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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st January 1848, Edition 3 of 3, Page unpag, rfpredit* 1 ? bonfluflen , know ye not, ...

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    • grf«, oy. co»wy. Hove theeffoss priSs, 6*t . jgTe thee t&e more fsr thy «orrow, 3 a * oj » « the bitter, talt tear I hare eried, *° rt e cheeri*8*1* thought on thy mono*. . ** , • P. (TO
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      Grf«, Oy. Co»Wy. Hove Theeffoss Priss, 6*T . Jgte Thee T&E More Fsr Thy «Orrow, 3 A * Oj » « The Bitter, Talt Tear I Hare Eried, *° Rt E Cheeri*8*1* Thought On Thy Mono*. . ** , • P. (To

      _grf « , oy . co » wy . Hove _theeffoss priSs _, 6 _* t . jgTe thee t _& e more fsr thy « orrow , _3 a _* _oj » « the bitter , talt tear I hare eried _, _* _° rt _e cheeri _* 8 _* 1 * thought on thy mono * . . _** _, P . ( TO

      Rfpredit* 1 ? Bonfluflen , Know Ye Not, ...

      _rfpredit * _? bonfluflen , know ye not , ' 5 _^ o * ldbe free , himself mast itiikette felow . '

      TO THE IRISH PEOPLE . j { T COTJXTRYHEX— * rt _^ u _^ thirteen years may be a eompara-. -jy short period in the _History of nations , _^ t constitutes a large , amount in the life of ? ' in dividual ; and yet , during that whole _fliod , though I have heen exiled from my P _ntrr , ' yet I have never lost a single _oppor-^ jt v of " _returning good for _evil _^ by instruct * ! _^ _fte English people in the real history , of _fe Irish people , and by proving to them that _lipse weaknesses , for which they despised my _-untrymen , were virtues rather than vices . After such a period of exile , it is now my Jis to he placed in a situation to give to my ;

      '¦ untry any little benefit she may derive from L ardent desire and a firm resolve to serve her ; _? , _} _, in truth , she stands in no smaUneed of the _-Jllest amount of service , afact of whichl was _Evin ced by the treachery of some of her re » _^ _sentatives during the discussion of the , Irish f vjercion Bill ; and to the consideration of t _^ di l 6 h all not confine this , my address ., _UnVine upon that ; measure and the conduct of _^ _jie of the Irish _representatives as a mere drop _5 tbe ocean when compared with the larger diffi-« ltie s which yet stand in the way of Irish _f _tgsdonJ _. _j .. . , -. V jj _jjian who _suSers _^ ander the . provisions-: 6 £ , j . _jf tyrannical , _bloodyy and unconstitutional _^> will endure greater mental tprtare _ than l

      _jSgered during its discussion _, i . snail not _h arass the silent votes of many Irish iriem-, s ftom Vfhom a "different course was ex-JLt _' efl _, _when I have not words to express ! my _Urorof the language used by those Irish _setn bers who spoke upon the bill In Conciliation Hall , and in the press , there has been loud denunciation and just _denunciation of Graftan and Dillon Browne , but there to been scarcely a complaint lisped against Mr Morgan John O'Connell , who not only _sap ported the bill in its entirety , hut was my _jao = t strenuous opponent and the _government s _Staunchest friend , when I proposed to _wserve the right of traverse to the hastily

      _^ napped slave . You , my count _^ _inen , must understand the jjjeaning of this 18 th clause , which I _design ated as the " Sting of the Bill . " At present , hi all cases of misdemeanour , the prisoner has a r to put off his trial till the next gaol deji _^ err , if not in custody fourteen days before _£ e attins of the Court . This is no more than 3 just and salutary provision of the ordinary _iV because the law of England , presuming to be

      , _g _^ _ery man innocent until a jury has feund him guilty , has assigned the period of fourteen days to allow him to prepare his defence * instruct his attorney , and expose his _jBsetohis counsel . The 18 th clause in the Coercion Act takes away this protection from the Irish slave , who may now be hunted down bva pack of infuriate police blood-hounds , * 1 hose employment depends upon their feroatr , and without _Ja moment ' s time being _allowed to him to prepare his case and engage counsel for his defence , he may be dragged into

      court , arraigned upon the instant , tried , condemned , and sentenced , his sweat , fear , and ex citement being urged as evidence of bis milt instead of testimony of his honour—Honour which impelled him to fly from a brigand police force rather than join in the pursuit of hisneighbour-TJpcn this ckuee I argued , — Firstlv . —Itsunconstituti || ality . Secondly . —The absolute necessity of allow . ins an Irish pauper prisoner time to scrape up _amongst his friends the means of securing some _defence—And Thirdly . —The injustice of trying a man m the midst of unnatural ercitem ent .

      I showed that in ordinary cases this indulgence was stretched by the judge , who almost invariably postponed trials , upon affidavit that the excitement arising from the charge rendered a fair trial even doubtful . To this Sir George Grey replied that the _discretion would still remain with the judge . I _assured , that laving established the win of a despot Lord-Lieutenant as the Irish constitution , I was not prepared to delegate the legal ri _^ ht of the peasant to the discretion of a judge selected by that Lord-Lieutenant to try him ;

      and , In mv conscience , I believe that the con . station would have been spared tbis further _wound had it not heen for the insistence of Mr M . J- O'Connell of the propriety of preserving _t ' nis clause whole and entire , urging the absolute necessity of instantaneous trial , and the speediest conviction , if found guilty ; that is , not only supporting the terrible vengeance of theclause , hutaddingtoitthe further heartbreaking penalty of dragging the unfortunate victim to speedy punishment after the . mockery \ i a trial . .

