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      I And National Tmdes' Journal.

      I AND NATIONAL TMDES' JOURNAL .

      Wlw.Ft.To. : Mmw Saturday. Jabj~ 27,1852...

      WLW . ft . TO . : mMW SATURDAY . JABJ ~ 27 , 1852 . ,, „ « SK ™ r ;~; -, „„ .

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      The Cerberean Opposition, After Barking ...

      The Cerberean opposition , after barking tremendously , has come to the resolution not to bite . Pro fessingtobe satfsfied with LordDERBT ' fl promise , that be will confine himself to urgent measures , and dissolve the present , in time forthe New Parliament to meet in autumn , they have agreed to interpose no further Obstacles in the path of the New Ministry . On Monday Lord J . RusSEU . announced the altered ta ctics to be pursued by the Chesham-place brigade ; aud 6 iace > b ^ . thCbtt ^ essinJ » th ; Iidttse 8 fla ? pro * ceeded as might beexnected in a Parliament whose days are numbered . The only actual work is that of about in rather

      toting the money , and it is gone » carious fashion . -The New Ministry have adopted the estimates of their predecessors . They find thenwork done to their hand , and the explanations called for are tendered by the unsalaried opposition chiefs , while the salaried ministry look on , or merely thiow in a word now and then , redolent of happiness at being paid for doing nothing . Of course all this is very ° galling to the Gbbys , Ehjotts , and other members of the formerly 'Happy Family ' , and occasionally the feeling escapes in language verging on unparliamentary . Admiral BebkBLBY was surprised at the ' audacity' of the Government in

      adoptin » tiie ready-made estimates , and reminded them , that when in opposition they had circulated the BAQ & « infamous stories' about the Board of Admiralty whose labours they thas coolly appropriated . On the other band , as the Whigs are not likely to find fault with their own estimates , awl ha * e formed aa alliance offensive and defensive with the Financial Reformers , these latter in turn refrain from the usual criticism , fault finding , and divisions , which were never expected to save one penny of the public money . The fatce of voting the supplies will , therefore , tiiis year be got through in less time than usual , and without a great deal of the humbug on all

      sides , by which dust is thrown in the eyes or poor John Bull . So anxious is Lord John to get rid of this necessary preliminary to a General Election , that he has suggested the Government should take Thursdays as well as Mondays and Fridays , for supply days . The whole of the army estimates were granted almost without discussion in a few minutes , and the Admiralty charges would have been as summarily disposed of , had it not been that sundry ' hon . and gallant' members were determined to give their budget of grievances and 'notions' an airing . Talk , however , was the only object , and in talk it ended . The sole measure which Beems likely to delay

      either house and prevent a speeay dissolution is the Militia Bill of the new cabinet , which is promised for Monday next . Since Lord John introduced the measure which led to the downfall of his government , a very great change has taken place in public opinion . The scribes of the Factions had wrought up the war panicto such apitch , tbatitis exceedingly probable under its influence the nation might have been induced to acquiesce in a measure most unjust , burdensome , and injurious in its operation . The actual interregnum of Government which has since omlrredjin ^ eonBequence of Lord John ' s resignation , has demonstrated that the alarm and the danger on which the Militia Bill

      was professedly based , had very little foundation in reality . Had the French Dictator been so anxious , or so prepared , for a descent upon England as was pretended , he could not have had abetter opportunity than Lord Johk offered him . It is not improbable that the alteration of opinion out of doors , has been accompanied by a similar change in Parliament . The invasion panic has subsided ; and those who speak now , as they might have done four weeks ago , will most likely be laughed at , instead of applauded . If such a feeling exists , we may be certain that a Militia Bill will be among the bequests to a new Parliament , and a Government which does not ' exist by sufferance . ' Upon that , and upon every question bat the Estimates , the Opposition

      have the power of arresting progress whenever they please . The number and nature of the measures they choose to let the Derby Cabiet proceed with , is a matter entirel y for their decision ; and as it would scarcely ' suit their game' to allow the new Government to make political capital bypassing any really beneficial measures , we may rest assured that the Parliament elected under the auspices of Lord John IJusseu ,, will be true to its character . In its last , it will do as little as it has done in all previous sessions . We are already in the rapids of a dissolution . Motions are made for the sake of form , languidly debated , and then withdrawn . Parliament is doomed , the Government is a provisional one , and all things are in a state of transition . Upon all but the money votes , it is mere make-believe in St . Stephen ' s .

