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N R With all this before whofrom the yea...
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SOKTHERN CIRCUIT. TOM. SATI7W>AT, MAMS 2...
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THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, MARCH 29, 1845.
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LABOUR'S PARLIAMENT. For the first time ...
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AND ITS HIRED ADVOCATE. Of all the dutie...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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N R With All This Before Whofrom The Yea...
THE NORTHERN STAR March 29 , 1845 ^ " ~ ~~ =====:== ' i - ' ¦ i "" \ ' ^^ ! vear 1810 made | were
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Sokthern Circuit. Tom. Sati7w>At, Mams 2...
SOKTHERN CIRCUIT . TOM . SATI 7 W > AT , MAMS 22 . -ACT 10 H TOR SwSDEB . _ S ^ ( % ec ^ J ^; . -This was an action "St ^ efcr slander . The declaration ^ contained toee cTunte ^ lntins to three several aUeged conversations ofSefendalt , in each of which he had spoken and Jultfshea wordS relating to the plaintiff , an inspector y .- .. 3- » ;„ : „ . „ him in his office . The of ¦ police , tending to injure uuu *•» cefendan t pleadel first , the general issue , uja > the whole declaration , an * separate plea of justification ns to each count . -Mr . Barnes , Mr . Overend , and Mr Pickering for the plaintiff ; and Mr . Watson , Mr . Hocrins and ' Mr . WiU ons for the defendant . —Mr . Baines stated that the p laintiff in this action was Mr . William James the superintendent of the Leeds police , and the defendant Mr . William Brook , was now a town councillor
in the same borough . The learned gentleman assured rije jnrjr fliat he had never before , in his professional capacity , experienced a greater degree of anxiety than that which he felt at this moment in laying before them the case of his client , to whom their decison must he almost a matter of life or death , as their verdict might at once deprive him of his reputation and of his means of livelihood . The plaintiff , before the year 1836 , had been in the police ; but in that year , in consequence ofmerilorious conduct , he became promoted to his present office , that of superintendent The defendant was a tobacconist by trade , aud was one of the to wn council . The jury would " have laid before them evidence to show that ihe defendant liad thought proper to cast aspersions against Mr . James , which , if true , must go utterly to destroy the character of the Litter as an officer , and to
show him altogether unworthy of his trust . The defendant , by his picas , justified those aspersions . He ( Mr . Baines ) * now challenged the defendant to make those pleas good , to sift all tlie matters in question , and by that investigation tlie plaintiff , Mr . James , was content to stand or fall . It appeared that it was a part of Mr . James ' s duties to superintend the police of the night : and the charges preferred in the conversations of the defendant now comp lained of related to alleged impropriety of conduct on the part of the plaintiff with respect to this portion of his duties in particular . It was in the last autumn that Mr . Brook uttered tlie words that would be proved . The jury would judge of the motives by which he was probably actuated in so do doing , and if anything in the way of justification should be offered in evidence , he { Mr . Baines )
should be able to prove that the charges made were of as groundless and base a kind as any that ever were . Mr . Brook was one of the " Chartist" party in Leeds ; and Mr . James was an officer who had rendered signal services in the year 1 S 42 , and fortunately very effectual services against the machinations of the Chartist party , last autumn ihe * e were meetings in Leeds held for the purpose of electing town councillors . At one of these meetings Mr . Brook produced a letter , or paper , purporting to be signed by a woman named Sheldon , and another paper , with the name of another female attached to it ; and then it was that he ( the defendant ) thought proper to make statements referring to those papers , at the same time touching the conduct of the plaintiff . The learned counsel said he would not then read the whole of these
papers . The language in them was of an exceedingly gross kind ; but its import was to the effect that the plaintiff had so indecently conducted himself towards those females that if the charge were true he certainly could not be a fit person to hold the office he now filled . When Mr . James heard of these statements he gave notice to those making them that he would require a retractation , or thatthfev must expect to fce made answerable in the present way . A person named White had apologised for the part he had taken in the slander . And a copy of an apology , couched in such terms as the plaintiff chose xo accept , was laid before the defendant for Ms adoption . But it seemed that Brook , willingly admitting that his representations had been both false and void of foundation , still objected to sign the apology , because it contained the term " slanderous . " Now the evidence would
prove those representations to have been both false and slanderous ; and if the defendant failed to sustain the jilt- z * of justification which he had pleaded to this action , he ( Mr . . Baines ) would leaveit with the jury to determine whether the plaintiff had not made out a case requiring damages at their hands , and to what amount such damages should be given . — . Michael Spence , examined by Mr . Baines : This witness stated that he vras at a meeting held on the 16 th October last in the Zion School , in Leeds . It was respecting tlie election of town couneHIors . The defendant was there . He was among the speaker ? . Prom 300 to -100 persons were present . The defendant mentioned the plaintiff , antl said that he ( the defendant ) had received a letter two or three days before respecting conduct that was unfit for publication . Said he did not allude to Read , the officer of Leeds .