      , This secured the clause . Yor the minister . And again , when I proposed to saddle the magistrates of the district with some _response bility , Mr Morgan J . O'Connell said , "No ; it is an unconstitutional measure ; the magistrates are a con stitutional body ; and the _government should not subject them to the responsibility oi carrying out an unconstitutional measure . "

      Well , after such an avowal from such a name and such a quarter , was it not natural that the opponents of the bill should become _paralvsed , and their opposition weakened _ead if" ministers , in their bold daring , required any apology for this unconstitutional measure , they have only to quote Grattan , Browne , and O'Connell , as authorities for its necessity and mildnesss . . .

      The Irish members pledged to the Repeal of the Union , and who , if their constituents had supposed them friendly to coercion would have been pledged tO Oppose it—if those parties had stood together , unintiraidated by the frown of faction , the CLARENDON STATUTE would never have passed the House of Commons ; and so decided was the opposition that a _feff gave to it , that the Lords feared to adopt the smallest amendment , because thereby another discussion might have been raised upon the bill .

      I contended at the time , and I repeat it Bonr , that the speech of Maurice O'Connell on fte second reading of the Coercion Bill , was as oomplete ' an exposure of its injustice , and the ministers' tyranny , as could be made upon the subject . He took the case of _Kebecca in _^ ales ; he analysed it from beginning to end ; sWingthat women were shot—that policemen _* ere shot—that magistrates were shot—that _houses were demolished—that men were denounced—that threatening notices were delivered—that coroners ' juries refused to find _v erdicts to implicate the insurgents—that , not . _withstanding , the assassins were parleyed with ° V the government itself—that a commission

      _* as sent to inquire into the grievances complained of—that those grievances were redressed , and that the judge who was selected to preside at the special commission won the _Pe ople to obedience by the mildest administration of the ordinary law , making six months the [ maximum punishment for the highest _fences , while many were afterwards set at hberty altogether .

      _Now , I ask , if it would he possible to hare established a more triumphant case to show _tie triump h of the ordinary law , with this exception , indeed , that Wales is not _Ire-^?< _j _, and that tyranny practised upon the _^ elsh people might have infected their p _& sh brethren , upon whom the government fere not impose a Coercion Bill . . , I now leave this branch of my subject , and E ; _> _sll call your attention briefly to what the _^' ite of Ireland has been since she was in a _condition to assert her rights in a British Legi _slature . .. Till the period © f 1829 , the Catholic people

      Rfpredit* 1 ? Bonfluflen , Know Ye Not, ...

      had not been represented in Parliament since the reign [ of the adulterer , Henry VIII ., nearly three centuries , and the , support of a dominant church _. professing a religion hostile to the whole of the Catholic people of Ireland had , during that period , been the great bone of contention ; and I , as a Protestant , adoring the Catholic people for their unswerving devotion to their own form of worship , had a right to presume that the Teal practical meaning . of Emancipation was the destruction of Protestant ascendancy , root and branch , not the destruction of Protestants or Protestantism—as I have Ihad not heen renri > _Eonf *< l in Po _« _i _:. _™„„* .: _«„«

      ever held the right of peculiar worship to be the _indefeasiblejightj of every man—but the destruction of that power which imposed a tax upon the professors of one faith , for the support of the preachers of another faith . In my opinion , Catholic Emancipation meant the infusion of Catholic representatives into the Commons' House of Parliament , whose _firsthand primary duty it would be toia-. _M _^ _UpOTi reBgi ous perfect equality for all ; and _( oMetDSn ' d , thecompleteand entire abolition of _religious ' ascendancy j and to this end , _hearlyj four hundred thousand Catholic _freeholders

      i _^ e re satisfied relinquish all social claims for the achievement of their darling object . In three years what was called Reform , followed Emancipation , and the anticipated result of ; that measure , as far as Ireland was concerned , was , that legislation would devolve more extensively upon the Catholic people of that country . "When Reform was accomplished , the great question of Repeal was placed before the Irish people as what should he their great and only object ; and now , I pray you , my countrymen , to bear in mind the difference between the tactics observed towards Emancipation and Repeal .

      It was thought necessary to have a discussion each session upon the question of Emancipation , in order that its growing strength in Parliament should have its due effect upon the public mind . While contending for this measure of justice , men who were out of the pale of * tke constitution were compelled , as leaders , to bear an honest front ; because it was their interest to achieve power , and they were worth nothing to the enemy until they had secured that power ; therefore , it was their interest to hare a sessional

      discussion . Upon the other hand , as far as the question of national liberty is concerned , Emancipation was as nothing compared to the value of a domestic _Legislature ; and yet was that question allowed to remain a dead letter , as far as Parliament was concerned , for thirteen whole years , from 1834 to 1847—the Irish peaple being whimsically and childishly satisfied with the Repeal pledges from members who were never to be tested , and who were otherwise left free to aid Whig _administrations in their most tyrannical assaults upon national freedom .

