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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st June 1850, Edition 3 of 3, Page 2, • FRANCE. THE ELECTORAL BILL. Oa Wednesd...

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      • France. The Electoral Bill. Oa Wednesd...

      • FRANCE . THE ELECTORAL BILL . Oa Wednesday the principal speaker was M . Montalembert , who , of course , spoke in support of the bill . —We are reproached with" violating the Constitution , and with attacking universal suffrage As to the violation of the Constitution , I stand here , the second of the seventeen members who prepared the bill , to give to that affirmation an energetic , conscientious , and complete contradiction . Ho , we have not aimed at violating the Constitution . Had that been our design , we are the sort of men who would l » ve at once declared H . Bat such certainly was altogether remote from our intention , as will " he

      demonstrated to yon when the _article are under discussion . On the centrary , we entered on the preparation of the bill with the firm _determination to respect both the spirit and letter of the Constitution , and in the same frame of mind did we complete our task .. We desired to go as far as the Constitution would permit us , but no further . I may evea add that perhaps we hive respected it too ouch , and that if our till is open to objection in any respect , or , in other words , if it is inefficient , the reason is that we have bowed so humbly before the

      fatal trammels of the Constitution . ( Movement . ) I say fatal , because we have respected them ; had we not done so , they would be of no avail . Having said so , I proceed to discuss this question of the violation of _the-Constitution , which has been the pretext of tbe constant attacks made against society daring the _paat year . lam so much the more" casein this discussion that I voted against the _Constitntion , for I had ray doubts that it was so perfect a 3 Hsframers fondly represented it —( laughter ) —but ! hasten to declare that that act of mine

      by no means liberates me from the obligation of obeying : it ; I leave that theory of disobeying a law which on 9 has not voted to the Republicans of the veiUe , ' and to those old conspirators whom the revolution of February has caused fo surge up . from the depths of their concealment . After an attack upon "Victor Hugo , who was absent , thespeaker continued—For my part I take the Constitution for . what it is—the fundamental law of the country . I am its subject , you are its friends ; but I cannot lielp remarking tbat yen , its friends , render its life a very hard one . ( Loud laughter . ) You do so In the first place by permitting Socialism to take it as its' ensign , and next by constantly

      representing it as being violated , or on the eve of being so . I say that it is childish and shameful . The violation of a Constitution is not discussed , it is felr . I repeat that such conduct is puerile and ri _diculous . It reminds one of the silly shepherd who kept crying'Wolf ! wolf ! ' so that when the real wolf arrived —( prolonged laughter and approbation ) —no one came to his assistance—no one ran to the aid of the lying and cowardly shepherd . I have often asked _Eyself how I should proceed to destroy the Constitution , if everscchan idea should enter my mind ; and 1 am compelled to avow that , after mature reflection , I decided that I should do precisely what its defenders have done—render it at

      once ridiculous and odious . As they have done , I would represent it as a sort of vestal to produce mirih whosemock-modesty would be the laughing stock of the public ways and of nations . ( Loud laughter and applause . ) I would make it odious in this manner : I would interfere , Constitution in Laud , in every question . which interests the honour and prosperity of France , and I would say , ' You cannot do that . ' Thus I would have said , ' You cannot go to Rome to re-establish the influence of France , the Constitution is opposed to it ; you cannot regulate the right of meeting , it is contrary to the Constitution ; you cae ' aot put an end to the

      scandals ef Prussia , the Constitution is opposed to it ; you cannot , for the same reason , modify the electoral law . ' Between the country and honour , between her and her welfare , I would always place the Constitution . That is the plan I would pursue . ( Renewed applause . ) I would always place the Constitution between tbe country and its dignity , like a barrier , or like an abyss . ( Sensation . ) This is the conduct I would pursue if I had at heart to destroy the Constitution . But there is another thing which I should not have imagined , and tbat is , to make the Constitution the pretext to organise tbe right of insurrection in the country . For the last month , insurrection and civil war have been discussed as if

      it were the programme of a fete . ( Sensation . ) This is the regime to which society has been sobected . I know of no example in history of such a state of things . I say that His incompatible with social nature , and that it carries us back to a state of barbarism . I know of only one _government which can bear analogy with such a state of things , -and that is the government of the Dey of Algiers rising on the body of its strangled predecessors . I repeat that it wonld lead us into the path of tbe most atrocious barbarism . What is ( he difference between our adversaries and ourselves ? We say that the Constitution ought to be compatible with the interests and ihe honour of the country ; you say

      that it » incompatible with social life _snd with the grandeur of tbe country . That Constitution , nevertheless , recognises anterior rights , and certainly the first of rights is to give life to society . It is , therefore , necessary to make war on Socialism by every means —( Cries of 'Yes , yes ! ' )—by every means which the law allows . ( Yes . ye 3 !) I say that it is necessary to undertake against Socialism , which is devouring us , a Roman expedition at home . ( Loud applanse on the Right , and violent exclamations on the Left . ) In tbe same manner that an expedition was _undertake to Rome _sgaiust a Republic with which it was wished to unite our re . _sponsibinty , should an expedition he entered on at home against Socialism , in order to wove that it

      has nothing m common with the Republic . ( Hear , hear . ) The position is so much the same that the cry is now raised about a violation of the Constitution , as it was at the period of . the Roman expedition . The same accusations are brought forward which it was then wished to follow up by _acorn-Tatncemcut oi execution ; ihe same has been wished at the present time , but those who advocated it have shrunk from it . With regard to the expedition to Rome , there were three paths to be pursuedneutrality , complicity , or hostility . Neutrality would have been tbe abdication of tbe influence of France ; complicity would have been disgraceful , for we should have assumed the'joint responsibility of a revolution which was inaugurated by assassination .