On ilie f'Jst of October there was another meeting at the Horse and Jockey . That was a Chartist meeting of delegates , and it had reference to the approaching municipal election . There also the defendant was a speaker . A conversation took place between tlie defendant and Mr . Jackson , one of the councillors . Jackson charged the defendant with laving given one-sided evidence at the meeting of the 16 th , to which the defendant replied thathc could substantiate it to the letter . Jackson then said that the parties who signed tlie letter were not to be believed . The defendant np * n that said , " I would believe a convicted thief upon his oath sooner than 1 would believe Child or James . " Child is _ one of the Leeds police . The defendant said that the letter alluded to at the Zion School was true , and that he could prove it to be so . —Cross-examined by Mr . Watson : Witness has been bankrupt , but
it arose through the fault of his partner in business . Has never got a certificate , but never applied for it . He had 23 s . in the pound for his creditors , and believes that 6 s . 8 d . has been paid . Is now a cloth-dresser , and employed by those who had employed him for years . Had never been in the employ of the police . Mr . Read is an officer in the employ of the police , and is above Mr . James . —James Johnson , examined by Mr . Baines : Is an engineer engaged by the Manchester and Leeds Railway Company , and is one of the municipal voters in Leeds . Witness attended the meeting at the Horse and Jockey . The defendant at that meeting said he could prove all that had been said at the Zion School meeting respecting the officer there alluded to , and that that efficer was James ; and , also , that the conduct of James was unfit for publication —John Bobert Shaw , examined by Mr . Overend : Witness
is a cloth-dresser . Was at the meeting of Zion School . Heard the defendant say there that the plaintiff was quite unfit for Ids office . —Cross-examined by Mr . Watson : Did not go to the meeting to nominate any candidate- The learned council asked the witness if he did not propose a particular persom?—Witness : No , he is not of mypolitics .-Well , pray , sir , may I ask what are your politics S—Why , 1 am not a Charijst Fin for any one that will vote for "free trade . " ( Loud laughter ) . —Joseph Horner , examined by Mr . Baines . : Witness is a corn-dealer and one © fthe town council of Leeds . Met some persons at the Red Lion at Leeds , and they invited him to stand as a candidate . It was a fortnighjfc or three weeks before the election that this occurred ^ The defendant was present ^ and spoke to the witness about the plaintiff , and showed him two papers . Witness did not read the whole of their
contents , but read a portion . Mr . Baines then asked for the papers to be produced . They were in the possession of the other side , and were shown to the witness . He identified the one as being one of those he had spoken of . The other he could not speak io . The former paper was then read to the jury . It was signed "Ann Sheldon , " and there were the four names of Brook , Barret , Robin-Eon , and White also , and these appeared to have been written by way of attesting the signature of the woman Sheldon . The paper represented that she ( Sheldon ) , together with other females , had been attending a baU in Briggate , Leeds , and , after leaving it , that she and her companions were going along the street to another place , intending to get something to eat . In their way they fell in with a policeman , who , after talking with them , took them off to the police-office , where , as stated , they saw
the plaintiff , Mr . James . They were by him detained , and , according to the words of the paper , he , Mr . James , then took those improper liberties with two of them which had been described by the defendant as unfit for publication . Mr . Baines next caUed the attorney of the plaint ]/? to give evidence of an admission by the defendant to him ( the attorney ) touching this cause of action . But the evidence being objected to by Mr . "Watson , as liaving been obtained in the course of a treaty for terms between the parties , it was not received . The case of the plaintiff liaving been closed here , Mr . Watson contended that the facts proved constituted no legal cause of action . What the defendant was stated to have said might impute great immorality to Mr . James , but there was nothing in the evidence to show distinctly that the slander was an imputation npon the officer in that character , or to affect
him in his office . His lordship said it was for the Jury to judge of that ^ but it might be better , perhaps , to hear more from the witnesses upon that point The witness , Michael Spence , being recalled by Mr . Baines , then stated further , that at the meeting of which he Sad before spoken the defendant read a paper , in which it was stated that the police force was corrupted , and which reflected upon the officer Child ; stating that Child and the police concocted robberies , and put implements into the hands of those who committed the robberies . The defendant mentioned a crow-bar or "jimmy , " andskelo ton keys ; and also that Child bad given these parties money , and got them together to commit robbery , and obtained Queen ' s evidence against them . The chairman at that meeting also said that he had no doubt the police were guilty of very atrocious conduct—Cross-examined by Mr . Watson ; What the defendant so stated was read by him from minutes of the watch committee . Witness could not say whether there were any such minutes , or
any minute-book of the watch committee at all . —Mr . Baines said he would now put in the book of the committee to negative the existence of any such minutes . — - Counsel for the defendant objected to this , and the book was not given in evidence . —In addressing the jury for the defence , Mr . Watson began by submitting that by far the greatest difficulty with the defendant was that of dealing with the matters of prejudice which had in this case been introduced by his learned friend , who , although he knew there could be evidence given to prove such statements , had yet told them that political feelings had been of such mflftence with the defendant , and that the defendant was a ' ¦ Chartist" For all that appeared he might not be so , and Ms go 3 llg ^ a chartist meeting , at the time of an election , was only what every candidate would do in order w gam interest with every party . There was one place , HT * : T ° wMch P ° Kticsnever entered in this country , and that place was the box in which they ( the jury ) sat . They ought to conadei . iji weighing the acts of the de-
Sokthern Circuit. Tom. Sati7w>At, Mams 2...
fendant , that the pohce of this country have now a power at which our ancestors would have shuddered , and especially with respect to people regarded as vagrants , aud in charges of crime against poor persons . When the police acted properly , they were as respectable as other people . But we had all heard so many accounts of the misconduct of policemen in their office , that it did become those who had power in the towns to exercise vigilance over them . It was not shown that the defendant had any bad animus towards the plaintiff , because there was Mr . Bead , of whom the defendant had said nothing ill , at the head of the force , and he ( the defendant ) had not made any general attack on the police . But it was a duty for him to investigate such a matter as the present charge , and to guard against the tyranny which policemen sometimes
exert over unhappy persons exposed to then : control . Why did not the plaintiff go to the watch committee ? He had never applied to that committee , the proper office of which was to inquire into such a matter . His learned friend had challenged investigation . As to the calling of witnesses for the defendant , it was a matter in his ( Mr . Watson ' s ) discretion ; and he certainly should think it his duty not except in the last extremity , to call a number of females before them belonging to a class whose evidence there , in court , could only serve to gratify an idle curiosity , and could be of no good to public morals . As men of right feeling they ( the jury ) must agree with him in that . As to investigation , the truth was that this mode of proceeding in the case , by an action at law , was not the way to have it . It would have been much more effectual and more fitting in such a case for Mr . James to have sought redress by bringing the parties accusing him before the
tribunal of the watch committee , where not only they but himself would have been examined . As for the defendant having once been railing to give an apology , it was the ordinary and reasonable disposition of a man who is afraid of a threatened law-suit . It was strange that the officer who had taken the woman into custody was not called by the plaintiff . He ( Mi-. Watson ) contended , however , that the words spoken to on this occasion were after all no legal ground of action , because to charge an officer with an act of immorality was not slander in a legal sense . There must be something more than that , and something strictly referring to his conduct in the course of his ofliee , and for which he might , be punishable as for a breach of his duty . —His lordship having summed up , the jury withdrew , aud remained out for about two hours , when they delivered a verdict for the plaintiff . — Damages £ 45 .
