the country . ( Hear , hear . ) But , as the right hon . baronet had partly based his support upon this charge , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) would remind him that inl 833 when he found that the Repeal was a juggle , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) did propose a better system of Poor Laws , one based upon labour premiums , agricultural premiums , and tax upon absentees ; that he did propose leases in perpetuity at a corn rent , as the means of employing the industry of the country in productive and profitable labour ; that he did propose local registration courts to effect the cheaptransfer of landed property ; that he did propose th * establishment of « neap Courts of Equity , where thq tenant and the poor man could receive cheap justice . Those were his suggestions ; but as an independent member of Parliament , unconnected with party , it

      would have been madness to press them , while ministers , had they adopted them , might have carried them . And now he would turn to the , indictment upon which Ireland was to be convicted , and he would appeal to the Saxon blood of English gentlemen—gentlemen whose ancestors fought and Wed for the English constitution , and whose boast it was that that constitution was based upon the blood of their ancestors—he would appeal to them , whether they would base their votes upon the quibbles of the legal official , ( the Attorney-General ) , who attempted , in a previous debate , to show them how this quirk and that quibble , and the other interpretation of the ordinary law , would protect the poor man s liberty , against any unconstitutional use which the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland micht attempt

      to make of this unconstitutional measure . Will those gentlemen be slavishly led by that ministry which they complain has made such invasions upon their feudal ri ghts ? There was a time , when the Tory blood of this House would have resisted such a Whig proposition . Oh for the days of Chatham , Fox , Burke , Sheridan , Canning , Burdett , Erskine , the Hobhouse of old , and a Itomill y ! but those days of English patriotism have fled ; tho steam-engine is now the heart , machinery the brain , and the Stock Exchange tho pulse of England . But let not those gentlemen suppose that the follies and prejudices imbibed at Eton , Harrow , Rugby , and Westr . inster , and confirmed at Oxford and Cambridge , can much longer resist the active genius manifesting itself , not only in this but in all other countries .

      That feudal system gave them an ascendancy which the flood of thought has broken down ; and if they hope to sustain their altered position by a violation of the constitution , and the resistance to opinion , they will find themselves lamentably mistaken . He would now proceed to the consideration of the indictment against Ireland—which was the letter of Lord Clarendon : and if that House constituted a fair jury he would entertain no doubt as to the ver diet . Lord Clarendon says , that the use made by him of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act , and the use of it made by him for the suppression of disturbances , gave UNIVERSAL SATISFACTION . Now he begged to ask the House , what construction they were to put upon the term " universal ? " But , in the same count of the indictment he proceeds to

      say , that the non-delivery of arms—while , in fact , they had no proof of their possession—leads him to the conclusion that the spirit of rebellion still lurks in the hearts of the people . What does this lurking spirit mean ? Is there any evidence beyond the mere fancy of the Lord-Lieutenant ? And how does it accord with that "universal satisfaction" that appears in the same count ? In another count the Lord-Lieutenant says , that his reasons for asking for those unconstitutional powers is , to suppress and put down that dangerous agitation which for thirty years has paralysed industry , and scared away capital . Now to what agitation can this sentence possibly have refereuce , except to the agitation for the Repeal of the Union ? although the right hon . the Secretary for Ireland has assured us that it has

      not reference to that agitation . But as the letter of Lord Clarendon is the indictment against Ireland , and as the repeal agitation has been tho only agitation , he would remind the House that Lord Althorp , when ministerial leader , declared that if ever the day arrived when a majority of the Lush people demanded a Repeal of the Union , that then it would become the duty of the government to grant it ; but now who would dare to agitate for that measure ? who would dare to complain of an act of tyranny , or of a grievance , when the evidence of the perpetrator would be received as the conviction of the complainant . ( Hear . ) You ask for knowledge , —and you lack knowledge upon Irish affairs—while you stop the only channel through which you could receive thatdnformation . The grievances of