      In proportion as the interest within Parliament diminishes , that in the preparation for the coming election increases . In all probability the dissolution will take place either towards the end of May or the beginning of June , and the new Parliament assemble for the first time in August LordBaoUGHAM , with the assent of the Premier , has proposed to reduce the time from fifty days to thirty-five . In these days of express trains and crack steamers , the allowance of time re-^ airv-d b y our predecessors even of the last generation , bas become to long , and Parliament , carried along

      by the momentum of the new system , is going for once to adodt tradition and ignore its practice to the actual realities of the age . At the same time the Carlton and the Reform Clubs are gathering the funds which are intended to corrupt , debauch , degrade , and demoralise the constituencies and the country at large . It is computed that at least two millions of money will be spent in this way ; and we cordiall y concur with Lord Bbeadalbase , in thinking that the bribers are infinitely the worst in these disgraceful and infamous transactions . If the people

      really possessed the electoral power , and conld exercise any positive influence on the result , there might be some reason for scanning the addresses of the various candidates , but in the majority of cases these ¦ are worth no more than waste paper . It is not the political creed , but the purse and the political connexions of candidates , which determine their success or failure . Nothing of importance in other Home aews calls for particular comment . M . Boxarakte proceeds in the game high-handad !

      « je which has distinguished his career ever since the coup fatal . Little as there appeared to do for » 's mock chambers , he has made that little less . U pon the question of taxation , for instance , he might Uav at least made a show of consulting those who f . nominall y the representatives of the people ; but j > e Prince President has not considered it necessary make even that concession to appearances . He , ** ' decreed' a budget in the imperial style , whick f ^ characterised his decrees on other scarcely less .. P ° rtant matters . France must now understand that

      x upstart , claims and exercises the right divine , lb * , ^ serfion o { wl "ch sen t Chables the Fikst to ^ e block in this country ; and which , even in the cispii ^ ^ of despotism in France , was exer-3 e Mun «* r restrictions and limitations . There can Eab ? ° ""stake in the relations which henceforth ife i betwe en * be Enter and the people in France . «* ber r i * Utoorat : the ? are 8 lave 8 » witfl D 0 "S *> asort !!! - ! f ! P P y » Bave iu 80 far *» may vli 0 u , . hls imperial pleasure . The process of ( teriari ? P risoat neat and expatriation goes on un-^ uksof Vf Udreds of P ™ belonging to all advocate . , 5 i f x-re Pre « entatives , journalists , artist « , ** aad labourers , are transported to the perti- j

      The Cerberean Opposition, After Barking ...

      lential jungles of Cayenne , banished from France , or placed under police surveillance . Decrees'have also been issued just previous to the assembling of the twin Chambers of Mutes , by which all possibility of the Marionettes doing or saying anything but that set down for them by those who pull the puppets , is prevented . The Corps Legislatif , under these decrees , will be the moat hideous mockery of a representative Assembly that ever was known under the sun , and

      no man who has a particle of self respect could disgrace himself by taking aseat in it . But whjle thus iternly ^ umiBgatcraahingeveryVestigeof Liberty in France , and arraying everything in imperial drapery , events continually occur which prove that the fire cannot be trampled out , and that ere long the sparks will fly up , and light a flame from one end of the country to the othjer . Last week we noticed the return of Cavaignac and Carnot for Paris . This

      week the Republican candidate at Lyons has again beaten the Government candidate , and this time by a legal majority . The Republican candidate has also been returned at Lisle . As demonstrations , significant and timely , these returns maybe usefulwhether the deputies will stoop to the degradation of swearing allegiance to the person of a perjured traitor , is another question . Great preparations are making for the first sitting of the two bodies on Monday next , in the Tuileries . If the assemblage 18 devoid of the importance and deep solemnity which attaches to a real Parliament , it will at least have plenty of glitter and gew-gaw splendour . That , however , can be done as well by theatrical managers . We have no doubt that the directors of the Italian

      Opera in Co vent Garden , with the same command of funds , could get np a much more tasteful , imposing and effective spectacle . In Belgium M . BONAPARTE has received a decided check . The pusillanimity of the Government has been nobly rebuked by its fearless and conscientious magistracy , who , after a long trial , acquitted the writers in the ' Bulletin Franeais , ' of the charges made against them , in consequence of having called

      M . Bonaparte ' s conduct by its proper name . The defendants , instead of retracting any of their words , attacked , with great boldness , the whole of the cruel , perfidious , and arbitrary career of the Dictator since the coup d ' etat , and despite the most strenuous exertions of the Procureur-General , were acquitted amidst shouts of applause , which will find an ominous echo in the Elpho , and strike fear to the heart of the tyrant .

      Austria verges fast towards banktuptey . The money matters ^ by the confession of the ' Times ' , own correspondent , * grow daily worse , and the jobbers have lost all hope that things will improve . Fresh loans in prospect , but with an entire want of confidence on the part of the nation , it is impossible the system can be loag mantained . From America we have intelligence that Kossuth ' s mission has turned out a comparative failure . There has been plenty of enthusiasm—shouting , speeches ,

      banners , flags , and feasting , but the money and the arms to free Hungary are not forthcoming . It is added / that in a short time-tne Magyar ^ Sfiief will return to this country , and that a house has been taken and is preparing for the reception of himself and family at Kensington . The Americans are busily engaged with the Presidential election , but at present it is impossible to say what are the chances of any of the candidates . Mr . Webster ' s prospects look less encouraging than they did some time since .