WESTERN CIRCUIT . Exeteb , Satcbdat , Maboh 24 . —Chaboe of Murder , bt Poisoning with Hartsbobn . —Samuel Haydon was indicted for the murder of his infant daughter , Mary Haydon , by giving her a quantity of hartshorn . It appeared that the prisoner had lived at Bradwineh , and in February last he lost his wife in giving birth to the child whom , by the indictment on which he was arraigned , he was charged with having murdered . The wife died about eleven days after the birth of the child . He had made arrangements with his wife ' s sister to take and keep the child , for which he was to pay her 2 s . 3 d . per week . In consequence of this , she took the child to her house , and commenced the duties of a foster-mother to it , and up to the day of its death the poor little thing appeared in good health . On 17 th February the prisoner ' s wife was buried .
He had been ill for some little time , and had kept his bed . He expressed a hope that his sister-in-law , who was coining to the funeral , would bring his child with her , as he said he very much wished to have her with him whilst they were burying his wife . The child was brought , and carried to the prisoner , who was in bed . There it was left whilst its foster-mother went down stairs and saw the funeral depart On her again taking the child she perceived that its little mouth was very much swollen , and found that it refused the breast She mentioned this to the prisoner , who did not say that he had given it anything , but remarked that it had appeared to suck with difficulty before . The child continued to moan , and appeared to grow worse and worse . The woman took it to the house of a medical man , whom she did not find at home , and consequently she carried the
child back to her own house , without any medical advice . At four o ' clock that morning the child was a corpse . Suspicions were awakened . An examination of the child took place , when the cause of its death was discovered to be some irritant poison , which had most dreadfully burnt and excoriated its mouth and throat , from the effects of which it had died . Evidence was given that the father had , a few days before , purchased a pennyworth of hartshorn , and a constable , on searching his room , found concealed in a hole in the floor of the room in which he slept a bottle , which it was proved was the one in which the hartshorn had been fetched , The prisoner had been taken up aud carried before the coroner . When in custody he had stated to the constable and the foreman of tlie coroner's jury that the child was crying and appeared ill , that he had been taking some hartshorn himself immediately before , which had done hiiu a great deal of good , and that thinking it would
benefit tlie child he had given it about half a teaspoonful ; that he had had no idea it would injure it , or he slurald not have given it , and that he should not have given it at all had he not been in such distress of mind as not to know what he was about . Medical men stated that they had no doubt the child had died from taking the hartshorn , which was a poison if administered by itself and undiluted with water . But they had never known a person killed by hartshorn before ; and it was constantly taken mixed in water b y the peasants in that neighbourhood as a very wholesome medicine . It was proved by another witness that the prisoner had , as he stated , taken some in water a few days before . Mr . Cox addressed the jury for the prisoner . Mr . Justice Erie summed up , pointing out the many circumstances in the case calculated to throw a doubt on the guilt of the prisoner . After a short consultation the jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty .
The Northern Star Saturday, March 29, 1845.
THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , MARCH 29 , 1845 .
Labour's Parliament. For The First Time ...
LABOUR'S PARLIAMENT . For the first time in England's history have we an assemblage of mind and powkr worthy of being considered a REPRESENTATION of the toiling masses of our land . "We have had , it is true , Conferences and Conventions before-time ; but all these have been more or less sectional—more or less ^> ariy-hucd —more or less the representation of a peculiar " set " of opinions , rather than of the general opinions of the general working people . The present is the first gathering that can fairly lay claim to such a title ; and even to it such title can only be accorded in degree .
Considering the present state of apathy prevalent throughout the country on all questions that are wont to agitate the public mind ; considering , too , that the calling of the Conference has been somewhat hasty , and necessarily imperfect ; considering that the object for which the delegates were to meet was not , and could not , be clearly defined and made clear ; considering that no settled plan of election had been decided on , or pointed out ; considering that no scale of representation was adopted , but that the idea of holding such Conference was a sort of general idea , thrown generally out , to be generally acted on , or not , as might seem meet to the parties addressed : considering all these
things , it is no common sight , nor no uninstractive lesson , to see one hundred and ten delegates sent b y bodies of workers in all parts of the country , to devise some means or other by which Labour can secure its due reward and maintain its few remaining privileges . The bare naked fact , of so numerous a body being sent up on such an errand , in response to such an invitation , speaks trumpet-tongued as to the condition of the labourer . Had Labour been easyhad it been at all satisfied—we should not have seen such « delegation ; and the fact , that Labour is thus seeking to relieve itself from rank oppression , ought to enter deeply into the consideration of those who fancy themselves " interested" in maintaining " things as they are . "
Still the BEPRESNTATioN of the workers is far from being perfect . It is far from general . It is more so than we had any reason to hope it would be , from the causes we have namedt it is sufficient to initiate measures , and take steps , which will lead to such perfect representation : but it is not such of itself . Wo should only be deceiving ourselves and the country were we to persuade ourselves that it were more than it is . Wales is absent ; Scotland is absent ; Ireland is absent : many parts of England are absent : stillitistfo mostpcrfect representation of the working
classes thathas yet been seen . It is the first body to whom can be applied the term Labour ' s Parliament . It is sufficient to " leaven the -whole lump " : and from this day forward Labour must hold , in all questions of political and social polity , a far different position , from what it hitherto has done . Statesmen and senators must consider it an element worthy of calculation : and they will speedily find it of that weight and importance , as to give a tone and colouring to all their legislation .
To the deliberations of the delegates we invite special attention . The masterly opening of the President , Mr . Buncombe , will afford " materials for thought" for the labouring poor , for many a long day after the Conference has dissolved . The hints and suggestions that that gentleman has thrown out will sink deep into the minds of the thoughtful , and
Labour's Parliament. For The First Time ...
give rise to modes of action in relation to Labour questions that few would have deemed possible , only a little while ago . He has scattered good seed , which will take root , and fructify , and grow . He has set inquiry at work—instigated the Trades to an examination of principles of action , and the result is sure to be an elimination of mind , leading directly and inevitably to improved modes of applying the power that knowledge gives .
At present our remarks are purposely of a general nature . The sittings of the Conference are not ended . It will ill become us either to praise or condemn what has been done , or to anticipate what may be done . The delegates are here themselves to do their own work : as far as we are concerned they shall " fulfil their mission . " Aswe before observed , they will prepare the machinery for convening a F U LL AND PER FEC T RE P R ESENTATION OF THE ORDER of labour : and if this alone was to be the result of their gathering , it would be worth ten times the cost and ten times the labour that it has taken to bring them together .