      On the Left : You know very well that that is false . ' On the Right : Yes , yes ! Assassination ! M . de Mootalembeet : War was made by France against the Roman Republic . God bless the undertaking , and on several occasions 450 votes in this Assembly have sanctioned it . You are in precisely tbe same situation against Socialism at home . Neutrality is deatb . If you cross your arms you may as well make your will , but that will be of little use , for your he _^ rs will tear it . Complicity 13 disgraceful , for Socialism dishonours the Republic . There only then remains for us war ; war carried on energetically , and by every means . M . Lagrasgb here again rose , and endeavoured to speak , but was pacified by M . de Lamartine .

      M . de Montalembert : In acting _tcus , we shall continue our campaign of the daysi ' of 7 une ; 1848 , that campaign which was so well and so energetically conducted by General Cavaignac . We have now the same enemies under the same flag . I regret to have heard General Cavaignac—I am anxious not to say anything unpleasant to the hon . general , but he must allow me to ask him , and history will oncrfay pat tbe same question to him —where are now " those men whom he fought against , whom he chastised , whom he pulverised , whom he transported ? Where are they ? They are at his side ! ( Sensation . ) He will " vote with them to-morrow against us . It is the 3 ame combat .

      against the same enemy , who besiege tbe same citadel , bnt who have recourse to another tactic , and conspire against society in making use ef the Constitution in the guise of barricades . They thought they had hemmed us in their _circumvallatiorw , but they have left us one issue—that of domicile . It is our duty to avail eureelves of it . ( Murmurs on the Left . ) Offer up your vows tbat we may prove that the Constitution is compatible with the salvation of society ; for if it were shown that the Constitution is , as the Socialists state , tbe arsenal and the prelude of anarchy , there is no law ia tbe world that could condemn society to death . It _jvould be its death warrant to condemn it to

      Socialism . ( Ironical laughter on the Left . ) The day on which that shall be shown they will be only madmen or wretches who will take part for tbe Constitution against society . ( Loud applause . ) I shall be the first to aay that it is paramount to save society . ( H .-tr . _) The meat accredited tr _* in cf Socialism says :- « From electoral reform arose the republic ; in the same way , from _nniveraal suffrage will come social reform . ' SociaL reform'is Socialism ; , This is the affirmation of our adversaries . If auch be the case , it ia a duty form to prove that : r - •' - » - - - ' ; = J t _.- .

      • France. The Electoral Bill. Oa Wednesd...

      universal suffrage does not lead to Socialism ; it is a duty for us to correct , to warn , and to enlighten universal suffrage . We propose to render universal suffrage better by substituting sincere for factitious majorities ; by having electors who have some room in society instead of wandering ones . In doing this ; we falsify none of our previous acts . If there are hy chance men who consider themselves injured , and unjustly deprived of a risbt , do you know ot whom they ought to complain ? It » »>* of us » bat of those who have dishonoured and profaned universal suffrage ; it is of those who , in the _conclave-since that appellation has been borrowed from the church , from tbat habit of sacrilege which those whoin

      characterises revolutionists-it w of , his conclave , and in the clubs , have made an _anoloar for Robespierre , for Marat , and those names which are abominable in our history . ( Sensation . ) There is in the minority a minority wbich performs its self-assigned duty with energy , and sometimes with frankness—that duty is to destroy society . We , on the other handy have the duty imposed on us bf saving it ; and I ask myself if we have done our duty with tbe same energy . Believe me that we have not a moment to spare . If there are men in this majority , men who resign themselves to the triumph of our adversaries in 1852—to tbe triumph of Socialism—why not decide on finishing the matter at once ? You know what was the custom

      in tbe middle ages : when tbe defenders of a citadel were determined to hold out to the death , they placed the keys on the end of a pike , and threw them into the quarters of the assailants . That is better than to perish hy a slow -death , which would have no other advantage than to be an end without fiae phrases . If you will not either render at discretion or die , _yeu must no longer remain ou the defensive ; you must assume the offensive , and

      attack ! ( Loud applause . ) You must force the enemy from the positions which it has gained—you must prevent the laws of the land from becoming the arsenal and lurking-place of that monster , Socialism , which will thence fall on society to devour it ! ( Laughter on the Mountain . ) We have in our favour right and strength , numbers and courage ; but have we time ? No ; time is against us . We have already lived a year ; in six months we shall have turned the hill and commenced our

      downward passage . But for an Assembly which has not , perhaps , done all tbat was expected from it , the period of its wane is a time of death . tbroes . Oar dissolution will , in fact , be forestalled , and before we shall have finished our legalterm we shall , like the Constituent Assembly , find ourselves squeezed flat between the party which desires the ruin of society and that other which will reproach us with not having been energetic enough in the fulfilment of our mandate . I repeat to you , therefore , that we have no time to lose . A final word relative to the men who have received the _appellation of tbe seventeen ! We have been told in a democratic journal—and without any contradiction or retraction being made to the declaration—that our heads—of us , the seventeen—are devoted to the infernal gods of the revolution ! ( Sensation . ) On the Left : What does tbat prove ?