      The Social Condition Of Labour. Mr. Edit...

      THE SOCIAL CONDITION OF LABOUR . Mr . Editor , —My last communication embraced the question of ' The Political Condition of Labour ;' and I cannot but think that the facts and figures there given were conclusive against the gigantic wrong committed npon the industrious classes by the existing systematic mode of excluding them from possessing any political power ; for , although there may be many hundreds of working men upon the register ,

      the fact that their votes are neutralised to the extent shown , proves that their individual power is of infinitesimal importance . I now purpose to handle , in a cursory manner , the Social Condition of Labour , with the view of showing that as in the Political SO in the Social , the working man has no power to resist aggression , or to erect an opposing barrier against the encroachments of Capital . I speak of present power ; active and demonstrative ; the means to execute , not the will to do .

      The relative positions of Employer and Employed are every day becoming more and more unstable . "When men talk about identity of interests , they remind me of a man who was ever boasting of hia enlarged views , which really consisted of a bundle of truisms and the results which should follow parental Government . The Competitive System gives the lie to the principle of Identity . Its practical operations prove that it is essentially one of connection and unceasing difference . Do what we may , Capital and Labour , whilst regarded as distinct interests , must ever be at war , if the independence belonging to each be preserved by both . And why 1 Because the Master

      lives upon profit , the Workman upon the product of his Labour . The former 18 naturally anxious to augment his income ; and the latter is equally anxious to make his Labour as remunerative as possible . Increased profits do not , in the competitive field , follow increased Labour . There are less profits made now from the employment of 1 , 000 men than there were twenty years ago from the services of 750 ; and as it requires enlarged Capital to bring into active use the 1 , 000 men , and connected with it , greater risk and responsibility are incurred , of necessity the employer complains of his altered circumstances , and looks upon his wages-book as the ( Edipns which can alone

      solve the riddle of his difficulties . On the other hand , the workman refers to the present method of transacting business , which necessitates from him additional skill and Labour ; and that method being feverish and volatile , now unusually active , and in a few weeks hence , all but prostrate he finds he has expended his energies when viewed in the aggregate for a return incommensurate with his position as a skilled labourer . Constant Labour is now the exception ; average employment the rule . If , then , Out of the fifty-two weeks of the years , thirteen of them be passed in idleness , the product of the remaining thirty-nine ia diminished one-fourth ; and in place of

      312 days' Labour realising him , say at the rate of 5 s . per day , the sum of £ 78 , it has , in fact , brought in but £ 58 10 s ., his week ' wages are reduced from 30 s . to 22 s . 6 d „ his day ' s Labour from os . to 3 s 8 d . The workman , hence complains in his turn ; and how does it answer his appeal to be told ' that he cannot expect to be paid for being idle V Why is lie an unwilling idler ? B y any fault of his own has he broug ht about such a result ? No . He is guiltless of any such offence . Better for him to work than to play , if the latter be not dictated by his own will .

      In many cases active Labour is less expensive than compulsory idleness . Well , these complaints of diminished profits and reduced wages through uncertain work , urged aa they are by the two interests in question , a re ever forcing upon an employer stratagems and alterations , calculated , as he thinks , to turn the tide of affairs iu his favour ; while the employed are ever rebelling against such innovations , for to them , their tendencies are decidedly against their futore well-doing . Both classes are the victims of a false system , rather than enemies seeking each other ' s destruction . Each order ia acting on the defensive .

      The Social Condition Of Labour. Mr. Edit...

      Competition impels them ever onward ; and every move they make at its call , is to place Capital and Labour in greater enmity . Now to expect that amidst all this contention , there really exists , or can ever exist , any feeling of Identity of Interests is to look for the consummation of the impossible , concerning which men may possibly dream , but will never realise in practice , so long as Competition holds unbridled sway in the government of our industrial pursuits .

      It is doing no injustice to Capital to say , that it is indifferent to the welfare of Labour . It is the fact ; that the time has gone by to look for such consideration . Masters and men now occupy independent positions . The former says , * I have requited the demands of Labour , and hence it bas no further claims upon me . ' The latter say , ? My time , energy , and skill have been at the disposal of Capital , and the return is an average wage of 22 s . a week . ' Who

      can reconcile these statem ents ? Capital declares it has done its duty to Labour ; and the facts show such a miserable return . I say , we must look elsewhere for the causes producing such results , being satisfied in our own minds , that what we call a cause is such , and not an effect of some active principle , the nature of which we are ignorant , before we either venture to adopt the identity of interest theory , or regard Capital as Labour ' s foe .