      Ireland arc communicated by oral tradition ; they must be discussed by those who endure them before they can be laid in a tangible shape before this House ; and by this prohibition of discussion and complaint you preserve that stolid ignorance which for years you have manifested as to Irish affairs . When agitation was necessary to secure Whig power through patronage , then you tolerated agitation of the most dangerous character . When tho Whigs sat in opposition Repeal was then the test , of Irish loyalty ; but when the Whigs were in office undefined justice to Ireland , and whoever divides the liberal party is an enemy to his country , was the maxim , and because we could not be juggled we were called Tory Chartists . ( Hear . ) Where was the man in that House or in the country who ' endured so much

      the slander , the insolence , and the vituperation of that party , as he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had done , and merely because he could not be made a party to that dangerous and truckling policy which debased the Irish mind for the mere purpose of securing Whig patronage ? ( Hear ^ hear . ) Such then had been the training of the Irish mind when tho Whigs required subservient Irish support . Were they not for years forewarned of what must be tho inevitable result of such a policy ? Have they forgotten the words of the . late Mr . Charles Buller , a gentleman who charmed that House with his eloquence , and enlivened it with his wit ? He told them that Ireland would remain in a state of incipient revolution during the life of Mr . O'Connell , and that at his death it would burst into open revolution and

      rebellion . Well , then , did they expect that while the Irish people were of the same religion as republican France , that while the Irish Catholic people , oppressed at home and driven from tho land of their birth , were obliged to take refuge , in Americadid they imagine that the seeds of Irish discontent would not be sown in that land of liberty , or did they hope to check the spirit of insubordination by the pitiful dole of £ 50 , 000 ? No ; the disease was too deep rooted . Ireland had been called your Poland , but it is worse than Poland ; it is your Siberia . ( "No , no . " ) Who says "No ? " When did you ever hear of a million Poles ' dying of starvation in a single year ? When did you hear of the gaol , the transport , or the bastile , being the only refuge for the destitute in Poland ? Ireland is a seabound dungeon ,, where

      naught is heart but weeping and wailing , and gnashing-of teeth . You tell them that their country is over-populated , and in order to ensure emigration , or rather transportation—you level their hovels to the ground , and "The blackness of ashes , now marks where they stood , While the wild mother screams o er her famishing brood . " . ( Hear , hear . ) But if I required a stronger proof of the tranquillity of Ireland than that contained in the letter of Lord Clarendon , I find it in the declaration of the noble lord { Lord J . Russell ) made many months since ; that noble lord pompously turned round to his backers , and in laudation of the use made by Lord Clarendon of those unconstitutional powers , he said : "The treason accounts from Ireland are positively vapid : they are flat stale and

      UNPROFITABLE ; " "VVhig-Hke . establishing the fact that Irish treason constituted Whig profit . While from the hour that that declaration was made to the present moment , there has not been a single attempt at insurrection or a renewal of agitation of any kind . And yet , the noble lord would now entrench himself in the fastness of futurity , and substitute vice-regal perception—nay , divination—for the Eng lish constitution . But let him rest assured , that if he continues , to . persecute opinion , it will establish its foundation upon a rock , which all the blasts of the universe cannot shake . It was so with the Christian religion , it will be so with . every sentiment . Even , if doubtful or wrong , it will become strong if persecuted ; -could he give a stronger instance than the fate of the ancestor of the noblo ldrd who expiated what was termed his orimeypon the scaffold , while his death implanted , strengthened and cherished those principles , for which had-he not

      S ™£. Ch 0f M - O'Connor Upon The Minist...

      suffered , he would not bo a ble to inculcate with so much success . ( Hear , hear . ) But why make such a violation of the English constitution , just at the time when all other nations were extending their constitutions , and making them move in harmony with existing opinion ? Or , why ask for these enarged powers when your legal officials in Ireland have found the ordinary law sufficiently powerful to effect your object ? Does not the case of Mr . Duffy , on which the Irish officials have been tinkering , PU"hng , and complicating for more than six months , attord you ample means of detention , ay , of persecution ? ( Hear , hear . ) In the case of Mr . 0 ConneU , Lord Denman called the law " a mockery , a delusion , and a snare , " hut you would now make the constitution « a puzzlea

      lab-, y rinth , and a maze . " How different was the policy of Lord Normanb y , when administering the executive power under a Whig administration ! Then , When the Whigs required Irish support , the representative of her Majesty flew like Don Quixote , through the country , accompanied , not by an aidede-camp , but by his staff , proclaiming an amnesty , and delivering the gaols of thieves and pickpockets to constitute the Whig auxiliary corps , ( Hear , hear . ) ^ Well , but , -sir , if agitation is bad , and shouMwe put down , let us see if we cannot furnish its justification from the highest authority in the House—the Prime Minister of England . Wheu that noble lord visited Bristol upon a tour of agitation , he presented his countrymen with the last shoot from the Bedford stock . He