      M . de Montalembert : The history of the high deeds of your ancestors proves clearly enough what it means ! Can we forget the scaffold of the Revolution ? Are we not acquainted with the democratic dagger which assassinated Rossi ? Well , then , tbe fate so threatened , I accept ! Yes , I prefer it a thousand times to the contempt which , amongst posterity , will hang on the memory of those men whom France charged to place her in safety , but who failed in that sacred duty—those men who , through pusillanimity , will have left France abandoned to the shame , the servitude , the barbarism , which Socialism is' preparing for us . ( Tremendous cheering :, which lasted some time . )

      Great agitation followed this speech . General Cavaignac at once hurried to the tribune , but he was obliged to remain standing there for ten minutes at least before the sitting could proceed . General Cavaignac : The Hon . M . de Montalembert commenced his speech by passing an _eulogium on me . After having beard his speech , I am entitled to say that I was right in receiving that praise only . with mistrust ; I expected it to be followed by a censure . Once for all , what is the

      meaning of those reminiscences incessantly renewed in the tribune- ? There is nothing in what I say , or in what I think , which tends to make me obtain in the Socialist party , t _» wbich I do not belong , a false popularity . It is not my fault if you have now placed right on the side of your adversaries . It had been said that I had changed my part and my opinion , but tbat is not the case j I do now what I did in June 1848 ; I then defended universal suffrage as I do at the present time ; such has always been my course of acting .

      M . E . Arago declared tbat he was opposed to the bill , and then , proceeding to criticise the speech of M . de Montalembert , he affirmed tbat tbat gentleman desired to bring on civil war . ( Loud exclamations ; marks of denial . ) The President , to M . £ . Arago : You have no right to use such language . M . E . Arago : I am then prevented from _exposing my sentiments . ( 'Oh , oh , ' and laughter . ) Has not M . de Montalembert said , ' Let us wage the war of Rome at home ?' On the Left : Yes , yes . A Voice on the Right : That means that Socialism must be put down by every legal means . M . £ . Arago : Did General _Oudinot wage war on tbe Romans with the laws ? '

      The President : M . Arago , you are travestying the words and intentions of M . de Montalembert . From tbe Mountiin : No , no ; we protest . The President : You have gone beyond the right ofthe tribune , M . Arago . You ought to regret your words . For my part , I condemn them absolutely . ( Hear , hear . ) MM . Madaud , Baudik , and others : He is quite right ! He is quite right ! The President : You can do nothing but interrupt .

      M . E . Arago : I ask for nothing better than to interpret in a different manner the words of M . de Montalembert ; but it is impossible to look on bis language as tbat of conciliation . ( Applause on tbe Left . ) M . de Montalembert , too , appears to me to have a strange mode of respecting the Constitution , when he declares that he submits to it , but tbat he considers it detestable . The sovereignly of the people is a principle large enough to brave all efforts . Whatever may be the attacks made on the Constitution , the people will despise them , because it knows that it is eternal , and that you can exist only for a day ! The sitting was brought to a close at a quarter past six . Thursday , Mat 23 .

      M . _Dupm , sen ., the President , took the chair at half-past one . The public tribunes were by no means so crowded as on the preceding days . Petitions against the Electoral Reform Bill were presented by'MM . Ceyras _, Lagarde , Armand ( du Var , ) Mathe , Bourzat , Sauteyra , Rigal , Lamarque , Sommier , Laclaudure , Dupont , ( de Bussac , ) E . Arago , Aubry , ( Du Nord , ) Versigny , Testelin , Madier de Monfjau , Pascal Duprat , Charras _, & c . The order of tbe day was the adjourned discussion on " the _ElecTorfl Reform Bill . - ¦' Tbe President : M . Victor Hugo has expressed a wish to address the Assembly . ( Ah , ah . ) A Voice : He bas had time to commit bis speech to memory .

      M . Victor Hugo : I desire to say a few words in reference to what fell yesterday from M . de Montalembert , and the day before from M . J . de _Lasteyrie ; and in doing so I cannot hut express my regret at being obliged to introduce any personal matter across the grave question which we discuss . I might leave aside altogether the attacks , so full of passion , which were made on me by the two gentlemen whom I have just named , * they are . of a nature only to excite a smile . ( Oh , oh . ) General Cavaignac nobly replied yesterday to those made on him ; but as the attacks on me touch my honour

      nearly , I will reply te thtm in the most direct manner . ( Movement . ) I have been accused of having been the enthusiastic panegyrist of various governments , of having opinions essentially changing in their nature , and of being now inconsistent with my former lite . If this accusation refers to language in praise of monarchy , uttered many years back , 1 might dispense with replying to the charge , further than by declaring that it proceeded from feelings of the most pure , and candid nature , and was an emanation of my infancy . ( Loud laughter on the Right , responded to by cheers on the Left ; long interruption . )

      On the Right : You cannot deny the charge . On the Left : How many governments have you _erer , then , betrayed ? ( Agitation . ) M . V . Hugo . : I say , then , that if the allusion is . to such language and to such times , the whole matt » r is a puerility , ! and-merits no further notice .- ( pb _, oh . ) But if the gentlemen of whom I speak allude to the opinions of the m _? n , and not of the child ,