Again calling attention to the reports of the deliberations in this day's Star , and promising to return to the subject when those deliberations are ended , we for the present take leave of it , with the expression of a fervent hope that a successful end may wait on what has been so happily begun . THE "INFERNAL PAPER-MONEY" SCHEME ,
And Its Hired Advocate. Of All The Dutie...
AND ITS HIRED ADVOCATE . Of all the duties that society imposes on the public journalist , the most tnan & ess is that of having to expose the tergiversations , the inconsistencies , or the downright apostasy of a living writer : the more especially if that writer happens to be one < who has made himself notorious as an advocate of the principles and political policy espoused and enforced by the journalist making the expose : and the more especially still , if the two should happen to be conductors of different portions of the public press which respectively seek for the support of the labouring portion of the
community , on the ground that each knows the causes that have operated to render their position in society one of almost unendurable misery—and that each also indicates and advocates the measures which are alone calculated to secure to the labourer the just return for . honest toil , and place all sections of the community in a just and equitable relative position . The motives that actuate such journalist in unmasking hypocritical pretension , may be easily questioned ; his honest attempt to guard the sacred cause of human liberty from the polluted touch of the hired mercenary , who seeks the people ' s confidence
that he may betray it into the hands of the most " greedy and most inexorable of tyrants" for filthy lucre , may be , by inconsiderate and unreasoning "disciples , " interpreted into an attempt "to drive a rival from the held ; " his attempt to discharge a sacred public duty , may be met by torrents of vituperation and by coarse and unmeasured abuse ; his statement of facts , and his fair and legitimate inferences may be met with brazen and impudent denial , and all the powers of ridicule and sophistry possessed by an unscrupulous antagonist brought into full play , to avert attention from the real point at issue , and to set the public on a wrong scent , while the real fox gets safely earthed ; his incorruptible integrity , which impels him to sound the note of alarm when he sees
the interests of the producing mass made matter of " bargain and sale , " becomes the mark at which MAHGHAKT and DISAPPOINTED ENYY SllOOtS llCl' CuTO nomed darts , and himself the object of the rancorous aud deadly uate of the degraded being whose machinations he may have timely thwarted : and altogether the difficulties and personal harassings attendant on such course are so great , so appalling , as to have detcred many , even strong-minded men , from engaging in such contests : and thus have the " most greedy and most inexorable of the people ' s tyrants" been enabled to make the people instrumental to their own degradation and slavery , through the cokfidesce which they have been led to repose in the teachings and suggestions of pretended but perfidious and false-hearted " friends !"
Such fears , however , have not hitherto operated with us . The difficulties and the harassments to which the honest and truthful journalist is ever exposed , have not either been to us unknown , or unfelt ; HUT THEY HAVE NEVER YET DETERRED FROM THE PERFORMANCE op next . We should despise ourselves , and deem ourselves totally unfitted for the post we occupy , should we allow such a cause to operate such an effect . Please whom it may—grieve whom it may—we have , on all occasions , freely examined the " bubbles of the hour , " and canvassed the pretensions of their
promoters : aud whenever we have seen the " wolf of "inexorable tyranny" presenting itself in the fold of Labour , clothed in the " sheep-skin" of pretended sympathy and assumed championship , wc have " doffed the hide from off the recreant limbs , " and exhibited the mass of rottenness and hypocrisy as it ought to be seen . This course we have invariably pursued in the past , whenever duty called on ua , regardless of the consequences to ourselves from the causes we have above enumerated : this course we shall as invariably pursue in the future , as long as the pen can write or the tongue can wag .
The paramount call of duty has led us , during the few weeks last past , to call attention to THE FACT that one of the soi-disant " advocates of the people ' s rights ; " one who has designated " Voinby , Paine , Cautwright , and Cobbett , as men without real knowledge , and himself as the only wise man ; " one who lays claim to the distinctive appellation of " the schoolmaster , " because of his having taught the working people who is their "friend" and who are their enemies ; we have had to call attention to THE
FACT that this man—this man of men—this most distinguished of all politicians ; this stern , this unyielding , this unflinching , this inflexible , this fearless , this incorruptible , this unpurchaseable defender of the people against their " most greedy and most inexorable tyrants : " we have had to call attention , we say , to THE FACT that this man , of all men in this world ; this pure and undeviating patriot , has lately become the public advocate of a scheme whieh he has HIMSELF characterised as ono which would " ROB
honest creditors of half , their debts—enable bankers to accommodate demi-insolvents with fictitious capital —overrun the country with fresh swarms of middle-men usurers—and operate as an all-absorbing engine to suck the wealth of society out of the hands of those who produce it , and silentl y transfer it , as it were by magic , Into the hands of commercial speculators , who , at the same timo that they produce nothing , are the greediest and most inexorable of tyrants ;" that he has become such advocate k the teeth of
the professions and teachings of a somewhat long political life ; and that he has done so because he is hired by a set of " the greediest and most inexorable tyrants , " who have placed at his command a newspaper , which , it is notorious does not pay its own expenses—to set up which he had himself no meansand whose existence from week to week is only maintained by the " supplies" of those who require the apostate ' s aid to popularize a scheme which would enable them to " such the wealth of society out of the hands of those who produce it . "
Now , we admit , unreservedly , that this is a serious charge to make . We admit that such a charge , if made on light or frivolous grounds—if made without proof , or semblance of proof , ought to cover the preferrer of it with infamy as black , with disgrace as overwhelming , as that which all good men will attach to the object of such charge , should it be true . And though the causes above enumerated have , no doubty
operated much mischief in preventing heedful exposures , yet there can be no doubt that they also have a beneficial effect in preventing needless and wicked accusations from beingpreferred . If a public journalist hesitates to tell the truth respecting a " brother of the press , " for fear that his motive may be misunderstood , and himself made the object of unceasing « buse , how much more will he hesitate before he ventures distinct and palpable charges of venality with-
And Its Hired Advocate. Of All The Dutie...
out foundation to rest on ? With all this before our eyes , ' with no disposition to underrate the powers Of the party we arc now pitted against ; with a vivid knowledge of his disposition towards this journal and all connected with it ; knowing , as we do , that the mere mention of the name of the proprietor of the Northern Star in the presence of the party we are thus tackling , is sufficient to send" him stark , staring , ranting mad — to make him rave , and curse , and . swear , and blaspheme , for hours together ; knowing that such mere mention of that name is sufficient to give our "friend" the " bowel-... .... » ™ .. xr . „ - . ,.