      held his babe up to the admiring multitude , and said : " Behold the guarantee 0 ? my loyalty , the pledge of my patriotism , and devotion to niy country . I am opposed to the ballot , ( said the noble lord , ) because it would deprive the non-electors of that popular vigilant control which they have an undoubted right to exercise over the trustees of their liberty . Now how would that square with the principle of the hon . member for Buckinghamshire , who would assi g n all power to the centralised opinion in that House . Was not this a confession of the right to agitate , and is not tho noble lord now pre . pared to extend the franchise in Ireland as a tub to the whale , while , in reality , it is to substitute living for dead voters ? When Lord Stanley came to the Hsuse to ask for a Coercion Bill for Ireland , he

      made out the semblance of a case ; he had one , two , or three red boxes filled with information which no one could contradict . It all came from stipendiary magistrates , yeomanry captains , police constables , and country gentlemen of the highest character , whose loyalty none could dispute , and whose assertions none could refute . He gave us tho shadow of a case , and although the measure he asked for was not so gross a violation of the constitution , it met with determined and resolute opposition ; while again , I say , the ri ght hon . Secretary for the Home Department has not made even the shadow of a case beyond the apprehensions of the Lord Lieutenant , and reliance upon the subserviency of all parties in the House . True , the right hon . gentleman , when questioned as to the ease of the State

      prisoners still in custody , was obliged to make some admissions of rigorous treatment , but , however , as tho Lord Lieutenant had expressed his approval of the ri gour , the right honourable gentleman presumed it was justifiable . Are not the words of Blackstone , with reference to the application of this law , strictly true when applied to the case of those gentlemen . Now what was their case : —they were arrested and sent to Newgate , and placed in cells with criminals ; from Newgate they were sent to Belfast , where they were confined for two months without being permitted to be in the open air for a single minute ; from Belfast they were sent to the debtors' side of Kihnainham . On the 9 th of December Mr . Meany writes a most respectful letter to Mr . Redington , complaining of tho treatment they

      received ; ho receives no answer , and on the 25 th of January he publishes a most temperate , and moderate , and not at all an exciting letter , complaining of the abridgement of several of the privileges of himself and his brother prisoners . Upon the same day that this letter appeared in the Freeman s Journal ,- Mr . Shaw , the High Sheriff of Dublin , visited the prison , summoned the jflelin ^ uent to his presence , and told him that if he repeated the offence of publishing his grievances , he should be deprived of the few privileges he enjoyed . He said , he had aright to publish them , and would publish them , and , without any repetition of tho offence beyond this mero _ manly declaration , the High Sheriff ordered in six sturdy policemen , who , aided by a posse of turnkeys , the governor , and

      under-governor , took , not only the offender , but his five brother prisoners , who had committed no offence by force through various passages , and up several staircases , to the criminal side of the prison ; and crime in Ireland—as is usual under Whi g rulebeing so prevalent , the criminal side was inconveniently full , but five criminals were removed from the criminal side to the debtor side , to make room for the State prisoners . All correspondence was stopped ; their friends insulted by the officials when they called upon them ; obliged to perform the most menial offices ; and were not the words of Blackstone true , when he says , " That men , confined under the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act , are SILENT , FORGOTTEN , DEAD ? " The Lord-Lieutenant , in his indictment , says , " That no man

      was committed under these powers except upon sworn and positive informations . " And would the House believe , that notwithstanding these legal grounds for apprehension , with this presumptive charge of treason against them , that there had been five sessions of Oyer and Terminer since their apprehen ' sibh—arid , notwithstanding the sworn and positive informations , the facility of procuring witnesses , and a certainty of securing juries , no single charge has yetbeen preferred against one of those gentlemen ? And now the House of Commons is asked to-continue those powers where . they have beon ' so abused ,. But , of course if Lord Clarendon assents , the Constitution sanctions , and they have ho cause of coniplahit . But , sir , let me illustrate the truth of Blackstone ' s assertion , that the man

      imprisoned under the suspension of this act , or , indeed , under any act during a Whig administration , is SILENT , FORGOTTEN , DEAD . When I was in York Castle , the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) made some assertions in this House , which had not a shadow of truth in them , but which the * noble lord guaranteed upon the evidence of a most trustworthy witness . I wrote to the noble lord , showing the utter fallacy of the assertion , but I had neither answer nor retraction , because I was silent , forgotten , dead . Well , sir , when I was at large , the noble lord . used insulting expressions against me in this House . I wrote to him for an explanation , and his answer was that , as a Minister of the Crown , he was not called upon to give any explanation of words used in Parliament . ' That ' did not satisfy me , sir . I wrote another letter , and sent it , by a friend , and , as I was neither silent , forgotten , nor