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      this is my reply—( marks of deep attention ) -1 deliver to the most searching scrutiny of my opponents everything tbat I have said or written since 1827—that is three and twenty years ago-and I defy them to show me one expression that can bear out their accusation . ( Applause pn the Left . ) I defy them to produce one page , or idea , or word , in my whole career of manhood , that can in the slightest degree contradict what I have expressed in these latter times . ( Loud cheers on the Left . ) If you do not accept this challenge I tell you that you must recoil under the pressure of an unfounded _accusation , ( Great agitation . ) Further , I declare , once for all , tbat henceforward , after this day , I will hot

      reply to the attacks made on me with the utmost disdain—I shall leave them to the appreciation of the public . ( Agitation . ) M . de Montalembert has said I have flattered and denied every government . I summons him to come forward and state in what instances I have done so . Was it Charles X . ? I have honoured his exile and paid respect to his tomb ! Was it the Duchess of Berri ? I branded with reprobation the seller , and condemned the buyer , in her transaction . Was it the Emperor Napoleon ? It was I who moved in the Chamber of Peers for the re-admission of his family into France

      —of that family by whom M . de Montalembert and his friends were loaded with benefits . ( Loud cheers on the Left . ) Was it the Duchess of Orleans ? On February 24 th , 1848 , at two in tbe afternoon , on the Place de la Bastille , I spoke to 30 , 000 persons in most eulogistic terms of that most excellent lady . I am , in fact , a strange man . I have taken many oathB , and kept them all . But perhaps tbe reproach thrown on me is tbat I am in favour of the Republic . Yet , no ; that can scarcely be brought forward as ~ a crime . At all events , I can fling back the reproach of abandoning opinions , and say to M . de Montalembert . that the colours 1 'which he has abandoned are

      those of Poland and of liberty ? ( Hear , hear . ) One word more : M . de Montalembert has alleged it against me , as a crime , that I was absent when he was speaking . Voices : Yes , yes ; you always are so . M . V . Hugo : Yes , when my chest is shattered with answering the . systematic interruptions to which I am always subjected when I ascend the tribune . ( Loud denial ; agitation . ) . I might well allow M . de Montalembert and M . J . Lasteyrie to cover me with the thunders \ ji their eloquence , for whim I attacked the bill on public instruction , they ; were silent ; when I attacked the transportation bill / they were silent ; when I defended the _application made

      for the amnesty , tbey were silent . ( Loud cheers on the Left . ) But of this they may be certain , when _, ever anything is to be done in favour of democracy 1 am sure to be here . ( Loud applause on the Left . ) M . de Montalembert : I shall not take four and twenty hours to reply to the honourable gentleman . ( Laughter . ) I accused him of having sung the praises of every government , and then proved renegade to it . I repeat the accusation . He sung tbe praises of the restoration ; and the verses exist which he published on the coronation of Charles X ., and on the birth of the Duke de Bordeaux . ( Loud cheers . ) He then sung the _praiseB of the heroes of July , after Charles X . had departed . ( Hear , hear . ) But I will allow some latitude for poetry , and , renouncing that mode of expression , take up the honourable gentleman ' s sober prose . 1 affirm then , without ; fear of

      contradiction , thatM . Victor Hugo uttered language of the most adulatory description relative to Louis Philippe . ( Cheers on the Right . ) Last of all came the Republic ; and the hon . gentleman , it is well known , praised the people in the most enthusiastic manner for having burnt the . throne of Louis Philippe , the throne of him who made the hon . gentleman peer of France . ( Loud cheers . ) The hon . gentleman now imagines tbat be sees in the political horizon the tomingof the people to power , and , with his ordinary prudence , he joins with the leaders of Socialism , in order to afterwards avail himself of its triumph for his own purposes . ( Cheering on the Right ; great agitation . ) He will then celebrate its accession , as he did the coronation of Charles X ,, and breathe forth tbe same incense of praise on the workman , as he did before ou the _crowned Monarch . ( Continued cheering . )

      M . Victor Hugo : I asked for facts , and not for words . ( Oh , oh . ) I defied any one to bring forward a single fact against me , and I do so again . ( Laughter on the Right ; applause on the Left . ) Has the hon . gentleman forgotten his own proclamation to the workmen after 1848 ? ( Loud cheers on the Left . ) He has done a strange thing iu rpeaking of my language as a peer of France ; for the occasion to which- he refers was a secret deliberation that ought not to be made public . ( Movement . ) Since tbat gentleman bas lifted up the veil , I will say that it was when tbe King had been fired at , and when two other members ahd myself desired to have tbe man's life saved . . - > _^ . -

      Tbe President : This incident being terminated , we have now to decide whether the ' . articles , of the Electoral Reform Bill are to be proceeded with . or not . A division has been moved for on the point . The division then took place , and gave the follow _, ing result : — Number of votes 089 Absolute Majority 345 Ayes 402 Noes 227 Majority 235 In consequence , it was decided that tbe discussion on the articles should commence .

      The President : There are thirty-seven amendments in all . The following is the first article : — ' In the twelve days which follow the promulgation of the present law , the electoral list shall be drawn up in each commune by the mayor . ' M . de Lamartine said that he felt it his duty to oppose the present measure . . The motive wbich actuated the committee aud majority in bringing it forward _vas a feeling of impatience . Men found it often difficult to wait for the proper time to act . It was" impatience wbich had produced the attack on tbe Assembly on May 15 th ; led to the insurrection of June * , caused the exile of Charles X ., in 1830 . from his impatience to disconcert the party which he conceived was plotting against him ; and led to the downfall of Louis Philippe , in 1848 , from bis not

      waiting patiently for the proper moment to discover the plans of those who were plotting against him . [ _Afteraspeech in interruption from General Bedeau , M . de Lamartine continued . ] In his opinion the new Electoral Law , besides being destructive of the Republic , would ultimately prove fatal to society and civilisation . He then denounced various acts of the government , denoting their anti-republican tendency , and amongst others the permission granted to the director of one of the theatres to bring out a play entitled Monci , that ideal of traitors . ( ' What did Monck do ? ' inquired a member on the Right . ) M . Lamartine , having satisfied tbe interrupter , told him inconclusion that he would not have dared to ask him such a . question two years ago .. ( ' Bravos ' on the Left ;)