      The English people were courted as indispensable auxiliaries in the cause of Emancipation , by men looking for power—while in the cause of Repeal , the same aid was repudiated by men possessing profitable power . My countrymen , as the day for hearing stern truths has arrived , you must open your ears to their bitterness . You must hear , and you must believe , the damning fact , that you have been the authors of vour own every suffering

      and grievance ; you relied upon your own strength , and not only repudiated the assistance of others , but received the defamation of your English friends and auxiliaries with shouts of savage exultation , for no other reason than because they were Saxons and Protestantsand always forgetting , or rather never thinking } because never told , that the Saxon and Protestant people of England were equally oppressed as yourselves , and equally anxious as you to see justice done to your order , to your country , and to your religion .

      However , I lay it down as an irrefutable fact , that the young blood of Ireland returned forty-two Repeal members in 1833 , and that the polluted blond of Ireland returned but _twenty-five Repeal members in 1847 . I make no account of any man who was absent , except Mr Anstey , who , I know , was indisposed , because it was the paramount duty of each and every one to be present , all other business being laid aside . Of this maxim , I furnished a strong example myself , because , on the very night of the debate , I was suffering under a painful illness , which would have confined ninety-nine in every hundred to their beds , but my duty to my country sustained

      me-I have now shown you how the question of Repeal has been trifled with for thirteen whole years ; while Ireland , during that period , was ready to sacrifice its best blood for its accomplishment j and for those thirteen years Repeal has been made , and no man can deny it , the stepping-stone to place , patronage , title , and emolument—in a word , the brave Irish nation has been sold to the oppressor for pelf . Not a Single agitation , calculated to serve declining Whiggery , that has not been resorted to as a substitute for Repeal , and as a means of securing patronage for that " base , bloody , and

      brutal" faction ; and , although a Repealer from the day I had thought to the present moment , and although I would beg my bread for the remainder of my life rather than vote against that measure , the late proceedings of your pledged representatives in Parliament have convinced me of its perfect inutility , unless accompanied hv Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Equal Representation , No Property Qualification , and the Payment of Members . And although many of

      y our present leaders tell you triumphantly that they do not understand what Chartism means , I tell you , and I would meet them , one and all , upon the qaestion , that I would rather see Chartism carried than Repeal , which would he followed by a House of Landlords sitting in College-green—while , upon the other hand , from a Chartist representation must follow , not only a Repeal of the Union , but every measure of ' justice that industry can or ought to demand .

      Perhaps I could not select a better period than the present , when so many of your representatives hare sold you , for the consideration of the first point of the

      Charter—ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS ; and let me , in the outset , ask you whether , if those who voted for Coercion , and against Re . peal , were to come before their constituents at the end of the present Session , instead of at the end of seven long years , would they not have acted under the wholesome influence of that public opinion , before which they should so speedily appear , instead of setting itat

      defiance for seven years , and rely ing upon some timely clap-trap to ' recommend them once more to your credulity ? Now observe , and observe well , that those who deserted Ireland on the question of Coercion , will have the deepest interest in preserving the Whigs in power for seven years , lest their dismissal from office should have the effect of subjecting them to the criticism and reproach of their constituents . Thus I explain to you the value of the first point of Chartism ; and I will now go further , and tell you that so little faith have I in public men , and so convinced am I of the indispensable necessity of short reckonings , that I would expect , and liberty _fcwould receive , much , very much , greater advantage from seven Parliaments

      Rfpredit* 1 ? Bonfluflen , Know Ye Not, ...

      elected annually by the ] _presents constituent body , than by a Parliament elected for 'seven years by Universal Suffrage and the Ballot . In the one case , there is a wholesome dread in returning to a constituency at the close of the Session , to receive their smiles and renewed confidence as a reward for virtue , or their frowns and dismissal as a punishment for rice ; while , upon the other hand , the repre sentative steeped in six years' villainy , which remains apoa the Statute Book , would seek atonement by a death-bed repentance , and would come before a credulous and confiding people upon his paltry acta of atonement , which but too frequently obliterate the errors of the past . „ u _„ f _« _j _™„ .. „ ii ,. v .. * i .- - ' . ... > .

      I have shown you , my eountrymen , that f . * l daj' y ° _"r _leaders achieved power through you , down to this very present hour , those leaders have qualified far prostitution out of your confidence , and I now tell you , as I have a thousand times told the English peo-{> l e , that a . nation never will be free until the _^ _# * , _« re place <| _Bshder _^ hafc popular vigilant cpitrol which never will pardon the' first act of political _^ _ilinqueticy _^ because the mistaken lenity of pubiiq opinion towards a _public _^ nan , is precisely like the mistaken indulgence' of _; a parent to fe child . The first aci of forgiveness emboldens the _delinquenfcwkb ; _-the hbpVoi again receiving forgiveness , untilat length ]} he becomes so steeped in depravity , that in his sinB the people see their own error , and fear exposure lest it should bespeak their own

      folly . This has been one of your besetting sins , while ignorance of the motives of the English people has left you in a state of forlorn hopelessness . Even that portion of your Press , which cbaunts its notes of libert y in the dullest strains of music , has withheld from you all knowledge of English feeling for Ireland , and , while it has cried out for help , it has failed to tell you when and how the English people have proffered the required aid .