      dead , the noble lord-retracted his words—thus showing you tbe different manner in which a man in custody and a man at large is treated . But does the nbblo lord for a moment imagine that this is going to be a mere Irish question ? Did he not hear the petition that was presented from the men of St , Pancras by the hon . and gallant member for Middlesex to-night , denouncing the proposed measure , and praying fbr a Repeal of the Union ? And , although a deadly feud nad been created between Celt and Saxon , for the base purpose of securing patronage and creating a division between the people of the two countries ; yet those feelings of animosity had now ceased , and the Saxon would make common cause with the Celt to redeem , his country from provincial degradation , and . establish her national

      independence . ( Hear , hear . ) ' Why did hot the noble lord come down to the House upon the 10 th of April , when the dread of a Chartist outbreak compelled the enlistment of 200 , 000 specials , the calling out of the military and pensioners , and placing them under the command of the great Duke ? Why did not he come down then and ask for a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in this country ? Simply because he knew that the great gentlemen of England would have resisted such ah assault upon their constitution to the death . Arid did the noble lord hope to bait " his .. Irish . trap by bribing ' the' Irish priesthood ? Didherely upon the presumed tranquillity produced by this measure to carry the endowment of the Catholic Church ? If so , he . would find himself mistaken , as the Irish people would rebel to ft . man against iSuch an attempt to prostitute

      tlioir priesthood to . hunisterial oapneo . .. ( Hear , hear . ) Why this was . the very principle suggested by Kobbspierre ; when he proposed to insure the loyaltj ^ -bf the priesthood by precisely the sswno means '•'* l > . ut when that question came to be discussed , theh-the gentlemen sitting upon those benches behind him would muster in full force '; but now that Ireland was to be . coerced , the majority of that House wouldnbt condescend to hear the arguments , for or against , but ' would be rallied by the lash of the whipper-in to vote for the destruction of their constitution . Upon the passing of the Reform Bill the : Whi g government experimentalised upon Ireland /• " atidvhe now told the landlords of Englaiid that this was another experiment , ' merely to test the prinoipleof frco tradem that country . He , ( Mr « O'Connor ) . had made-many , propnecies with respect to the effect of-tbat measure , ancLono and all had

      S ™£. Ch 0f M - O'Connor Upon The Minist...

      been realised . Ireland , as yet , had suffered most ; but England , hereafter , would suffer her share . And why had the result been so calamitous ? Was it because the principle itself was bad ? No , —but because they preferred the adjustment of the no & io lord ( Lord John Russell ) to that of the right hon . baronet ( Sir R . Peel ) . Protection was the keystone of the ,-irch ; upon it stood your social fabric ; upon it every social engagement wa & based . The right hon . baronet was the architect of a new social fabric ; but you allowed the noble lord to strike the centre , and knock the key-stone from the arch before the work was completed . A portion of his adherents wore deluded by his Edinburgh missive ; while some from spleen , —some from jealousy , — some from ambition , deserted the risht hon . hnrn .

      net , and left the ship amongst the breakers witiiout pilot or rudder . And another prophocv that ho would make was , that they would ere long invite that right lion , gentleman to take the command of their scattered forces , and save their shattered fortunes from Whi g imbecility and recklessness and he told tho noble lord that the people of this country and of Ireland , looked to the right lion , baronet , and not to the noble lord , to save them from that ruin which Whig misrule is sure to accomplish . ( Hear , hear . ) The noble lord and his adherents , and indeed the great majority of that House , professed to bo staunch supporters of the English Constitution—a Constitution which was said mainly to depend upon those several powers so wisel y distributed between the three estates of tho realm—tho

      King , Lords , and Commons ; but notwithstanding that the professed object of the Reform Bill was to popularise the House of Commons , the power of the three several estates still remaining the same , and each being a material part of that machinery which was to work the Constitution , and see to the just and equitable adminstration of the laws , let him now call the attention of the House to the manner in which the House of Lords , said , to hold tho balance of power between the Crown and tho Commons , had been swamped by the Whigs ; and that , he trusted , would be an answer to the assertion of the hon , member for Buckinghamshire , who denied the right to exercise popular control over the House of Commons . From loSS to 1788 , a whole century , commencing with that period

      when tho ancestors of those gentlemen established that glorious revolution , based upon their own blood , a period during which we had sixty years of unbroken domestic conflicts , waged between Pretenders , and Usurpers , continental wars , and the American war ; during that period there was a creation of eighty-six peers . From 1788 to 1818 , a period of thirty years , and during which you had two French revolutions , an Irish rebellion , the union with Ireland , and fifteen years of universal war , all circumstances likely to confer distinction and titles , and during those thirty years there was a creation of only 10 G peers . While from 1830 to 1839 , during which period the Whigs , with but slig ht intervals held office—nine years of uninterrupted peace , seven years oflloform times ; and yet will the