      Friday , May 24 . M . Thiers ascended the tribune , and spoke as follows ' . —Gentlemen , some of the members who have already spoken have summoned me to come forward and state the reasons wbich have produced the present bill . It appears to me that most powerful ; roost decisive ones have been given . Still , I will endeavour also to reply , and , 'to use tbe - _expresssion of a celebrated _Sociallstpj _jrill try to do so by the right line . The object of the bill is this : we are convinced that the danger is real and immense . We would fain say that it was an illusion , that we were maniacs from apprehension , and not men of foresight . I fear ,

      however , tbat the illusion is on the side of our adversaries . It bas been said tbat the bill has originated in the two late elections ; butthat-is not wholly true , though correct to a certain degree I . have never been a convert to universal suffrage ; if , during the last _two years , I have resigned myself to many things , I have never been con ? verted to any . ( Laughter . ) Neither I nor my friends have concealed from ourselves the danger of universal suffrage as it is at present organised . I will examine the two last elections , and see whether the dangers we apprehend are illusions . To begin with that < jf tbe 10 th of March , 1 wilt ask what was the motive for choosing the candidate who was then elected ? I can understand that he was chosen for himself ; but let

      there be no hypocrisy in the matter ; from what motive was be named ? One fact is certain , that M . de Flotte fought in the days of June . On which side ? Was it on the side of General Cavaignac or on the other side of the barricades ? I do not pretend to dictate to democracy whom it should choose , but I have a right to form an opinion of its selection ; I therefore ask my opponents whether they did not select an insurgent of June ? I now come , to the second election '; the whole ef France was astounded , not at the choice of the candidate , but at , Ihe intention wbich f _djbtaterJ , fc \ . I have no right-to . examine into tlie opinions , of ; , M .- Eugene .. Sue ; : whetihe shall have given , them an , official character by stating them from this tribune , then I will sneak , of ; them , -1

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      shall now merely look at the intention which dictated bis election . There were two candidates in presence ; M . Dupont de 1 'Eure , who represented the republican opinion , and M . Eugene Sue , who represented ideas which we consider as subversive , and wbich were much more frankly declared at the electoral meetings than here . ( Murmurs . ) M . Eugene Sue obtained the majority . Twice following did elections take place in Paris , the significance of which was—for the first , the apology of insurrection ; and for the second , the acceptance

      of Socialist doctrines . This must be clear to every one's mind , when they reflect on the cry of triumph raised by our adversaries after each of _ihose elections . ' It has been said that there is no danger to be apprehended , but I have shown you that there was nothing in the two last elections calculated to tranquillise the friends of society . On the Left .: What society ? ( Murmurs . ) _- M . Thiers ' - I speak of -that eternal society which it is not allowable to change . ( Hear , hear . ) ~ On the Left : The society of Jesus ! ( Cries of ' Order . ' order 1 It is disgraceful . ' )

      M . Thiers : In the electoral meetings society and its eternal laws were attacked without shame , and when the question is in this place to resist a law against public danger a very different language is made use of . That is what I call falsehood and hypocrisy . ( Hear , hear , from the Right . ) On the Left : What you now say is a falsehood . ( Order , order . ) M . Thiers : You have allowed yourself to accuse by name the seventeen persons who have prepared the bill ; you have accused them of falsehood , of want of good faith , and of a factious spirit ; and yet I must not say that there is falsehood when in the electoral meetings abominable principles are supported which are disavowed from this tribune .

      ( Sensation . ) M . do Lamartine yesterday defined three elements of Socialism ; allow , me how to explain what are the three kinds of Socialism which I see . Tliero is one whioh is criminal , senseless , and impracticable ; that is Communism , or the agrarian law . That cannot even be attempted . There is a second kind of Socialism , which is neither less criminal nor less impracticable , but which may be commenced ; that is universal association , There is a third . kind , whioh is innocent , which has but one danger ; it has a double face ; it promises much without , but does nothing here . It may , however , become the instrument of the two others . The accessibility tq labour has been talked of ; that is to say , that credit should be placed within the reach of every workman , for capital is an infamy

      which cannot be obtained but'by paying interest for it . It is necessary ; therefore , to disembarrass the people of that infamous capital . ( Laughter . ) For that purpose particular banks must be created , which may give credit to every one with the money of the state . Salary also is a tyranny . ( Murmurs . ) You find that opinion detestable to you—so much the better . I am anxious to . obtain a disavowal , which may serve to enlighten at the next meetings . ( Laughter . ) Salary is therefor © a tyranny ; for when that is done away with it will bring all workmen together , who , instead of being slaves , will be all masters and speculators . What is to be done to accomplish this ? There must bo a general expropriation of all capital . ( Sensation . ) But where is the capital to come from to provide for all this

      enormous expense ? You doubtless imagine that it can all be done by credit ; no , it must be done with a capital which has never been wanting' to democrats , which is unlimited , whioh is made with the stamp of the Republic—with paper money . ( Renewed sensation . ) It is , therefore , the second kind of Socialism which I fear—namely , the general expropriation with paper money . As for the third kind of Socialism , it is nothing , and we defy it to produce anything . Should we in presence of such a danger fold our arras ? Certainly not . I appeal to your reminiscences . I am before men who have never felt themselves compelled to _ rcspect tbe . _con-Btitutions under which they lived , who havo never hesitated to violate them . And why ? To obtain the Republic and advance liberty . In order to

      procure that result they have not hesitated to rebel against the laws of their country , to tear up her Constitution . They have considered it their duty to do so . But if in the presence of a higher interest— that . of tho salvation of society—we had imitated your conduct , if we had torn the Constitution should we have been more blameable than you ? Certainly not . We should have had the same right , and we Bhould . have had a more serious interest . ( Hear , hear . ) Do you think that we want motives for so doing ? . On the contrary , we have been reproached by a great part ofthe country for stopping before legal obstacles . We ave every day asked why we hesitate' before men who made ' a government in February without consulting Franoe . ( Applause on the Right . Murmurs on the Left . ) On the Left : And in 1830 .