      It has not told you that , while you were dull and apathetic , three millions and a half of the English people petitioned for a Repeal of the Union . Jt has not told you that , when you were passive , scores of thousands of the English people petitioned against the Coercion Bill . It has not published the innumerable resolutions , passed at large public meetings in a 1 parts of Englatid , in favour of Irish liberty ; but it has , in the most contemptible , treacherous , and despicable manner , garbled our speeches , and misrepresented our motives ; and why ?—because it , like your leaders , lived upon your credulity , feeding you with

      moonshine ; while , unlike the English people and the English leaders , neither the Irish press nor the Irish leaders have directed the Irish mind to any single practical social result , which would be likel y to follow any political change that they have propounded . Hence , we find you , as the 'Royal Loyal Irish Repealers / now throwing up your cap for your lovely young Queen ; again , for the undefined thing called Justice to Ireland J then , for another trial for the base , bloody , and brutal Whigs ; then for Federalism , and anon for eleven incomprehensible measures of relief , of which Ireland has heard but the sound-

      _"Alsgl poorcenntiy , Almost afraid to know itself , " Courage has been banished from your mind , and passive ; obedience and non-resistance has been made the freeman ' s catechism . How dare you ask for liberty , when you die in millions rather than take it ? . Liberty , is always within the reach of a people who are prepared to work out their own salvation , and liberty is an attribute which the Creator , in his wisdom , withholds from those who cannot worship the goddess , or who , worshipping her and knowing her value , dare not assert her prerogative .

      Where , now , after your half century ' s agitation , is your substitute for the system you wish to destroy ? Tou look for Repeal , and only for Repeal , while the English people , after . fifteen years of Reform , which was to them what Repeal would be to you , without a House of Commons chosen by yourselves , — bitter fruit , —are now compelled to define the social system , the benefit of which the improved political system should bring home to every man ' s door .

      My countrymen , you must now prepare your ears to hear the greatest truth ever _propounded You must prepare to hear that character of the English people which no historian has ever yet been able to assign to any people in this habitable globe . The English people , deceived by Reform , after giving that measure a fair trial , established a great political agitation , which promised to bring justice home to every man ' s door ; and so steadfast were they in their aim and end , that thousands

      preferred the dungeon to the abandonment of their principles . Bu £ even that was not all ; if their virtues ended here , they should be extolled as virtues only , but I am going to prove their wisdom , as well as their virtues , thus , — when they were poor—when they were hungered , yea famished , naked , and outlawed , the most wealthy , the most influential , tyrannical , and vindictive portion of society—their own ; masters—their own magistrates— "their own employers and jurors—tempted them in their poverty with the bait of " HIGH

      WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . " What a fascinating motto for the rich oppressor to offer to the poor oppressed ; and yet , mark , my . countrymen , such was the valour , such the union , such the honour and devotedness of our Chartist Confederation , that the starving spurned the proffered bribe , the delusive offer , for six long years , and never abated that opposition , until its longer continuance might have entailed greater suffering upon their Irish brethren ; and this is the people that you have been taught to despise .

      Now , tbis greatest of all facts cannot be too deeply impressed upon your memory ; that , while the excited mind of Ireland was , for thirteen years , running after different shades of moonshine , the working classes of England resisted the delusive cry of "HIGH WAGES ,

      CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . *' Now , why was this ? Because the English agitation was conducted by leaders belonging to the suffering class , and because the power of public opinion was sufficiently strong , virtuous , and resolute to keep those leaders in the straight course _; whereas every man who spoke in your packed assemblies should first qualify by the payment of speech money , and should then measure his words by the standard of expediency ; _^ and from which did he depart but by a syllable , he was howled down ae a dangerous traitor .

      When you begin to reflect upon your own past madness , your astonishment at Coercion will vanish , and your only wonder will be that a nation of such willing slaves is even pitied in their misery . When you reflect that such men as John Lawless , Sharman Crawford , _O'Gorman Mahon , Patrick O'Higgins , Feargus O'Connor , and thousands of others , who were too proud to join in delusion , and too sincere to commit a fraud upon Ireland , have been held up as traitors to their country j when , you think of

      Rfpredit* 1 ? Bonfluflen , Know Ye Not, ...

      the names of O'Connor , Fitzgerald , and Emmetfr , being-made by-words of scorn to the living ; when you think of the great national question being burked for thirteen whole years , and only resuscitated now and then within that time when the distributors of patronage stood in need of an Irish difficulty to affright their Tory opponents from power ; when you think of those , pledged Repealers voting , one and all , for the continued imprisonment of the English Chartists , and one and all being the never _failiag resource of the "base , brutal , and blood y Whigs" when a ... . _~ . _„ _ ..