      A plethora of Labour is undoubtedl y the opportunity of the Capitalist ; and while this redundancy is ' a great fact , ' profits will ever press upon Labour for increased power . What better proof can be cited to prove to such men as Sidney Smith , or , to go much higher , to the Earl of Derby ( who said , in a late speech , that there were not 500 men in the country anxious for representative reform , thereby showing one of his sfcateaman-like capacities , as the chief know-all of the country ) !— -what better evideuce can be offered , proving to such men that Labour is in an unmiatakeable state of plethora , than the erection of the ' Great Exhibition building ?'

      Here for many weeks 10 , 000 men found work ; and yet carpenters and joiners , paintersand glaziers , et hoc genus omne , were as easily to be obtained as before . IVell , as one working man is treading upon the heels of another , and both are seeking work , what is the use of questioning the pover of Capital to dictate terms , or of dreaming about the combination of Labour effectually to resist the aggression of the moneyocrat ? There are thousands of men to be removed from the labour market ; the demand for Labour has to be greatly stimulated ; Capital has to

      be shorn of one of its leading advantages , before we can mention , as a thing existing , the Independence of Labour , or assert with effect , its just claims to legislative power . As working men , we are a dependent race of creatures ; always within a week or a month of becoming paupers , either on the state or on our relations and friends . The pawnbroker is ourbanker , and twenty per cent , is the rate of the discount ; and too often the tallyman is our creditor , whose sympathies are only reciprocal when prompt payment is the rule . This , then , is the social condition of Labour .

      We all know it . I could have described it in ' burning words , '—language very different from the foregoing . But where is the necessity ? We are the witnesses of our own suffering , degradation , immorality , and viciousness . The picture is constantly before ns ; it is painted upon the walls of the comfortless home , and its outline can be traced in the thousands who roam the streets in quest of work , and roam in vain . We are sensible of our position , although we are far from unanimous in the method of amelioration . Still , despair is no part of our character . Our history is full of difficulties ; and every day we live is expended in surmounting them to the best of our ability .

      Sir , the Labour problem we will solve if allowed fair-play in the work of solution . Knowledge is constantly helping us in the task , and it will be my pleasure , in another letter , or other letters , to pronounce a humble opinion as to the present disposable means of benefiting my class , and , with them , my country ; not to solve the said problem , but to demonstrate some of the leading propositions , the complete understanding of which may possibly help others in the working out of so important a question as that which belongs to the future interests of Labour . Censor .

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      [As The Columns Under This Head Are Open...

      [ As the columns under this head are open forthe free expression of all opinions , the Editor is not responsible for , or committed to , any . ]

      Natural State Of Society. To The Editor ...

      NATURAL STATE OF SOCIETY . TO THE EDITOR OP THE STAR . Dkar Sib , —The earth on winch we dwell , with its oceans , seas , lakes , rivers , mountains , valleys , deserts , forests , and plains , iaone great storehouse , containing illimitable quantities of all the materials of wealth , requiring only the skill , ingenuity , and labour of man to convert them into articles of real wealth for his support , and for tbe promotion of bia happiness . Labour ( as says Dr . Adam Smith ) is the only source of wealth . Labour is the only true standard and measure of value , and the natural , aad just reward or wages of labour , is all the wealth that that labour can appropriate or produce . And the natural state of society is that wherein the working man , employed in producing wealth , receives his full reward . " But this natural state of things could not last , '' the Doctor informs us , " beyond

      the first introduction of the appropriation of land , and tbe accumulation of capital "—of course ho means accumulation iu the hands of the few—and that " it would be to no purpose to trace farther what might have been its effects upon the recompense or wages of labour . " But why would it be to no purpose to trace it , Doctor ? It is the most important subject in the whole science of political economy . Since the Doctor fails to give us any further light upon it , I must appeal to a still higher authority than his , for the information required , the oldest and tbe best ; authority which none but infidels , as they are called , will dispute , and in the present case , I think even they have no interest in denying its claims . That authority is the Book that claims to make us wise unto salvation , physical , social , political , intellectual , moral , religious , and eternal , since it gives

      us " the promise of" prosperity and happiness in " the life that now is , as well as in that which is to come " — Tub Bible . A book not much consulted on the subject of Political Economy , which , I think , I shall be able w show is a great oversight , and on the part of the working classes more particularly ; as it contains two great worldly , as well as a heavenly Charter for them ; and I am sure their religious teachers ought to feel themselves under no small obligation , if their flocks should be induced thereby to study their bibles more attentively than they ever did before . I shall first attempt to prove , that the appropriation of more land , by any individual or body of men , than he or they can properly cultivate and manage by their own labour , is a gross usurpation and a flagrant violation of God ' s , the great , and tbe only-just and rightful Landowner ' s first Land Charter to man .