complaint , " as it did at Leeds , where he lay for weeks together , a charge on the hands of old Mr . and Mrs . Hutchinson , the latter of whom was absolutely horrified at the dreadful imprecations belched forth by the " classical teacher " on the head of one whose only fault was that he had administered to the necessities of " our Grateful , " and actually maintained him during a long and tedious imprisonment : aware of all this ; having a perfect knowledge of the sort of man we have to deal with—still dutv calls on us to prefer the charge we
have above put forth , because we have proof that it is true ; and because , if we did not thus expose and frustrate the deep-laid and sinister designs of the " greediest and most inexorable of tyrants , " wc should be fairly chargeable with connivance in the schemes of the Bank-note schemers , who "wheedle tlie farmer out of Ms produce , " and " suck together and concentrate the means of subsistence for nonlabourers . " As before intimated , wc have made our charge . This was done plainly , distinctly , unequivocally , a few weeks ago . That charge has been replied to . It is denied . The denial we give in the language of the apostate . With that denial we then join issue , and proceed to adduce proofs in support of our charge . Here is the denial : —
Mr . O'Brien never advocated a metallic in preference to a paper currency since he was born . Mr . O'Brien has been , all his life , an advocate for a purely symbolic money , and never an advocate for money of intrinsic value , unless as an international currency for the liquidation of balances due from one state to another . And not even then ; but that gold and silver , being in universal request , an * less liable to excess and scarcity , as commodities , than any other production of human labour , or than labour itself , and are , therefore , less exceptionable , asmeasures of value , than any other commodities that could be named , less exceptionable even than labour itself , which is hardly of the same marketable value
in any two countries . But , if human labour were everywhere paid and protected as it ought to be , so that equal quantities of it might be equally productive and remunerative everywhere , Mr . O'Brien would then be for a paper or symbolic currency only , for foreign as well as home trade . For labour would then be , what it ought always to have been , the true standard of value ; and the currency would consist simply of stamped bits of paper representing so many hours ' , days ' , weeks ' , months ' , or , years' labour . This is the currency Mr . Robert Owen has advocated ; and on this point Mr . O'Brien has always professed and advocated the same doctrine as Robert Owen . At present , labour is not protected in England ; so , labour
cannot be made the standard to which all measures of value should be referred . But we look forward with hope to the day of Labour's emancipation , when labour shall be tho true standard , and the labour note the only currency . To this consummation we have contributed one man ' s share , at least . With God ' s blessing we shall continue to do so . But , while in pursuit of thsoe reforms which can alone render the true standard and a perfect currency realizable , we shall miss no opportunity to promote the best currency reform the circumstances of the times may admit . For this purpose we advocate Mr , Taylor ' s views as the best adapted we have yet seen to existing circumstances . They offer an effectual cure for
Peel's destructive Act of 1810 , They are fraught with relief to the struggling debtor interests of the country . They demand no more than strict justice for those who have suffered , and are still suffering , by the arbitrary appreciation of our one-pound , or unit of account . Above all , they aftbrdthc only relief that is possible fer the productive classes , under the existing system of landed monopoly and commercial competition . They do not comprise . ill we look for , far from it ; hut they are good as far as they go , better than anything proposed by the factions that rule us ; and , as we make it a rule never to oppoae anything that is good in itself , however short it may fall of our desires , but , on the contrary , always give it our feeble support , on this ground , and this only , we have advocated , and shall continue to advocate Mr , Taylor ' s Currency Reforms till we can set the country up to the
mark to help us to those more extensive and enduring reforms which shall make the laud national property , restore to every man his right of occupation , extend those advantages of credit , now monopolised by the upper and middle classes , to every producer of wealth , and revolu ionise the whole system of commerce and exchange , in the ways we have so often described , so that no workman will need to ask a profit-monger ' s leave to be a slave , to save himself from starvation , and that every producer of an article willlie able to obtain at once the full value of his produce at a public mart or exchange bazaar , in goods of equal value or in a labour note that shall give him a claim to such goods whenever he chooses to present it for payment . This is the doctrine we have alieays held . The man who pretends the contrary to tlie working classes , is an impostor .
The writer denies that he ever advocated a metallic currency—and asserts that he was " ahvays" for a paper currency of some sort or other . We rejoin , such statement is not true . It is in the teeth of fact . Tho writer of the above denial has been long known , both as an adherent to the principle that " money " should , of itself , have an " intrinsic value , " and also as an opponent of paper money . . This we shall prove . It shall not rest either on our assertion or his denial . To his works wo shall go . They shall speak both for him and for us . His own words—his own avowal of
currency principles , in his own language , shall be given ; and then it will be seen who is the . [ We were going to quote a word here , composed of four letters , which our angry " friend" has in constant use . As , however , we have not had the advantage of a " classical education ; " and as such a word might subject us to a charge of vulgarity , we abstain . ] It was in the beginning of the year 1831 that the man who " never advocated a metallic , in preference to a paper currency , " was first heard of in the Radical world as a writer . He published a few articles in " Carpenters Political Pamphlets , " under the signature , BnoNTEKEE . At that time his means of living were but slender . He had come up "to town" to obtain employment as a " classical teacher . " By
some means or other he got thrown in among the Democrats , and got his feet thrust under Mr . Hunt ' s mahogany . Mr . Hunt , it is well known , was no writer . Whenever anything particular in that way was needed , he had to depend much on the aid of others . Therefore he had to form acquaintanceship and keep up connection with parties who found such connection operate to their advantage . At the time we speak of , the " Poor Man ' s Guardian" was also in existence . The main writer in it was a Mr . Matthew , a gentleman who bad been concerned , we believe , in originating the publication . The articles of Bronterke in the Political Pamphlets having attracted attention , arrangements were made for his conducting the Poor Man ' s Guardian ; and it was placed unreservedly in his hands .