      House believe , that during that short period tho Whigs in power , for the purpose of swamping the lords , had created no fewer than eighty-two peevs . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir George Gnsr . —Time . I beg to remind the hon . gentleman he has exceeded his hour . Mr . O'Co . vA'on . —Sir , I am not astonished at the impatience of the riglit hon gentleman . He has his ventilator full of Jewesses—his galleries full of Jews—and his whippers-in ready to whip up the House for a discussion upon the admission ot the colleague of the noble lord , ( Lord John Russell ) in tho hope of putting another crutch under the City ofLondon . But he ( Mr . O'Connor ) did notthinkthe House appeared wearied—he had g iven them a blood run , it did not appear more than twenty minutes

      and if any one was chargeable with a waste of time , it was the right hon . baronet himself—who failing to state the case of the ministers to the House , had imposed a more laborious duty upon those who were obliged to grapple with rice-regal conundrums and ministerial predictions . But although his speech would be designated by the press as discursive , and although all other members who had taken part in the debate , had launched into extraneous matter , embracing Free Trade , employment , foreign policy , poor laws , money grants , political economy , and Irish progenitiveness , yet he ( Mr . O' Connor ) contended that he had not used a single sentence which did not critically bear upon the subject . His conduct might be called factious ; but he believed that no amount of opposition could be properly

      termed factious in a case of such a liberty-destroying measure as this . It was his pride and his glory to say , that he had fought the battle of Irish liberty often single-handed andalone , not only in the House , but upon the public stage ; it was his prido to be able to say in presence ot those Irish members who livcdupoii Whig patronage , that he had conducted professionally more contested elections than any man in that House ; and although by the Irish Reform Act he was entitled to large fees , he had never accepted a . farthing for his services , or travelled a mile , or eaten a meal at the expense of the candidate he supported . Talk not to him about loyalty ; there was often loyalty upon the lip while there was treachery , deception , " and treason lurking in the heart ; and there was less danger to bo apprehended

      from the open foe than from the candid friend . ( Hear , hoar . ) He was not afraid or ashamed openly to avow his standard of loyalty ; it was this , that if ever the day should arrive when the struggle for liberty should be fought between the oppressed Celt and his Saxon oppressor , he would rather be found amongst the ranks of the slain , who fought and fell for their country ' s freedom , than in the ranks- of the invading oppressor though title and honour was to bo nis reward . ( Shouts of "Oh , oh . " ) They may shout " Oh , oh , " but during his-life lie had struggled for the liberty of his country , and he would continue during life to do so . He did not mean liberty in that sense in which it suited the sycophant to construe it ; he meant liberty tempered with reason and discretion ,

      and not that liberty which would be likely to degenerate into licentiousness . And to establish that blessing , your laws must be yielding to mercy and stern against oppression , with an executive exacting an implicit obedience to their mild authority , instead of a juggler moulding them to party convenience . Then the people will be loyal when the altar is the footstool of God , instead of the couch of Mammon ; when the throne is based upon the affections of the people , instead of upon the caprice of a faction and when the cottage is the castle of the freeman , instead of the den of the slave . He would now proceed to show the difference between Lord John

      Russell in office and Lord John Russell in his study ( out of office ) , writing upon the English Constitution : and although Russell in office may not refute or contradict Russell in his study or in his writings , he would show how the writings of the noble lord were a direct answer to the indictment of Lord Clarendon , and again be would remind him of the fate of his ancestor , and the hopelessness to prevent by tyranny now what tyranny of old accomplished . His ancestor died upon the scaffold , but his martyrdom riveted those principles for which he suffered in the mind of future generations . How true were the words of the great English poet , when he said : —