      M . Thiers : Wc ave in the presence of men who never respected any law , and who nevertheless have enchained our . future in spite of the tendencies of public opinion , and we are told that it is before such men that we hesitate when the salvation of the country is at stake . ( Sensation . ) Do you know why we did not follow this impulse ? On the Left : You did not dare do it . M . Thiebs : 1 have been told that we dare not . Attempt to violate the laws , and you will see whether we dare not . ( Murmurs . ) Remember this expression , for it is a very serious one . ( Sensation , ) We _, imposed on ourselves the duty to remain faithful to the constitution ; not that our adversaries have set us the example , —( laughter , )—but because we owed it to our party , which always

      respects established governments , and never seeks to destroy but to improve them . We have not violated the constitution , and your charges oh that subject are not better founded than they were on the 13 th of June . It we had not confined ourselves to all the articles of the constitution , we might have obtained many ameliorations , the efficaoy of which could not be contested . The fixing the domicile presents a moral guarantee . A man only possesses all his moral value in the place where he has always resided , under the eyes of his fellow citizens , observed and judged of by them . A man who has no fixed residence has no moral value . ( Hear , hear . ) An outory has been raised at the arbitrary state of dependence in whioh servants

      and workmen will be placed , but why complain of us—did we say that these classes should be electors ? ( _Exclamntions on the Left . ) I see that there are great logicians who do not understand my reasoning ; I must be , therefore , more explanatory with them . Ave not workmen and servants now dependent , on their employers and masters ? But is it the poor man whom we have excluded ? No , it is the vagabond—the vagabond who gains money without having any domicile , and who , on leaving his work , hastens to the wine-shop where he ' _spends what he has earned . These men , having no family , care nothing about a domicile . I look on them as the most dangerous portion of society . It is these men who merit a title always employed in history to imply contempt—the title of multitude . I can very

      well imagine that certain men are unwilling to give up this instrument ; I can conceive that tyrants should put up with them , give them food , sometimes punish them , always despise them ! . ( Sensation and applause . ) But ; for Republicans , to seek out the men of the multitude and defend them —oh I believe me , such persons are fatse Republicans 1 Examine history , and you ' will see that it is the vile multitude that has at all times betrayed and delivered up liberty . It gave it to Csesar for bread and _theCivcensiau games ; and , after having allowed the Emperors to take it , butchered them ! It is this vile multitude that delivered up to . the Medici

      the liberty of . Florence—that , in placid Holland , murdered de Witt and Bayle—who applauded the execution of the Girondists , and afterwards rejoiced at the . merited death of Robespierre I It is this multitude which , after being subjected to the great man who knew it well , in 1815 placed a cord round the neck of his statue to drag it through the mire . (• _Ijproenseapplause . ) . ... .... ; .. M . N . Buonaparte ( from his place ) : I" demand permission to speak . , The President : Not now . You can Bpeak at a later moment . M . N . BuosAPAnTR ( sharply ) : I

      demand—The President : You must not thus interrupt . I call you to order ! M . N . Buonaparte : But , M . le President , when—The President : I call you to order a second time . M . Thiers : Although I never refuse , when in the tribune , to allow any man to make any observation in reference to what I say , yet to-day I shall depart from my usual custom ; for I am unwilling to add to tho affliction ofthe Assembly by contributing to exhibit to it a man who bears tho illustrious name of Napoleon defending such opinions as he professes ! ( Tremendousapplause . ) M . N . Buonapabte ( with great violence ) : I must insist on speaking . ( Interruption . ) Tho President : I consult the Assembly as to whether M , N , Buonaparte ought not te be censured .

      The Assembly , by an immense majority , decided the question in the affirmative . From the Mountain : Let us go away . ( Agitation . ) A considerable number of the members of tho Mountain then left their places . Laughter and applause arose on the Right . Some of the members who had risen then hesitated , and at last resumed places , On the Right : Go , if you please , all of you ! ( Laughter . ) ,

      Some other membors of the Mountain returned to their places in the' midst of laughter . M . N . Buonaparte appeared inthe midst of a group of them gesticulating violently . M . Bertholon descended _urtothe semicircle ; and entered into an alternation _mia a representative near- General _'Changartuer ;

      • France. The Electoral Bill. Oa Wednesd...

      the general spoke to him with animation . A crowd gathered round the spot , and the utmost confusion prevailed . M . N . Buonaparte then approached the tribune , and apparently asked M , Thiers to allow him to speak . That gentleman gave way , descending the steps ofthe tribune , whioh the other gentleman ascended .-M . N . Buonaparte : I have been oalled to order , and even censured '; I can , therefore , according to the regulations address to you an explanation . I was , I confess , carried away by a hasty movement , which I could not master , when I heard M . Thiers say that it was the people . ( Interruption . )

      On the Right : No , no ; he said the multitude ! The President : M . N . Buonaparte haa a right to give his explanation . You would be just as culpable as he has been , if you should interrupt him . M . N . Buonaparte : I admit that I was carried away when 1 heard M . Thiers affirm that it was the multitude who in 1815 , tied a cord to Napoleon ' s statue . So remarkable an historian as he is surely must know that it was the Royalists who did so ( Applause on the Left . ) MM . Favreau , Leo dk Laborde , and de _Tinout protested in the midst of the noise against the assertion .