It is from that publication that we are about to quote . We shall not give extracts from " communications , " or from " articles of news , " but from the Guardian ' s own "leaders . " The question of the Currency was then no new question . It was one that had been brought prominently before the public . * , The currency measures themselves had forced it on public attention . There had been " Bank Restriction" during the war there had been the efforts to resume cash payments at the end of the war ; there had been the wonderful ebbings and Sowings of " temporary prosperity" and devastating misery ; there had been the " setting of the currency question a t rest for ever" by the passing of Peel ' s Bill of 1819 ; there had been the
insolvencies , the bankruptcies , and the general alarm produced by the attempt to put that Peel ' s Bill in force ; there had been the putting out of the one pound notes again in 1822 ¦ and there had been the unseemly boasts of PrOSPERITY RoBINSON m im . there had been " THE PANIC of 1825-6 , when ^ ROSPEmTv "df banks bIcw up ' from sheer PROSPERITY" alone ! when the affairs of the country were m such a state , that one of the Minis - ters himself averred that " we were within forty-eight hours of barter ; " there had been the suppression of the one-pound notes again ; and there had been the woe , and want / and ruimUon , caused by the second attempt to carry into force the provisions of the I Cash-pavmbnt Bill of Pebl : there had , beside all this , been the teachings of William Cobbett ,
And Its Hired Advocate. Of All The Dutie...
who , from the year 1810 , had made the Currency question his own ; and who , in his Weekly Register , had reasoned on it so acutely—had stripped it of all mystery—had rendered it so plain , and so easily to bo understood , that it had become " as familiar as an household word" to the tens of thousands who weekly read that great man ' s writings . His opinions on tlie matter were well known . It was impossible to mistake him . He was " always , " from the publication of the first portion of his "Paper against Gold , " when confined in Newgate for libel , in 1810 , to the last hour of his life , the advocate of a goij > currency—and totally , wholly , unreservedly , opposed to all systems of paper-money . „^ fmm the . had the Currency
But while Cobbett was thus teaching , there was a party in the country who taught the opposite . At the head of this party was Mr . Thomas Attwood , the banker , of Birmingham . He and his Mends were continually calling for the re-issue of the one-pound notes , and for the re-enactment of Bank-Restriction . In other words , they were continually calling for immense issues of " Promises-to-y & y ; " with a statutory provision that the parties so promising should not be called on to pay : and that if they were , the law should protect them in their refusal ! Su ch was the Attwood p lan . It is hardly neccssaiy to say that such a plan met with no mercy from " Old Cobbktt . " He
exposed its inherent dishonesty— -its flagrant injustice—its utter foolishness—in his own inimitable manner . Still the An wood men kept the field . Still they kept reiterating their demand for the abolition of the Gold Currency and the substitution of Inconvertible Paper . At length , on the 19 th of August , 1832 , Mr . Cobbett was induced to give Mr . Attwood and his "Birmingham Council" an invitation to a public debate of their respective opinions and plans , on the subject of tlie Currency , ; before the people of Birmingham . Such invitation was accepted : and the "debate" took p lace on the 28 th day of the said month of August , 1832 .
We are not about to give areport of the "debate on that occasion ; but we must give . the propositions that each party laid doum , as those they would defend and maintain . This is necessary to enable us to fully understand the "INFINITE PREFERENCE" of our present Paper-Money " friend , " to which we shall , just now , have to call attention . Those propositions , therefore , we give—calling special attention to THE PRINCIPLES involved in each set .
Mr . Attwood appeared to advocate what he called " an action on the currency , " which said " action " was described in an address to Lord Grey , presented some little time before to that Minister , by the " Birmingham Council ; " and Mr . Cobbett was allowed to take address as defining the sort of " action " that Mr . Attwood meant to defend . From that address we give the following proposals ' . — 1 . The making of silver a standard of value and a legal tender , as it is in every other country in the world , and as it was in England , from the commencement of English history , uutil tlie disastrous monetary measures of 1818 and 1819 were adopted .
2 . The allowing of the Bank of England to issue £ 1 notes , and the making of Bank of England notes legal tenders from all persons whatever , except the Bank of England itself . 8 , The inducing the Bank of England forthwith to issue the bank notes , which have been recently withdrawn from circulation , and to increase its circulation permanently , from the present reduced amount of seventeen millions at the termination of the quarter , to at least twenty-five millions at the termination of the quarter , which in the opinion of your memorialists is the lowest amount under which the necessary profits of industry and the beneficial employment of labour throughout the country , can be restored and preserved .
Thai your memorialists apprehend that your Lordship must clearly foresee that a period is rapidly approaching in which this great subject must be grappled with , and in which it will be found absolutely necessary for Parliament cither to adjust the monetary system of the country to the existing state of society , or otherwise to cut down the public and private burdens of society into conformity with the present monetary system ; and your memorialists respectfull y represent to your Lordship that in their opinion the latter process will be found to be utterly impracticable , and that if attempted it will result in universal anarchy ; and your memorialists further respectfully suggest that it would be most unwise to defer the decision of this great question until compelled by circumstances , the pressure of which will allow no time for reflection . Mr . Cobbett ' s propositions were ;—
1 . Not by any means to depaet in any degree whatsoever FB 6 M THE PRESENT MONET STANDARD OF THE COUNTRY . 2 . To take all the public property ; namely , the crownlands , the crown-estates , the woods and forests , the Duchies of Cornwall and of Lancaster , the real property now possessed by the bishops , deans , and chapters ; and to enforce the rigid payment and collection of all arrears due to the public from defaulters ; and , in case of thenbeing dead , pursue then' heirs and assigns rigidly , according to the letter of the well-known and most admirable " Statute of Public Accountants , " passed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth , and still unrepealed ; and to make the receivers of all unmerited pensions , sinecures , and grants , " public accountants , " and pursue them and their heirs and assigns accordingly .
3 . To take the whole of what is called the national debt ; and , in tlie first place , reduce it one-half in amount , we having , for many years been paying twice as much interest as is due to the fundliolders , even supposing it to be a debt that we are bound to pay at all . 4 . Then cease to pay interest upon a quarter part of this half at the end of six months , and so on , in order that interest might cease to be paid upon any part of it at the end of two years . 5 . Then appoint a board of five commissioners to receive and examine the claims of suffering fundholders , and leave it to that board to make such compensation as might be found consistent with justice to tlie nation and humanity to the parties , out of the proceeds of the property mentioned before .
6 . To disband the standing army , abolish all internal taxes whatsoever , raise & revenue of from six to " seven millions a year in custom-house duties , making this Government as cheap as that of America , and never suffering an Englishman again to see the odious face of a taxgatherer with an ink-bottle at his button-hole , leaving for the people to keep for their own use the fifty-four millions a year , now pocketed by the tax-collectors in part , while the rest is sent up to London . 7 . To make an equitable Adjustment of all contracts and debts .