      — " They never fail who die In a great cause . The block may soak their gore , Their heads-may sodden in the sun : their limbs Be strting to city gates and castle walls , But still their spirit walks abroad . Though years Elapse , and others share as dark a doom , It but augments the deep and sweeping thought Which overpowers all others and conducts The world at last to freedom . " He would now proceed to read a few extracts from the greatest writers on tho English Constitution . ( " No , no . " ) An hon . member cries " No , no . " Is lie so anxious to admit the Jews-within the pale of the Constitution , and to drive tho Irish out of it without tho Shadow of a ease being made out agamst them ? If the hon . gentleman is . tired of hearing my voice , they shall bo read by the , clcrk , or he shall read , them himself . They are .- written in a bo ! d , legible hand , arid he will have no difficulty in rcadimYthom . ILaushter . ) Mr . O'Connor then

      proceeded to read the several extracts from Blackstone , Hallam , Boswell ' s " Life of Johnson , " Lord John Russell ' s " Essay upon- the English Constitution , " andLbrd Boling broke ; and when he had concluded the reading of the extracts , he said— Now , sir on which horn of the dilemma will the noble lord han » , for I take either of the assertions of Lord Clarendon—that in which ho admits that there is UNIVERSAL satisfaction and tranquillity , or that'in which he says there is still a lurking sedition , which , of course , he has discovered with a skiascope or a br ain-guage . The noble lord has admitted that the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act is the most dangerous experiment that can be tried . He says , that it is only when treason works in the mind of a few leaders , that it should be enforced against them , to preventits spread—but he says ,, when it is theadopted . principle of a large and numerous clras / thnt then it is useless to put it into operation . To . use his own-words ^ . ; •' ¦ a ' Curio avulsojnondeficit alter . "'• "" Well , then , how does this agree with the assurance

      S ™£. Ch 0f M - O'Connor Upon The Minist...

      of Lord Clarendon , that the . feeling- still lurks ia the minds of all ? Wilkjinoi noble lord join issuft with Lord Clarendon , and say it only lurks in th « minds of the few ? K so the indictment of Lord Clarendon goes for nothing . Sir , no man in this House or 111 the world lias better ri ght to speak upon this subject than I have . In more troublesome times , and when Ireland had passed through a , bloody revolution , with the feeling of vengeance still lurking in the Irish heart , and during the « overn « mentof Lord Camden in Ireland , my father and my uncle suffered a Jong imprisonment under this Act , but with more forbearance and clemency than lias been exhibited by Lord Clarendon . They " wrote and

      J published more bold and daring letters to the Lordf jiieutenantlhanthatfor which Mr . Meany and his as-< soctotes were deprived of tho paltry privileges they enrWed ; and Lord Camden issued a pioclamath xt a & nubtiog the leaders to baU" oh their own recognisaneev Sir , would to God that every Irish mem her Sadi my feelings toward ; hia country , and then , instead of seeing tho right hon . gentleman , the Master of the Mint ( Mr . Shell ) , sitting in comp any , and l rea « h to co-operiito with the destroyers of his country ' s-- liberty , he would be coining a speech stamped with , sterling vahv ,. to aid in the annihilation of those enemies . &" »' , . I- have contended for Irish liberty sihee I entered public life , and I will only abandon that contest when . Hose that life . We may be checked , worsted , audi defeated for a time , bat still we wflffi strmrfflc in r & c-cause-. BECAUSE

      IT IS THE CAUSE OP JUSTICE ; . AND THE CAUSE OF JUSTICE IS TIIBCJfctTSROF GOD . The following am & the extracts read by the Hon . Member : — Blockitone ' s Commentaries—Vol , h , p . 138 , "That great bulwiwft of our constitutfeir , the Habeas Corpus Act—theso tw » statutes ( Habeas Corpus Act , and Act for abolishing iUlSfcary Tenures ) with regard to our property and persons ferai » second Magntu CIiart ; i , as benefieiat and effectual as that of Hunnymcde . Magna Charta only in general tsrms declared , that no man shall be imprisoned contrary t & law ; the Habeas Corpus Act points liiro out effectual remedies as well , to release himself ^ though even committed by the King in Council as t » punisU alt those who sliaB thus unconstitutiunaUv misuse him . " Sosressiox . —BtetlaHme . —Vol . Ill , p , 13 T , " It frecpienUyJaappensin foreign countries , and li »» happened in England during teneporary suspensions of tbe Statute , that persons apprehended upon suspicion have iHuferctl a long imprisonment , merely because they were forgotten . "

      Blnehtione , —Book I . Chap , I . "To bereave a man of life , or by violence to confiscate his estate , without accusation or trial , would be so gross and notorious an act of despotism , as must at once convey the alarm of tyranny throughout the whole kingdom ; but confinement of the person by secrcUviiurryingliini togaul , wiieru his sufferings are unknown , or forgotten , is a less public , a less striking and , therefore , a more dangerous engine of arbitrary government And yet sometimes ichen the Utate is in real danger , even this may be a necessary measure ; but the happiness ofour Constitution is , that it is not li-ft tOtllO Executive to determine when the ( Linger of the State is so great as to render this measure expedient ; tor the Parliament only , or legislative power , can authorise the Crown by suspending the Habeas Corpus Act , for a short and limited period , to imprison suspected persons without giving any reason for so doing . " Again , in Introduction on Nature 0 / Laws . —Sec . 2 .