      M . N . Buonaparte : It was the friends of the Cossacks who tied a cord to the great man ' s neck ; and a man whom I will not mention , but who bears a great name . ( Interruption ; cries on the . Left of ' Name him ! Name him ! ' ) A man who bears a great name was , if I am not mistaken , the first in committing that shameful act . ( Interruption . ) M : Bknoist _d'Azv : The person who did so was named Maubreuil . M , N . Buonaparte : M . Thiers has thought proper to remark on my political opinions . I deny his

      right to . do so ; he was no more entitled to call on me to account for my opinions than I have to interpellate tho gentlemen on the Right in a similar manner . But it is because of the name which I bear that I defend the interests of the people . ( ' Oh , oh ! ' ' Enough , enough ! ' ) And since 1815 has been referred to , I do not hesitate to say that I prefer being on the side of the conquered of Waterloo rather than that of the conquerors . . ( Exclamations on the Right . Applause on the Left . ) A Voice : And your application for a peerage in 1847 ? ...

      The President went over the details of tho incident , and observed that the explanation which had just been given did not seem to him of such a nature as to call for the removal of tho censure ordered by the Assembly . He would again , however , if any hon . gentleman desired it , consult the Assembly on the point . ' ( ' Yes , yes , ' on the Left . ) The Assembly , being consulted , maintained the vote of censure by as great a majority as before . M . Thiers : If I have committed any impropriety in speaking of M . Buonaparte's opinions , he was himself the original cause of my doing so by interrupting me . ( Hear , hear . ) I am of opinion , notwithstanding all the calumnies uttered on the

      subject , that in France there are no conquerors of Waterloo , that there are only the vanquished . ( Hear , hear . ) But , to go back te the point at whioh I had arrived when I was interrupted , I have to remark that the expression which I made use of was not people but multitude—the vile multitude . France regards us , and she knows what is meant by these words people and multitude . It is not the people who set fire to palaces , who butcher men , who overturn statues—oh , no , the people suffer from these crimes of the multitude . It is the real people of tho country districts who suffer and who labour . ( Applause . ) As to us , we desire to give them good laws —( ironical cheers , and laughter

      on the Left ) — and if public repose be troubled the iault will be with you , not with us . France will judge us all ; and I repeat , that it is not the people whom we desire to exclude from voting , but the confused multitude of vagabonds who possess neither' family nor home . ( Loud approbation . ) You tell us that the bill is a provocation ; if you had said a prevision you would have uttered the correct word . I ask you , are there not places where it has been discussed whether war was to be declared on society or not , and by what means that should be effected ? I ask you , if it has not been also discussed whether to refuse taxes would not be preferable ? Is all that true or not ? Answer .

      ( 'Hear , hear , agitation . ) Against these wellknown facts , so afflicting to all good citizens , the government has taken its precautions . The army is ready to do its- duty—its chiefs are energetic and devoted—all is ready if you do not persevere iu a prudent course . Every preparation has been made . In tbafunfortunate society , where the father sees the bread of his children torn from his hands beneath tlie threats of insurrection may be heard these painful words— ' Since blood is to be shed it is as well first as last . ' This expression , however , is not a provocation—it is a cry of despair , the cry of society at its last gasp . It is the strongest accusation against those who have thrown it into such an awfu' _^ situation . ( Long continued cheering . ) The Assembly rose in great agitation at half-past

      seven . Saturday , May 25 . This day , the man whose election on the 10 th of March was one of the main motives of IL Thiers ' _s virulent sallies against democracy , M . de Flotte , made a speech of great parliamentary talent ; its colour and logic strangely contrasted with the fiery vehemence , denouncement , and personality of the Conservatives . After a speeoh of M . Leon Faucher and the rejection of several amendments , the first article of the bill for the reform of the Electoral Law was

      adopted without a division . The following is the article : — ' Art . 1 . Within the thirty days which follow the promulgation of the present law , the electoral list shall be made up by the mayor , assisted by two delegates nominated for each commune by the juge de paix , and domiciled in the canton . The delegates shall have the right of recording their observations on the proces verbal . The proces verbal shall be deposited by the mayor with the electoral list at the office of the secretary of the mayoralty , to be communicated to ail who may require it . ' The discussion on Art . 2 was postponed till Monday . '

      Monday , May 27 . In the sitting of the Legislative Assembly to-day the debate , on the Electoral Bill was re-opened upon tbe second article , which makes domiciliation in tbe canton for three consecutive years a condition of the franchise . M . Pierre Leroux commenced upon this subject the speech which he bad attempted to deliver on Saturday ; but was overwhelmed by the clamours of the Right , who , at last , upon the proposition ofthe president , availed themselves of the regu . lation which permits the house to interdict a mem . ber from speaking , who persists , after having been twice called to the question , in repeating tbe same deviation from the question . M . Dupont de Bussac

      developed an amendment presented by himself and several other members , which , would substitute for the system of the committee the drawing up of a permanent list for three years , of all _citizensol _twenty-one years of age who bad resided for six months in the same commune . M . Leon Faucher opposed this amendment , which , on being put to the vote , was rejected by the Assembly . M . Come then proceeded to develop an amendment which he had presented in concert , with General Cavaignac , Ferdinand de Lasteyrie , and M . Coquerel , proposing that

      the condition of domicile should be established by real habitation in the commune in which the obligation of drawing lots for the recruitment of the army ahd navy had been satisfied , this domicile to be transferable to every commune where the citizen shall have fixed his principal establishment , provided that he make , six months before the revision of the electoral list , the double declaration prescribed by Art . 104 of the Civil Code . This amendment having been opposed by M . _Yatimesnil , was rejected by a considerable majority . M . Larabit proposed six months' domicile .