      blow wag to ~ be aimed at liberty ; when you think of , " Who , is the Traitor " « A good J ury Law / ' Justice to Ireland , " " Our lovely young Queen / ' " Give the Whigs another fair trial , " " Ireland for the Irish , " " One year of unbroken tranquillity , " " Federalism , " "Tenant Right , " _* 'Municipal Reform , " and ' _^ Eleven Healing Measures / ' being successively and successfully used to direct your attention from the one great national question , I- say that it _isjtot fco Dftniel O'Connell , but to the Press of Ireland'tha _^ the present state of that country is to be attributed , '

      As Jong as the press received the lion ' s share _^)? _patronage , the press performed the _lionM _^ are of prostitution , and the press s _^ _eJKed'the _Ifepbf _^ l e _maaintq the thunder of the nation ; hut when a portion of it lost that patronage by which its adherence ' was secured , then its thunder was hurled at O'Connell , in the hope of covering ita oirn shame . Merciful Providence ! must not the heart of the

      most cold-blooded sicken at the bare notion of one million brave , hardy , virtuous , and industrious peasants being sacrificed in one year to famine , not caused by Almighty God , not increased by the machinations of the Government—but procured through the instrumentality of a delusive hope , and total reliance upon one _talismanic event , which was to feed , house , clothe , warm , and comfort the Irish people .

      If a million of Poland _' 6 sons died from starvation the Whigs would preach Christ ' s gospel as a terror ta the Autocrat , and would tell him" That they who died by the sword are better than they _whn perish of hunger , for their bodies pine away stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . " Those are the words of God , not my words ; and as I love God's laws better than the laws of man , I would rather see Ireland decimated in battle by the sword than cut off by famine , in the midst of abundance , created by her own hands .

      And think of even one Protestant or Orangeman , much more one Catholic Irishman , being found so degenerate as to stand up in the Senate House of the foreigner , after a million of his countrymen bad perished from hunger , and consent to place the lives of the remainder , and the destinies of the country , in the hands of an upstart Saxon diplomatist . And think of One and all vieing in paying their tribute of _respect to this Autocrat , who now embodies within his own narrow mind thelrish _Constitution-SAVE THE MARK ! Now think you , my countrymen , that the name of Irishman will gain credit in the future history of our country , when her tale of sorrow and of her sons' degeneracy is told ?

      What did America gain by her petitions to the English Crown ? What did she not gain by her resolution to do for herself what she might have begged Britain to do for her in vain , so long as she relied upon humble prayer and petition ? If I did not see hope for Ireland in renewed exertion I should blush to belong to such a nation of slaves , but I have still reliance upon a people who for seven centuries have maintained their hostility of oppression , and who for three centuries have clung with fondness to their persecuted faith .

      Yes , the elements of regeneration are in the people , and they but require to be properly directed to _seeure that freedom which would make Ireland the happiest nation on the earth ; and as I know of no man living who can advance a greater right to counsel the Irish nation than myself , I will now prescribe for the patient , at a time when her disease has _puzzled the faculty . This then is my prescription : — Firstly . —Elect a Convention of forty-nine Delegates , to meet in London , and there to discuss the grievances of Ireland , and propound the simple remedies , making Repeal of the Union the great means to the end .

      Secondly . —At every election put the following pledge to every Candidate whom you propose to support , and let him sign it and let it be witnessed , as I shall describe . " I , A . B ., do solemnly and sincerely swear before God , that , if elected as a Representative to Parliament , 1 will accept the Chiltern Hundreds , and restore the trust committed to my charge , whenever required to do so by the

      Committee of Observation , whose names are hereto attached , together with my signature . ' Now the names hereunto attached should be the names ef six laymen , being non-electors , and the six Roman Catholic Clergymen whose parishes furnished the largest number of voters ; and those twelve should elect an elector as chairman , If I am asked why appoint 6 ix Roman Catholic Clergymen ? my

      answer is , Firstly . —Because they are , as a body , the best patriots in Ireland . Secondly . —Because they would more rigidly insist upen compliance with the terms of the contract , and Thirdly . —They are more subject to popular vigilant eontrol than any other class . I submit this test in order to secure the dismissal of the traitor the moment that a majority of the committee shall demand it ; while there could not be a better guarantee for the seat of the representative , as long as he acted honestly , as in such case the Observation Com mittee flare not demand the resignation of his trust .

      Now , my countrymen , when you reflect upon the fact that Parliament invariably selects the commencement of a session for the enactment of coercive measures , and that the same Parliament as invariably resists coercion and talks of remedial measures as dissolution approaches , you will see the value of this ingredient in my prescription , I would , then , demand the following pledges from every candidate asking popular support : — "JI do _solemly swear and declare that I will not accept myself , or solicit for another , place , pension , emolument , or patronage , from any Government that rules the destinies of Ireland in a foreign land .

      " That I will not court the favour of any man in power , nor will I dine at the table with any minister or ministerial official , until my country is freed from the foreign voke . "That I will take my " seat in the English House of Commons upon the first day of the Session , all other business being laid aside , and that I will there fight the battles of my country without reference to party interests or political factions .

      " That I will * support every . measure which promises the slightest advantage to Ireland ; while , upon all questions upon which the fate of an administration depends , if benefit to Ireland should not be involved , I will give my vote against the ! _existing Government , from a

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      firm conviction that a united band of fifty , or even forty , UNITED IRISHMEN , acting upon the obstructive principle , would hold the balance of power in the Senate House . " Now I proclaim to you , my countrymen , and to the world , once again , that I would expect more from seven parliaments elected by the present constituency within seven years , than l would expect from a seven years' parliament elected by Universal Suffrage , and for the reasons I have before assigned .