      Genesis , chap . I . — "In the beginning God created the Hoaven and the Earth . And God said , Let there be light , and there was light . And God made two great lights—the greater light to rule the day , and the lesser light to rule the light ; and he made the stars also . And God said , Let the waters be gathered together in one place , a n d be called seas ; and . Jet tbe dry land appear ; and it was so . And God said , Let the earth bring forth grass , and herb yielding seed after its kind , and the tree yielding fruit whose seed is , in itself , after its kind ; and God saw that it was good . And God said , Let tbe waters bring forth abundantly the moving creature that hath life , and great whales also ; and , Let fowls he made , that may fly above the earth in the open firmament of Heaven ; and God saw that it was good . And God said , Let the earth bring forth the living creature after his kind , cattle , and creeping thing , and beast of the earth , after his kind ; and it was so . And God saw that it was good . "And God said , Let us make man in Qttf & wnimags ,

      Natural State Of Society. To The Editor ...

      after our likeness ; and let him havo dominion over the fish of the sea—and over the fowl of the air—audjover the cattle—and over all the earth—and over every creeping thins that creepeth upon the earth . 8 o God created man in his own image , male and female , created he them . And God blessed them ; and God said , Be fruitful , and multiply , and replenish the earth , and subdue it ; and bave dominion over the fish of the sea—and over the fowl of the air—and over every living thing that movethupon the earth . And God said , Behold , I have given you every herb bearing seed , and every tree bearing fruit , upon the face of all the earth , to you they shall be for meat : and to every beast , and fowl , and creeping thing , wherein there is life , I have given every . green herb for meat ; and it was so , And God saw everything that be had made : and , behold ,

      it was very good , Thus the Heavens and the Earth were finished , and all the host of then ) . " This was the first' lease and covenant made by God , the one great and only rightful landowner , with his creature man . He charges no rent . He gives no exclusive rights to individuals . Every human being has a free and equal right to be his tenant . He only requires that each man should well manage his farm , Adam was God ' s first tenant ; we shall see the terms of his holding . Chap . II . — "And the Lord God p lanted a garden , eastward in Eden , and there he put the man whom he had formed ; and out of the ground made the Lord God to grow in that garden every tree that is pleasant to tbe sight , and good for food ; and a river went out of Eden to water the garden ; and there also went up a mist from the earth , and

      watered the whole face of the ground . There tbe Lord God took the man , and put him into the garden of Eden to dress it , and to keep it . And the Lord God said , Of every tree of the garden thou mayest freely eat , except the one that I have forbidden . " Here Adam , we see , had given to him the use of the Garden of Eden , and that only , for to dress it , and to keep it , —that is , just as much land was given him in charge as was sufficient to provide for his wants , and , aa be could cultivate and keep in order by his own labour—and this is as much land as any man or body of men have any right , by God's Brat Charter , to appropriate to themselves . And , in such a state of things , as Dr . Adam Smith says , " No man has eith'T landlord , to whom he has to pay rent , or master , to take from him profits , but the wages of his labour is all that his labour can appropriate or produce . And no interdiction is put by God upon early marriages , or checks upon population provided , but , on- the contrary ;—God's First Charter 'is accompanied with God's first blessing and God ' s first solemn commandment , — "Be fruitful and

      multiply , and replenish the earth , and subdue it , and have dominion over everything that is upon tbe earth , and in tbe seas , —and none but fools and madmen will talk about and advise checks upon over-population before ono tenth part of the earth is either cultivated oreven subdued . " And as all the wild animals in earth and sea , by God ' s Charter , belong equally to all men , none but cheats and rogues will make laws to prevent any from taking them . We now proceed to God ' s Second Land Charter , suited to a moro advanced state of society , which was the Land Charter given to his people Israel . It is similar in principle to the one already described . The principle of this Second Charter is , that the whole of the land inhabited by any nation , belongs to the whole of the people composing that nation in equal portions to each family , in proportion to the number of individuals in each family , with effectual means devised to prevent any portion of that land from being ever permanently alienated from the families to which it originally belonged , or from accumulating in large tracts in the hands of any individuals .

      Numbers—Chap . XXVI , v . 51 , dec . — " These were the numbered of the children of Israel , —of males twenty years old and upwards , able to go to war , six hundred and one thousand seven hundred and thirty . And the Lord spake unto Moses , saying—TJnto these the land shall be divided for an inheritance , according to the number of names . To many thou shalt give tbe more inheritance ; and to the fe \ r thou shalt give the less inheritance ; to every one shall his inheritance be given , according to those that were numbered of him . The land shall be divided by lot ; according to the names of the tribes of their fathers shall they inherit ; and according to the lot shall the possession thereof be divided between many and few . "

      " Then the daughtersof Zolophehad , the son of Hepna , of the tribe of Manasseh , came and stood before Moses , Eleazar , the priest , the princes , and the congregation , and said , Our father died in the wilderness , why should the name of our father be done away from among his family , because he hath no son ? Give us , therefore , a possession among the brethren of our fathei * . And Moses brought their cause , before the Lord . And the Lord said unto Moses , Tbe daughters of Zelophebad speak right : thou shalt surely give them a possession of an inheritance-thou shalt cause the inheritance of their father to pass unto them . And thou shalt speak unto the children of Israel , saying , If a man die , and be bave no son , then ye shall cause his inheritance to pass to his daughter . And if he hare no daughter , ye shall aire his inheritance to his brethren ; and it ' he have nobreathren , then ye shall give it to his father ' s brethren ; and if his father have no brethren , then ye shall give his inheritance untohiskinsmanthatisnexttohim of his family , and he shall possess it ; and it shall be unto the children of Israel a statute of judgment , as the Lord commanded Moses .