On the 15 th of September , 1832 , the man who now says that " he never advocated a metallic in preference to & paper currency since he was born , " aud who "has been all Ms life an advocate for a purely symbolic money , and never for money of intrinsic value , " thus wrote of the great Birmingham Debateidentifying himself with the proposals and the Currency-principles of CoBBETi . and declaring against those of Mr . Attwood , which latter are precisely those that he now holds ! We beg careful attention to the following extract . It is valuable , not only for the
proof li affords that our charge of apostacy is true but also for the vivid and truthful description of TEE EFFECTS that must follow the adoption of the paper-money scheme which the writer so ably exposed and denounced at that time , and which he NOW so mendaciously advocates . His own ivords form the best answer that can be given to his present pleading for a measure which would "just yield a bubble of prosperity , which would soon disappear from the surface , and leave the surges of society more troubled than ever . " Do hear them ; and let the writer of them upset his own positions if he can —
Friends , Brethren , and Fellow-Countrymen , —You have ailhcard of the great fighut Birmingham between Citizens At wood and Cobbett , on the Currency question . We should have noticed it sooner , but , having other fish to fry , wereobhged to postpone our remarks till this week . Respecting the monetary system , these gentlemen are known to beat the head of two opposite schools . Mr . Attwoods plan of relieving the country is ( what he calls ) " an action on the currency ; " that is to say , such an expansion or cimdating medium as would operate TO A VIRTUAL ABOLITION OP ONE-HALF OF OUR PUBLIC ESTABLISHMENTS , AND A REDUCTION OP AIL OUK DEBTS , PUBLIC AND PRIVATE , TO ONE HALF THEIR PRESENT AMOUNT
lhts wd glorious scheme for insolvents ! and indeed for every man ( and they area great majority ) whose debts exceed then- credits , and who would therefore ( to use an expression of the Times ) rather pay in surface than in weight , Mr , Cobbett , on the other hand , would do dWecdv and "above board" what hi . antagonist would do ij recUy , "like a thief in the night •» that is to say , heivould attack the establishments instep of the oob ^ 7 y ? 22 cast thtm dram , as also thtir monied obligations , L 1 PRESENT METALLIC STANDARD , by BETBENCHMENI AND
" equitable AWWTHMT , " He would disband the army -make sale of the tithes and church-lands-confiscZ the revenues of corporations ^ and with these , and ? he proceeds of other public pronertv nw n «> „ , , ; portion of the " Nation JlS MVl ^ Sf * would , very proper y , give nothing . Theloan-job Ws ' nd Devil on ^^^^ . J ^ StAJS then-hvestohis service ; but as regards the poor Sd holders , and especially those who , as infants or minot
And Its Hired Advocate. Of All The Dutie...
were plunged into the Blocks by guardians , chancellors , & c , without their knowledge and consent—to these and the like , Cobbett would , on the score of humanity ( for humanity enters largely into all his views ) yield a moderate compensation , proportional to their several claims and to the proceeds of public property alread y specified . * Of the two plans , WE INFINITELY PREFER COB BETT'S ! Without denying that Attweod ' s scheme would yield tempo rary relief , or pretending to say that that of his opponent wouldbe productive of all the advantages he plunged into the etocksby guardians , chancellors ,
_ anticipates 1 romit , wemust pronoHnce C'dbbett ' svlantobe RE YONDaKCOMPABISON ^ e ft ^/ ortte ^ telti ; the best , for the very reason Attwood considers it the worst namely , because " it leads to the destruction of the present commercial system , lou have only one chance of sal vation ( independently of your own exertions ) , and that is the pecuniary embarrassments of the middle classes As long as tliey enjoy "prosperity" whether h , an aktihcial paper credit , or any other means , so long there is no escaoe for you from slavery . v
Why were labourers in England better off six hundred years ago than they are now , and this uot \ viu . sta „ dinEthat their faculties of increasing wealth are cnormouslv multiplied ? Simply because society was then less arti . ficial than it is now . The aristocracy were few in number " and there was hardly a middle class at all . Hut i » hthl times , ESPECIALLY SINCE THE INTRODUCTION OP PAPER ilO ^^^ andmachinery . tUnon-pm lwlkechssesTiave enormously multiplied ; and THE CONSEQUENCE is tlmt wchave now jive idlers at least to maintain , Kherew tarmtQrS had one , and our iudnstry is forcibly employed in producin " all manner of luxuries for these , instead of necessaries for ourselves . This is tlie real cause of our misery ; and until it is removed , there can never again bi : prosperity- for tlie
workmen of England . Now , the affect of Attamrseunewu sclxme would be TO AGGRAVATE THIS ARTIFICIAL STATE , so ruinous to industry ; it would opeiute as iv act or insolvency for half the traders in the cvuutrr and just put them into a condition to commence a new career of " commercial prosperity" and fortune makiii " unless , indeed ( yvhat is almost certain ) some tremendous explosion , like tlie panic of 1825 , should blow the whole FRAUDULENT SYSTEM to atoms , in conswmcncc of the banking and other speculations to which it would give rise . WE HAVE A PERFECT ABHORRENCE OF ATT . WOOD'S SCHEME ! It would he a flagitious robbcrv on
all servants , clerks , annuitants , and other persons era . ployed at fixed salaries for specific periods of time . On main objection is , Viat it would , even if successful , oxlt MAKE SOCIETY MOKE AUTIflCIAL THAN EYEK . Tilt BEST that can be said of it is , that it would 6 c a god-send ( oWnI-. rwpt mercluints and insolvent tradesmen ! To these it would j ust yield a bubble of prosperity , which yvould soon disappear from the surface , and leave the surges of society more troubled than ever . — - [ James Brontcrrc O'BrienJntJa Poor Man ' s Guardian , Sept . 15 th , 1832 , before k had km hired by " a set of the greediest and most inexorable of tyrants ' - ' to wile exactly the opposite . )
Now , in reading the above , let the princi ple , n volved in the writer ' s " INFINITE preperkxce" b g borne in mind . Lot it be remembered that Mr , Cobbettalwayapleaded for a " metallic " currency , and that he scouted " paper" of all sorts ; that in this debate he had done the same ; that his first proposition states the principle ; that gold ( how very like a " metal ! " ) was then , as now , the only " standard ;" that to these notions—these principles of Currency , advocated by Mr . Cobbett , the Poor Man ' s Guardian , declared his "INFINITE PREFERENCE ! " and " pronounced Cobbett ' s plan to be , beyond all comparison , the best for the working classes ' . " We also desirethcreadertonotica " THE CONSEQUENCE " of the introduction of paper-money ; " as well as tub eppect described as sure to follow an expansion of the