      Now shall I be told that any portion of my machinery is complicated , or that , any one of my terms is even rigid I Shall I be told that it is a haitdship t o demand of the trustee a restoration of that trust which he has failed to execute according to the terms on which it was granted ? Shall I be told that a place-hunter and beggar of patronage is a fit and proper representative of a nation whose liberties are now handed over to the keeping of one man ? Or , Shall I be told that : it is a / hardship to deny the Irish _representative a feed at the luxurious

      table of the tempter , while s whole nation is in hourly dread of famine . . / _'' . ' If any shall be bold enough to advance _, such an argument , I can only say for myself , thaV I would rather , much rather , live upon an equality with a tiationof comfortable _peasants than live in splendour , _sumptuousnesa , and affluence , gleaned from the parings of their poor board . Irishmen , there is nothing in what I propose that can be distasteful to the honest representative , and Ireland needs none other .

      In thirteen years you have seen your Repeal ranks dwindle down from forty-two to twentyfive ; while twelve years' of out-door agitation has taken place , and one year of MONSTER excitement , when vows for Ireland and Repeal were offered up which must hare made the God of Justice smile , And within that period , if you would discover the deficiency , you will find it made up of placemen and pensioners , sopped off by the Government that has given YOU Coercion in return for your representatives' prostitution .

      Mark now what I am about to enforce ; it is this—that so long as Repeal was the simple g uarantee of fitness , the pledged Repealer remained untested during three whole parliaments . The parliament that sat from 1835 to 1837 ; the parliament that sat from 1837 to 1841 ; and the parliament that sat from 1841 to 1847 . And those pledged Repealers held themselves free to act upon all other questions , the Irish people making the question of Repeal the one that absorbed all others .

      Upon the other hand , by the adoption of annual parliaments , yon hold your representatives in proper check upon all great questions . Indeed , I have been taken to task by both parties for testing the fledglings so early , both by old Irelanders and young Irelanders . Mr _M'Gse , of the Young Ireland party , says— "I do not blame the mover of the Committee ot Inquiry into the Union—though he might have shown more consideration for Ireland than to drag our undisciplined levies into the field on a fortnight's notice . " I shall answer this remark by asking , a simple question . If the Irish levies were undisciplined after thirteen years' drilling and training , how many centuries would it require to prepare them for action ?

      Of a truth , I never heard more absurd rubbish than has heen written upon the expediency of my motion . Why , my countrymen , the very scampering of the rats proves the absolute necessity of testing them at the earliest possible period , in order that the Irish people may know , their friends from their enemies . If I had not tested them thus early , those who voted for Coercion would have deluded the Irish Repealers with the delusion that the insurgent ?) who alone _wereto be put down by the Coercion Bill , were the greatest enemies of Ireland and Repeal ; that they voted for

      Coercion because they were sincere Repealers ; and that they acted upon the maxim that— " The man who commits a crime is Ireland ' s greatest enemy . " I tell you more , that , as long as I have a seat in Parliament , I will take the first opportunity in each session of having a discussion upon Repeal , and will resist every infraction of the constitution until there shall be equal security for the life and property of the poor man , as for the life and property of the rich man ; as I never will recognise , any distinction in these respects , between the monarch on the throne and the poorest subject in the land .

      In conclusion , my Countrymen , you must cease to revile your English brethren , who are your best , your bravest , and most consistent friends . You must adopt the Land Plan in Ireland , and believe me , that one thousand virtuous , moral , industrious , and peace-loving Tipperary men , located in their own ca 6 tles , each standing in the centre of the husbandman's labour field , would create an agitation in Ireland , which no foreign invader could suppress until industry was set free , and every bloody statute was erased from England ' s bloody code ; when crime would be branded as sin , when its causes were removed , and when

      every honest labourer would cheerfully join in the pursuit of the criminal , without being compelled by Act of Parliament , because each would then have an interest in the preservation of peace . In the name of God , then , my Countrymen , discard your every dissension , fling your every causejof difference to the wind ; and if the terms "OldIreland'' and _« Young Ireland " threaten to perpetuate that strife which desolates the land , let all call themselves" Irish Repealers /' and under that defined and distinct appellation , let all contend for fatherland , vowing to sacrifice life itself rather than abandon the pursuit of liberty .

      Willing to take every one of the above pledges as the test of my fitness to represent even an English constituency , and holding fast by the _immutable principle , that the cause of justice is the cause of God , and that Ireland is my country though the world is my republic , I remain , fellow countrymen , Your sincere , devoted , and unpurchaseable friend , Fearchjs O'Connor .

      The Metropolitan Delegate Commitit / > 2...

      THE _METROPOLITAN DELEGATE COMMITIT _/ > _^ fev / THR _METROPOLITAN DELEGATE _COMMIT .

      Had Not Been Represente ' D In Parliamen...