      " And the Lord said unto Moses , These are the men that shall divide tbe land unto you , Eleazar , the priest , and Joshua , the son of Uun . And ye shall takeone prince of every tribe to divide by inheritance among each tribe ; and the names of the men are these : of the tribe of Judah , Caleb , tbe son of Jephunneh ; of the tribe of Simeon , Shemuei , the son of Ammihud ; of Benjamin , Elidad , the son of Chislon ; of Dan , Bukki , the son of Jogli ; of the tribe of Joseph , for the half of the tribe of Manasseh , Ilanniel , the son ofEphod ; and of the tribe o ? Ephraim , lvemuel , the son of Shipthan ; of the tribe of Zebulon , Elizapban , the son of Parnach ; of Issacbar , Paltie ) , the son of Azzin ; of Asher , Ahihud . the son of Sholomi : and of Saphtali , Pedahel , the son of Ammihud . The tribe of the children of Iteuben , the tribe of the children of Gad , and half the tribe of Manasseh ,

      have already received their inheritance on this side Jordan , near Jericho , eastward toward the suu-rising , on condition that all their males fit for war should go armed over Jordan , to assist their brethren in conquering the people of the land , and getting their possessions in the land of Canaan . The children of Gad , and the children of Reuben having answered , saying , As the Lord hath said unto thy servants , so will we do ; we will go over Jordan with our brethren , and fight for them . Numbers—chap . XXXVL " And the chief fathers of the families of the children of Gilead , the son of Machir , the son of Manasseh , the sons of Joseph , came near , and spake before Moses , and before the princes , the chief fathers of the children of Israel ; and they said , My lord was commanded b > the Lord to give the inheritance of Zelophehad ,

      our brothor , to his daughters . Now , if they be married to any of the sons of any other of the Tribes of the children of Israel , then shall their inheritance be taken from the inheritance of our fathers . And when the Jubilee of the children of Israel shall be , then shall their inheritance be put unto the inheritance of the tribe , whereaunto they are received . So shall their inheritance be taken away from the inheritance of the tribe of our fathers . And Moses commanded the children of Israel , according to . the word of tbe Lord , saying ;—The tribe of the sons of Joseph hath said well , concerning the daughters of Zelophehad . Tbisia what the Lord doth command . Let them marry to whom they think best ; only into the family of the tribe of their

      fathers shall they marry . So shall not the inheritance of the children of Israel remove from tribe to tribe ; for every one of the children of Israel shall keep himself to the inheritance of the tribe of bis fathers , And every daughter that possessed an inheritance in any tribe of tbe children of Israel , shall be wife unto one of the family of the tribe of her father , that the children of Israel may enjoy every man the inherita |] pe of bis fathers ; the inheritance shall not remove from oueiribe to another tribe . And the daughters of Zelophehad , Mahloh , Tirzab , Hoglah , Noah , and Mtlcah , were married untoJthe families of the sons of Manasseh , and their inheritance remained in the tribe of the familv of their father . "

      Numbers—chap . XXXV . ( principally , ) " And the Lord spake unto Moses , saving , Tbe priest ? , tbe Lerites , and all the tribe of Levi shall bave no part nor landed inheritance with Israel , The Lord is their inheritance , and they shall eat the offerings of the Lord made by fire . And this shad be the priest ' s due from the people that offer a sacrifice , whether it be ox or sheep , the shoulder , the two eheeWs , and the maw . The first fruits also of thy corn , and of thy wine , and of . tby oil , and the first of thefleech of thy sheep shalt thou give him . Also all the tithe of tbe land , who . ther it be the seed of the land , or the fruit of the tree , or the tithe of the herd , or of the flock , shall be holy to tbo

      Lord , He shall not search , whether it be good or bad , neither shall he change it . " "And the Lord said unto Moses , All the first-born of the children of Israel are mine , both man and beast . On the d .-iy I smote the first-born in the . land of Egypt , I sanctified them to myself , and I have taken the L ^ vitea for a redemption of the first-born of Israel . And the Levites shall wait upon the service of the tabernacle of the congregation ; they are a gift from me to Aaron , and his sons , for this service . And the Lord spake unto Moses , Command the children of Israel that they give unto tbe Levites , out of the inheritance of each tribe , cities , with their suburbs , for them to dwell in . Forty and eif ht cities , with their suburbs , shall ye giro them ,

      Natural State Of Society. To The Editor ...