circulating medium . Let him read the above extract three times over , or even ofiendr , until he has got all tho reasoning and all the representations in it firmly fixed in the mind : and then let hini inform himself that the very same writer that penned the above in « dignant denunciation of "FLAGITIOUS ROBBERT , " now advocates an capanmn of the currency precisely similar in principle to that of which he had formerly " a pebfect ABHORRENCE ! " an expansion move than double in amount to that proposed by Attwood—and consequently carrying with it more than double the amount of evil described as appertaining to the " god-send for bankrupt merchants and insolvent tradesmen !" Aye , but we have not yet done with our " school ' master . " It was not one lesson onlv of tlie above
character that he taught . There were many of them . On the 27 th of October , 1 S 32 , he held forth as follows . The occasion was the announced determination of the Birmingham working people to be no longer "led" by the nose by the "Birmingham Council ; " but that they would start a National Political Union of themselves , for working men seeking Universal Suffrage . Commenting on that avowed determination , and on a projected meeting on Ncwhall-hill to carry such determination into effect , our Anti-Paper-Money teacher said : —
We want men who will give unto others as well as take to themselves , We want patriots who can see the " practicability " of a bill of Reform for us , as well as of one for themselves . Vv ' e want patriots who can look fonvard to Reform for other benefits besides that of a depbeciateo cukbency which would rob honest creditors of half ( heir debts—enable bankers to accommodate demi-insolvents with fictitious capitai . —overrun the country with fresh smrmi of middle-men usurers—and operate as an all-absorbing engine to suck the wealth of society out of the hands of those who produce it , and silently transfer it , as it were by magic , into the hands of commercial speculators , who , at the same time that they produce nothing , are the greediest and most inexorable of tyrants . In short , we
want Reformers yvho , when they may require our services , will use us as fellow-citizens , not servants , and co-operate with us as equals , not dictate to us as masters . This being the description of men we yvant , yve must hare nothing to do with those " expediency" politicians , who owe all their patriotism to Peel ' s Bill . We must keep aloof from those wily con-formers ( reformers they are not ) who have been forced into our ranks only by the return to cash payments , and yvho yvould persuade Earl Grey that the " Reform Bill has opened hell under our feet unless he will put out the one-pound notes again ! " With orators like these we must have nothing to do , unless they yvill descend from the stilts of
leadership , and consent to cuter our ranks as common privates . If the Attwoods , the Muntzes , the Joneses , the Hadlcys , & c . « fcc , yvill condescend to do this , then , felloyv-countrj . men , receive them yvith open arms , and raise them to the highest post of honour which a people ' s confidence can bestoyy ; but if they make it a condition of their services that you must first renounce Universal Suffrage , and consent to get " POSSESSED" OP THE SEVEN DEVILS OF PAPER MONEY—spurn at once their contaminating patronage , and trust onl y to yourselves and lo you * Radical leaders . —[ James Bronterre O'Brien , in t he Poor Man ' s Guardian , Oct . 2 ~ th , 1832 , before he sold himself to those "POSSESSED OF THE SEVEN DEVILS OF
PAPER-MONEY . " ] There ! what does the reader think of that ? The effects of a DEPRECIATED CURRENCY are pretty well described : and honest folk would have imagined that the bare recollection of having once written as above , would have prevented any man , the most shameless and most unprincipled that over lived , from publicly advocating a DEPRECIATI ON more than double in extent and action of the one he there so indignantly reprobates . But our proofs arc not yet exhausted . Wc shall give one or two more . Whenever we undertake a task , wo like to go through with it , A job half donfl is not done at all . Ours , this time , shall be com plete .
The meeting of the Birmingham working mco , above spoken of , was held in BeardsalPs Repository , Independence of the Attwood " CouhciF-control was proclaimed . This threw the " Council" into alarm They had hoped to retain their hold of the " masses in Birmingham , as a means of forcing from fiwl Grey ' s Government the measure which would " rob honest creditors of half their debts . " With the people went all chance of success for the " execrablfl scheme . " Loud and lugubrious , therefore , were tliO lamentations of " the Council ; " and on those l < wie »* tations our Anti-Paper Money "friend" thus ( lis * coursed : —
Munte says the Whig Reform Bill win be a " tery s ff < ti blessing and advantage , " but that Universal SuffraS " would not benefit an y class . " Aye , to be sure , Hunt * , the Whig Bill yvill be a great blessing to you and the W ' you , It will , in all probability , give you a House of Commons , that will give you ( he one-pound notes again . K « W enable your insolvent Council to get hid of HAir tf *| debts BY A CENT . PER CENT . OEPBECIATION , aili fi-OCt t ^" " sinking establishments once more on the spring-tide of a r * titious capital . It might indeed prove a great MesstoS to you and them , by restoring the glomous dats of FA * and paper-money , when the middle-men made forta 0 * as fast as they made children , but at the same timtf ^ lL ™ » ot . w h , vj iiiuuE buuvuuii , vimi Ulr mo , 3111110 hibv " -j T
FOUNDATION OF TEARS AND SLAVERY FOR ,,,: NATION AT LARGE . Look at this moment to the environs of Birmingham : see all the beautiful villas on * roads leading from the Five Ways Turnpike . Ask > v' 1 are the lords of these mansions , and you will fiDd . / ! j are all retired middle-men , who made fortune s in " palmy days of Pitt and paper-money . They are noyv 1 " " ** in luxury and idleness , on the sweat of the peop le ; the * incomes being But jo many mortgages on the bones and ! ili { 1 \ of the wealth-producers . Ryland is said to be worth » least three hundred thousand pounds . Scholcfield , j \ banker , is worth half as much , The Tanners , w Busbys , and even the Attwoods are all of the satoegt ® Though Attwood ' s . grandfather was a common iiailcr '
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 29, 1845, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_29031845/page/4/
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