      • ' The most universal and effectual way of discovering the true meaning of a law is by considering the spirit of it , and the cause which moved the Legislature to enact it , for when the reason ceases the law itself ought likewise to cexse with it . IMlam ' a ComtUuiioml History—Vol . III . It is a very common mistake—and that not only among foreigners , but many from whom some knowledge of our constitutional law * might be expected—to suppose that this statute of Charles II ., enlarged , in a great degree , our liberties , and forms a sort of epoch in their history ; but , though a very beneficial enactment , and eminently remedial in many cases of illegal imprisonment , it introduced no new principle , nor conferred any right upon the subject . From the earliest records of the English law , no freeman could be detained in prison except upon a criminal

      cnarpe or coimteiton , or for a chll JM . Jn the former case it was always in his poiocr to demand 0 / the Court of King ' s Bench a virit of habeas cwpas ad subjiciendum , directed to the person detaining him in custody , by which he was enjoined to bring up the body of the prisoner , with the warrant tf commituitut , that the court might judge ot * its sufficiency , and remand the party , admit him to bail , or discharge him , according to the nature of the charge . This writ issued of right , and could not be refused by the court . It was not to bestow an immunity from arbitrary imprisonment , which is abundantly provided in Magna Charta ( if , indeed , it were not much more ancient ) that the statute of Charles II . was enacted , but to cut off the abuses by which the government ' s lust of power , and the servile subtlety of Crown lawyers , had impaired so fundamental a privilege . "

      Lord John Jtusiells Essay on the English Governmental . 104 and 449 . " The reign of Charles II ., as has been observed , was an era of bad government , but of good laws . The Act of Habeas Corpus was the greatest of these laws . It is tho best security for liberty ever devised , but it must not bo supposed that it was invented during this reign . " "Thus the House of Commons more than once has met perfectly disposed to bear its part in passing any measures of severe coercion which the ministers ut * the duv thought lit to propose . It n ; is _ thus , that in 17 l )"> and ' ffl ' J , laws were passed to prohibit public meetings without a sullicient authority , and to prevent printing , unless under certain

      regulations . In 1817 , these measures were renewed , and in 1 S 1 S their severity has been much increased . The measures resorted to on those occasions may be classed under two heads , both of them sanctioning methods , in my mind injudicious andoiieextremolydaiigcrous . Thefirstisthe Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act . Now , this is a very proper precaution , when a conspiracy is carried on by a , few principal leaders whose imprisonment puts an end-to the plot . But it is no remedy at all , when tho evil consists in the discontent of some thousands of unemployed manufacturer ? , lino avulso non deficit alter ; the subalterns ' in conducting these popular humours arc fully as able and audacious as the chiefs ,

      Johnson ' s Life by SoswcU . —Vol . III ., p . 7 a , ( Edition , 1835 ; . "The Habeas Corpus is tho single advantage which our government has over thai of other countries . " Bolingbroke ( Lord . ) Dissertation upon parlies . —Page 105 . " The slavish principles of passive obedience mid nonresistance which had skulked , perhaps , in some old homily before King James I ., but were talked , written , and practised into vogue in that inglorious reign , and in those of Ills three successors , were renounced at the revolution by the last of the several parties who declared for them . " " Kngland would never be ruined except by her Parliament . " " It is as much the duty of a people to rebel against a corrupt House of Commons as against a tyrannical l'rince . "

      < A Of Lord Clarendon That Still Lurks I...

      / jh £# & /^^^ w ^^ ic < ^ A y— ye ^ y ^^^^^ \ " ' ¦ ¦> " ^

      Mr. O'Coxxon's Hour's Speech From The Ti...