      Those tribes that have many , shall give many , and them that h'ire fan , shall give few ; every one shall give of his cities unto the Luvitos , according to his inheritance . And the cities shall the Levites have to dwell in ; and the suburbs nhall be for their cattle , and for their goods , and for their beasts ; and each city shall extend , from the walla round about , one thousand cubits ; and for the suburbs ya shall measure on the east , and on the west , on the north , and on the south , other two thousmd cubits , this shall be to them the suburbs of thtir cities . These are the commandments , and the judgments , which the Lord commanded , by tbe hand ot Moses , unto the children of Israel , in the plains of Moab , by Jordan , near Jericho . "

      Having now laid before you God ' s First Great Land Ch : \ rt «> r to the human race , in the 1 st chapter of Genesis , and God ' s Second Great Land Charter to the children of Israel , in the laws of Moses , both of which , as you will perceive , on a little reflection , fully provide for tbe continuance of the natural state of society , wherein the abourer . engaged in producing wealth , bas neither landlord to demand rent , nor master to claim profit , inasmuch as he lives re nt-free and profit-free , under tbe Great Land , lord and Master of all , and the rewards or wages of hia laa ls u tliat bis labour can Produce . Dr . Adam Smitk affirms that the original state of things , in which the labourer enjoyed the whole produce of his labour , could not last beyond the first appropriation of land and accumulation of stock ; but wo see , from tho case of the Israelites ,

      under the lawS of Moses , that the Doctor ' s affirmation is not ( rue . If men are to use and improve land for agricultural purposes , for stones or slates , mines or minerals , whilst using it they must appropriate it to themselves , and use it as their own , otherwise , they cannot enjoy the whole produce of their labour ; and if their labours be successful , and they practice economy , as well as pursue their labour , they will accumulate capital , which will make their future toil both more easy and more profitable . It is very evident , therefore , that tho natural and original state of things was not subverted by a just appropriation Of land , and a just use of accumulated capital . But by individuals seizing by violence , or obtaining by fraud , large tracts of

      land , which they had neither tho intention nor the means of cultivating themselves , but continued to hold , for the purpose of enabling them to live in idleness and luxury , out of the labour of others , under the name of rent , an unjust tri bute which husbandmen and miners have to pay for Ieavo to cultivate their farms anil explore their mines ; and when capital accumulates in large masses in the hands of individuals it is frequently misapplied for similar base and selfish purposes . I have many more very interesting matters to relate respecting God ' s choseu peop le , which 1 mu * t reserve for my next letter . In tho meantime , let me exhort you to " search the Scriptures , " and see whether these things be really so . I am , Ac , Liverpool , March I 7 th . Jom Eiscu .

      This Reform Conference And The Cliaittis...

      THIS REFORM CONFERENCE AND THE ClIAItTiSTS . TO TUB KDITOIJ OT TUB STAR . Sib , —Two of my colleagues upon the National Charter Association Committee havo resigned , as they allege , iu consequence of tho part I took at the late Reform " Conference , held in St . Martin's-ball . Tho pound of offence is worthy of remark . In explaining to that Conference the natnro of the Chartist , body ( having especially in view the Ernest Jones section , ) I said : — " If you court them they will suspect you—if you ignore them they will assert their existence , in order to make themselves felt—if you contemn them they will make of it a pound of quarrel . " This is no doubt' a sad account to render ; but its only fault is its truth . It has been true for many years , and those who have objected t < it have been proving its truth ever since It was spoUen .

      Repeated assertions have been made that I wished " tohand over the movement to the Parliamentary Reformers . " The whole language which I used went to dissuade the Parliamentary Reformers from seeming to seek such aa alliance . My own conviction is , that the two parties will act more efficiently separately . Each party should preserve an attitude of fraternity , and at the same time press forward resolutely in the line of its own programme . This has long been my opinion , and this was my advice at tho Conference . For what purpose this has been construed into an offence on my part , those only can toll who have so construed it . It was first objected that I wished to hand over the Chartists to the Conference party , and now it is made an offence that I spoke against it . 1 will not do tho Chartists the wrong of thinking that they reason in this to-and-a « ain-manner , or that many of them will bo misled by those who do .

      The great want among reformers , is union . He who > sows disunion , or plays the part of an obstructive in the i way of Reform , is an enemy to the common people , let his J professions be what they may—let him call himself by what- - soever name he will . The key to union is that each Re-iformer chall be willing to help all who work in t !< o same a direction . The Parliamentary Reformers in demanding" ; Home Suffrage make an immense advance towards enfran-iehisin 2 the whole peoplu . Not to help them , is to putlt back Reform , to discourage those who seek ir , and jilayiy into tho hands of ttwwe ffho are opposed to it . It was thiaia kind of conduct which has thrown France into the jaws ofof Napoleonic despotism , and it will , if persisted in , lead toto the same thing in this country .