      * ' AND NATIONAL TliDES' JOURNAL . : .-VOL- XI . NO 532- _LONDON , SATURDAY , JANUARY L m _& _* aMJE ™ : j *™ e '«» ¦ ~ - 3 ; ¦ . . . * _2 _ * Five e & _ilKiigs aud _SixpeMce per _Qcraflflf I _! ' ' ' " . "'¦ ••' ¦ •'¦ : , " _"'" T" ,. .. ¦ . ¦

      Grebmyich And Dkpiford —At The Chartist ...

      _Grebmyich and Dkpiford —At the Chartist meeting at 39 , Butcher-row , Deptford , on December 26 ttl , Mr Floyd in the chair , Mr _Hawes opened the adjourned discussion , and made some very appropriate _remarkfjas to the probable results of the enactment cf the People ' s Charter , and the abolition of Class legislation . Messrs Gibson , Morgan , and other gentlemen , spoke in the same strain . Mr llawes cou d not see that the Charter would he of such vital importance . He ( Mr _liawea ) did not _staDd between man and his franchise ; he considered that it was his natural right , but he could not see that the Charter would set the Thames on fire , or alter the social condition of the people . He thought we ought to reform ourselves and neighbours , and BO commence a social reform . He should lika to go for one thing at a time . The first important step was Sanitary Reform . After a few remarks from the chairman , the discussion closed .

      Camberweu- and _WALWORTH _. _—The members of tho National Charter Association and National Land _Comp-iny residing in this district , are informed that the meetings will be in future held every Monday evening at eight o ' clock , at the True Temperance Coffee-house , No . 10 , East-street , Walworth . The members of the Land Company ara informed that all levies and local expenses must be paid on or before the 10 th instant . John Simpson , sub-secretary . Tint _Wbsi _Rjdiko Delegate Mbetinq will be held at Butterworth ' _s Buildings , Bradford , on Sunday , January 2 nd , at _half-pasUwelve o'clock . •

      The Metropolitan Delegate Committee To T...

      _TEE TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON . FjUBNB 8 . —Hawng been appointed by you to take steps to disseminate among the people a knowledge of the true principles of political justice ,, and to adopt eTcry available means for accelerating the progress of the Chartist movement , we feel : it our duty on this occasion thus briefly to address you _. Since the memorable year 1839 , there never was _a . more favourable moment than the present for a recommencement of the struggle for liberty . In whatever direction we turn our eyes , the direful

      resuhs of blundering Whig and Tory legislation are _discorered ; whatever class of the cororonity we scan , or interest we examine , we find proof _multi . plied upon proof , of tho utter incompetency ot those who have u & urped authority over us . The rottenness and iniquity of the present system are demonstrated by the appalling fact that , in a land abounding with the triumphs of science , the adornments of art , and the riches of nature , misery almost indescribable is made the destiny of the greatest and worthiest portion of its people . If you turn your eyes to Ireland , you are almost petrified at the torpid mass of misery arid slavery that caver Us surface . This unfortunate Island has been for

      _oeatunes the footstool of despots , the sport of factions , and the prey of robbers . It is at the present moment the focus of every misfortune—the victim of . every wrong , and in the depth of its sorrow it is mocKed by Whig quackery and imbecility . The ; renovation of its social state is imperiously demanded by justice , and the first measure introduced to realise this object , by our sages , is a Coercion Bill . Such is the Whig mode of awarding justice to Ireland . So long , Friends , as the present iniquitous system _endureg , ( and it only endures , by the people ' s tolerance ) these direful and damning cons ' e ' _qnences ' will blast the de | _tinies ofjhose subject-to _itfebale _^ ful - operations . _^ To _puj an end ; to '' this system , should be auolyject dear to . _thelie & rt of . every ho . 1

      nest mart—td _^ ruggle for its annihilationis & _ser- ; vice the _tnos _^ valuable he-tan render to hw cotvn | j _$ ! _j ' k Nowis ; the ;* ime t _» raise the ! _s 6 fema > _vM _^ _gf _$ _&^ i _|^ € tion , and -J » t its _spuLanimaiing " _prfM _^ anal _^ _ilSkm " . !¦( to Whiggery and Toryiap _*—Jd _||' c _# Vpo 1 iticaV _& _g , ¦ - social , to - _man—Thf _$ _t _? rfer _atfoTno' Burr _& i _# _8 v- > We . trust that every _ChartiBt will henceforth be found at his locality meetings , communing with his brothers , and placing his shoulder to the wheel of progression , for these are times not for apathy or inaction , but , in the forcible language of the immortal politician ; " They are times to try men ' s souls . " You may rest assured of our untiring devotion to that cause , to promote which this body was called into existence .

      Friends , we have now briefly to hring before your notice a project which , if carried out , will not fail tc give strength and stability to Metropolitan agitation . We have always been unfortunately destitute of a central place of meeting—this desideratum should be immediately supplied . We are unanimous in the opinion , that were the Democrats of London in possession of a commodious central Hall to be used for lectures , public meetings , & c , that incalculable benefit would accrue therefrom to the cause . We do not decry small local meetings periodically held , neither would we advise their discontinuance ; but our conviction is , that they are not calculated to affect the public mind to that extent which would ensure success for the labours of the people ' s friends ,

      We propose to obtain a Hall worthy the cause to which it is to be devoted a Hall in which our principles shall be promulgated in all their sublimity and purity , and vindicated from the calumnies and misrepresentations of the prostitute Whig and Tory press . We cherish hopes of seeing every Charti & t in London a shareholder in the proposed Hall ; for the necessity and value of such an acquisition must be admitted upon all hands . Let no man say that it cannot be done , we affirm that it can—and more than this , for we are determined to do it .