      Mr . O'Coxxon ' s hour ' s speech from the Times : — Mr . O'Connor said , that in that case , whatever the hon . memberfor Limerick ( Mr . J . O'Connell ) might do , he , foi one , would not consent to allow the bill to be read a third time without opposition . The hon . member then proceeded to say , that when any remedial measure was proposed for Ireland , the government always found numerous difficulties in the way of its passing ; but , when any coercive measure was required to sustain tliem in office , all difficulties seemed to vanish . He maintained that every singlo count in the indictment of Ireland contained in Lord Clarendon ' s letter , upon which the present bill professed to bo founded , answered itself , and afforded no ground , therefore , for asking the House-to pass the bill . He regretted that the right hon . gentleman theiuembcr fur Tamwbrtll ( Shit . Peel ) had given his support to this measure , for undoubtedly he was the minister to whom the people of England and Ireland looked to relieve them of the mal-admiiiistration of the present government , who had failed to carry

      out any one of the remedial measures they advocated when out of office . He implored the Irish members to stand up in their places and boldly resist the bill to the utmost of their power , and not allow the constitution to be made a . puzzle , n labyrinth , and a snare . The way in which the law had hitherto been executed was far from buine ; unexceptionable , lie had received the most positive assurances with respect to the harsh manner in which tbe prisoners in Kilmainbam were treated ou account of . Mr . ileaney having written a letter to the newspapers . Since then their letters had been opened , they had been removed to the criminal side of the prison , and their friends were not allowed to see them . He would proceed to read a few extracts from Lord John Itussell ' s admirable "Kssayon the British Constitution , " and from the pages of Italian ^ Uolingbroke , and Blackstone , with respect to the value of the Habeas Corpus Act . ( "Oh ! oh ! " ) If hon . gentlemen were impatient they might have them read by the clerk at the table .

      Sir G . GuEr . —The hon . member has already spoken for an hour . Sir OrfionoB Gnsr a two minutes ' speech f rom tho Times ;—Sir G-. Gray observed , that he had perhaps been guilty of an impropriety of having reminded the lion , gentleman , some considerable time before he concluded his speech , that he had then spoken an hour—( hear)—but he coidd not help remarking that the hon . member had exceeded the period to which beseemed desirous of restricting speeches in that House ; for , ou looking to the lists of the minority who recommended that speeches should be limited to tiu hour ,, he found there the name of Feargus O'Connor . ( Hear , hear . ) [ Mr . O'Con ' . nob . — " But you voted agaiiist . it , and I was anxious to take your example . " ] llut , if anything could convince him ( Sir G . Grey ) of the expediency o £ such a bill as that to limit the speeches of hon , members ; to that space , it would be listening to the speech which the

      hon . member for Nottingham had just delivered to the House—( a ' laugh)—and . he was sure the House would agree with him in thinking that if all extraneous matter had been rejected from it the hon . memlier would not hiiva spoken for an hour , and would have made a much better speech .. ( "Hear , " and . a laugh . ) With respect to tho question before the House , he . had understood that those hon . gentlemen who were opposed . to it were prepared . to take the third reading' without further opposition ,, and to reserve themselves for the-motion to follow it . ' There would be an opportunity on the motion of the noble lord the member for Aylesbury ' ( Lord Nugent ) for the government to state tho grounds on which they intended to oppose the motion . The hon . member might have spared all Ids reading with respect to the constitutional value- of the Habeas . Corpus Act , for , although there were few who would agree in the assertion of Dr . Johnson , that ft was the only benefit we had derived from the revolution , no dno doubted its immense value and utility . But the hon . member could not have read historv or the Parliamentary debates ,

      without knowing that occasions had arisen and might again arise in which it was necessary to suspend the habeas corjb \ u in order to preserve tho constitution . ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . member bad quoted an extract from a worh of the noble lord near him ( Sir G . Grey ) , in which he said that the suspension of the act should be directed not against tho disaffected many , but against the leaders of insurrection who were plotting against the state . It was precisely for this object the suspension of the act was now proposed—( hear , hear)—aud the noble lortTs words were as applicable now as then . The powers given by the suspension ot the net had not been enforced against tlip hundreds and thousands of persons who might be disaffected , but against the leaders of insurrection and the instigators of rebellion , and that with signal success . ( Hear , hear . ) The Ifon . member mi ght think the reasons for proposing the measure inconclusive , but the House had . confirmed ; by its resolution , the proposition that it was not expedient to aUow ; tho act of last year to expire .- Ho believed - the speeel ^ of tlw hoh : member would not indue * them to : think otherwise , and that , they would consent to , til ?/ third reading of the Ml . ( Haar , hear . )

      4 V

      4

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 24, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_24021849/page/1/