      The Chartists played this game once before with resultslta sufficiently disastrous , but if it is intended again , they wilHl ! not have mo to help them . When they elected me to aitait upon their Executive , they knew I should never lend my-iyself to this folly . To say , therefore , as some have , that It 1 have forfeited Chartist" con & leuce , " mivapl ? absurd—thd . be Chartists never had any confidence in my doing this . Thejie ] knew me too well to belie" » e it for one moment . And 1 stihtil maintain , that collectively they have too much good sensmsi to deliberately wish this insane " policy should be followed ixl ii their name any longer .

      This is my explanation to those who have called upoipo me to resign my place upon the Executive . The thankleacles task of seeing the liabilities of the body defrayed , will aooaoo be at an end ; then , those who do not wish my set view iw will bave an opportunity of terminating them . I am , Sir , Yours Faithfully , , C . J . I 10 I . TOAKB . KB . March 24 th , 1853 . P . S , —The useful suggestions o ? your corrcspondendei " Censor'' will receive our beat consideration when dradnv ing up tho business of the next Convention .

      To The Soiiob Of The Star. Dkab. Sin,—In...

      TO THE SOIIOB Of THE STAR . Dkab . Sin , —In the report which you last week gave of tlof tl proceedings of tho Metropolitan Delegate Council , I a I a represented to have declined tho office of Treasurer to tlo t (! Council ' s Fund for Mr . O'Connor , on account of privariva affairs ; whereas , in my letter to the Secretary of tK til Council ' s Committee , I used the phrase private motives , ks . i ! quite a different interpretation might be put upon tin til former phrase' from that which properly belongs to tlto tl I latter , 1 have ventured to trouble you with these few line lint : the insertion of which in your valuable columns will ffiU esteemed a favour . J remain , dear Sir , yours most faithfully , , GSOnOR ff . M . REYH 0 ND 3 MD 3 ,, Cleasby Villa , Tollineton Park , Uomsey-road , March 24 th , 1852 .

      The O'Connor Fukd. The Committee In Aid ...

      THE O'CONNOR FUKD . The committee in aid of tbe above Fund met met Wednesday evening , at 10 , Great Windmill-str « l-str « e Haymarket . Mr . M'Gowau in the chair . Corresprrespi ( deuce was received from Charterville , Paisley , iley , a Nottingham , remitting cash , and from Mottram , sam , si citing collecting books . A letter was also read frad fii G . W . M . Reynolds , Esq ,, in which he intimated lated I readiness to act on the committee , and his name \ me 11 added accordingly . Subscription books and all all requisite information may novr be had by all thill thi desirous of aiding the object of the Committee , Itee , application to John ; Arnott , Secretary , 16 , Grl , Grr Windmill-street , Haymarket . The committee adjourned to Wednesday , even , eveni next , at 7 o ' clock .

      suBscBirarovs mceiveo * Mr . Price , Obartervllle , per Mr . e zer , 5 s ; Mr . Gold , ditto ; , ditto ,., Mr . Drinkwater , ditto , Is ; Mr . Wheeler , ditio , Is ¦ , Mr . IUW Ifc > u « ditto , ls ; Mr . J . Haves , ditto , fid ; Mr . C . Smith , ditto , ( id ; M : < M ; m , Willis , ditto , 63 ; Mr . Buntin , ditto , Co * , Mr . J jepp a rd . ditto ,, ditto , ; , Mr . Baston , ditto , Cd ; Mr . Muiiday , ditto , fid ; Mr . 6 . Batts , ( flatts , ( JiJ fid j Mr . J . Wilkins , ditto , 6 i , Mr . Hollo-way , ditto , 6 d ; Mr . No Mr . Noo ditto , « d ; Mr , Mowby , ditto , fid i »»» e Jt PW S . Kier . 8 s ?«• . 8 s ;; Wilson , N otti n gha m , per J . Sweet , 2 s Gd ; Mr . 'Bostock , ditt o , 2 sditt o , 2 sis Mr . Tudor , ditto , ls ; Mr . uroadhead , ditto , is ; Mr . Vavr , ditto " , dittoo Mr . Man oil , ditto , Cd ; Mr . Hudson , ditto , 6 d ; A Friend , dittoid , dittoo Mr . Joseph Wrifjlit , Queen s Lea-,, 2 s Cd-J . S . Wright , ditto * , dittoo Esther Wright , ditto , Od ; Martha Wright , ditto , 6 d ; John HeWhi . llemai Cheltenham , Is ; Robert Buckingham , citto , Is ; John M'Cow M'Comn ditto ,, li ; T . l * ., d j * 2 ; 1 * ' £ 1 revi 0 " «! y "ceived by Mr . M'Gor . M'Goio ttjatrototo . *]\?? Tt , ^ J- Swtet , 19 sI G . Cavill , ! Cavill , ! , field , Od ; fr . J- > « > «• " . » oi ; J Kernes , Worcester , 2 a ( iier , 2 a Oilii Johnson ? er

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 27, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_27031852/page/1/