      We call upon you to emulate the conduct of the people of Oldham : ther , to their honour , have erected a noble structure capable of holding 400 f > persons . The Chartists of Leeds have a Hafi'in the greatest thoroughfare of that town , which will hold between two and three thousand persons ; while the sterling men of Manchester have bought ground , and on it built a beautiful edifice which will hold 2000 persons . Up , then , men of London , you know something now of the power of union and the concentration of means : every party in the metropolis have their Halls but you-, remain no longer _iu the hack ground but to the work with vigour , and rely / upon ; it , , ! ttati the day is hot far off . when you ; will haver the pleasure of consecrating a splendid public edifice ; io the holy _catjse of Democracy .

      Pltospecttjs Of A Plan For Raising A Met...

      _PltOSPECTTJS OF A PLAN FOR RAISING A METROPOLITAN DEMOCRATIC HALL . Capital £ 5000 .. In 10 , 000 Shares of Ten Shillings each , Treasurer—F . O'Connor , E _« q ., M . P . Sub . Treasurer—Mr . P . M'Grath . Bankers . —The _National Land and Labour Bank . Committee of Management . William Cuffay , Thomas Clark , John Sewell , E . Stallwood . John Shaw , J . Allnut , Julian Harney , _Messrs . _Iiucas , Me _. Grath , _Dovle , Dixoa , Tapp , _Grasby , Rogers , Browerton . Milne , Iviag .

      Secretary—Mr . James Grassby . Rales , 1 . —That the shares to each individual be unlimited . 2 . —That each Shareholder be entitled to one vote in all nutters connected with the obtaining of the Hall . 3 . —That the deposit upon each share beone Shilling , Sixpence of which shall be appropriated to create an Expense Fund , from which to defray incidental expenses ; Sixpence per share shall be paid annually to Bupport the Expense Fund . i—That six months be allowed for the payment of shares . Persons not paying within that period , unless prevented by illness , or want of employment , to forfeit their subscriptions . James _Gras 9 Bv , Secretary .

      The Repeal. Feargus O'Connor And John Oc...

      THE REPEAL . Feargus O'Connor and John _OConneu ,. That pusillanimous , cowardly thing , and bullying ' withal , called the Nation , publishes at the bottom of the sixth column , a cunning little ambiguous paragraph , purporting to be an extract from , or to refer to another column for Mr O'Connor ' s address to the Irish people . The address is not in the _Nation Perhaps , in the estimation of " the greasy little broguemaker , it would take up too much space . But that excuse will not satisfy the subscribers on the present occasion , because three columns are occupied with a _rigmarole & Wit _ow 6 William Molyneux _, in which no one takes the slightest interest at present .

      Now , Mr C . G . Duffy , a word m your car , if you please : do not imagine for a moment that you are in Belfast , where it was profitable for the Vindicator , agreeable to yourself , and pleasant to the imbecile Liberator , to publish every little Whig lie that you could lay hold of against the character of Mr O ' Connor and the principles ot the People's Charter . While at the same time you had the audacity to publish as your own every historical fact you could filch from the columns of the Northern Star , a paper which you affected to despise . Out upon such trickery . It is sure to have an ignominious end . PHTER PEPrER . Dublin , 24 th Dec . 1847 . P . S .-As I reside here in Dublin , I shall fed it my duty to Pepper tin ' s little Trickster .

      What did the creature say , think ye ? Why , indeed , that the articles about . thelrish Catholic Clergy were very fair while Mr Hill was the editor , but now , since Feargus O'Connor became editor , they were disgusting . The poor devil did not know that those papers about the Irish Priesthood were written by Mr O'Connor . _P-P .

      Manchester.—The Annual General Meeting O...

      _Manchester . —The annual general meeting of the shareholders of the People ' s Institute , on Tuesday Erening , January y . h , for the purpose of receiving he accounts and electing a new directory __ Krndai ,. —Chartist Committee Room , Golden Chair-yard , Highgatc : Mr William Thomas continues to deliver lectures on Sunday _evesings , in the above room , to a fall attendance of members and friends . Ho has taken for . his subjects the Land , the Charter , aud the Coercion Bill . His lectures are exceedingly argumentative and eloquent , and excite much enthusiasm . The Land members aro increasing , and , thanks to Mr ThpmaB , tho cause of Chartism bids fair to flourish in this town .

      _Sourn London CnAnnsT IIau ,. —M | _Stallwoofl will lecture in the above Hall on Sunday evening next , January 2 nd , at eight o clock . Subject : ' _Progre- _'Sion ; tho Charter , the Land , & o . A share " holders' meeting of the Hall will take place on Moaday evening next , _January 3 rd , at eight o'clock . Elund _, — Messrs Rushton and Hooaon will addrw tho Chartists of this place , oh Sunday * January 2 ndi at six g ' ciook in the evening . - ¦¦¦¦ '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 1, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_01011848/page/1/