      This and a series of other amendments were rejected , and the 2 nd article was voted as proposed by the committee by a large majority . The voting was by assis et leve . As this is the most important article the bill may be considered as voted . It is said that MM . Beaumont and Vesin have withdrawn their amendment .

      Tuesday , May 28 . The debate was resumed on the Electoral Law . The discussion opened upon the third article , which relates to the modes of attesting the electoral domicile—namely , by assessment for the personal tax , _highway duty , or the certificate of master or employer . M . Randot opposed the article , MM . Sain and Larabit moved amendments , which were rejected . M . Monuet proposed an amendment tending to admit all kinds of evidence calculated to establish the existence of the principal residence , as required by Article 2 . Nothing can be a better sample of the unfair dealing of the majority than their refusal to discuss M . _Monnet's amendment .

      M . Leon Faucher said that tbe committee opposed the amendment . M . Monnetisa member ofthe _Hers-parti . His amendment drives only at facilitating the proof of three years' domiciliation . There can be only one motive for throwing out such a pro . position , which is to keep in the bauds of the masters and parents oi voters the control over the cer . tificate of domicile which is given them by the bill , and to reduce the number bf voters qualified , as to domiciliatioh , by besetting with as many difficulties as possible the way of attesting the qualification . M . Monnet besought ' the majority not to drive from their side members like himself , who supported their general policy , by manifesting an _unoonciliatorj

      • France. The Electoral Bill. Oa Wednesd...

      and illiberal disposition . A voice _iwTT _^^ plied that doubtful auxiliaries were ZtlX General Lamoriciere . inquired _whl _^ _H porter of : the committee would a » Z ? h „ for rejecting the amendment of Monnet X The committee , then , would give 2 ! ' K _* Baroche said the amendment wan « _tm _« *»» . _tf which had been already rejected . Gen i to ° _C inferred that the amendment was _reim *?* % it was comprehensive . Much had been _«?* _* % necessity of moralising the elector bv rni ' I vote among his neighbours . He and l ? u l _$ accepted tbat object , but could not see hn lti % he impeded by admitting as manv _far-iii _? _** _* sible for establishing the electoral rfl > _»» _ta

      the object was to impose an _obKaatinn \ granting a right , the law was much _Zl _^ S dati _^ . Tbu . for tbe recruitment Zl _^ i were made first on the declarations of _iS _^ or their parents ; but also on _khmJ ,: on 8 W by all sorts of persons . But ££$ _*** _$ rejected in the present instance rnia l «> n 2 M . Berryer replied . Finally , M . Mor , _™ . ment having been put to the vote mi , 5 _N . large majority . The ¦ _aBrtni'SiSft fi _Combarel de Leyval , that the lists aCK _^ should serve for attesting the domic _£ » _* _>} without discussion . Th « _< w „ ... _ ' . "' Kiecbj

      was theu voted by a large majority _^ ° a A 'M Design of the Conspirators ' -n . pondent of the'Daily News , ' writi ' n _* « _T »> i ' says-Tbe eventuality of the Resto ft L _! _1 H _. hitherto loomed _vaguely by _£ S ££ _* £ * _it mind , begins to gather a more deflrX t _n _^ rea bu k . It is known to _moJrfZ _^ « N ing on with a view to the reconcilem _^ , / _*¦ ?• branches of the _BourbonVSc _? Xv \ ° f tbe t ' _» heritedfrom the throne of I _£ ce _^ t T * stood that these negotiations have termi _^ transaction according to wbich Z & ft _« Zsue _l ; _K iv _- r _^ _iWi s _^ SayTh e rSSj _^ _^ _^ _iKfuuiiL

      mo , uunng me tew uav , ... _, „ . "" " 4 are demanded for the _executio _^ _M . Whic ! l Virtually the united BoXS _^ are _^ ad ?„ S ' of the _station . The wielder _AK 5 £ " gamier , , s reported from good sources to befor fe branches under the pact already _mentioned has possibly bis commission , as marshal and i mander-, n-chief , under the restored _mS already , n his pocket . The wielder of the 2 Carher , is supposed _^ be _deveted to the ho' 2 Orleans . But what" you will say . is to hi a riththePresident ? , y ifanyatte _2 t a be _S o treat with him for abdication , and a future ! _tion , an attempt which could scarcely present _* d _, fficulties at a court where the most ardent 3 J

      mints nrp Mmm . _«« _-.: h . . . ** il _« E 2 _< u . _^""" _U _yfoto contact with , head of the state , it has no doubt been underta with a due knowledge of that singular WndS wi h regard to the state oi public opinion 2 still characterises Louis Napoleon as strongly _„ when be braved tbe penalties of desperate eat _« prises . Everybody knows that at this moment tha Napoleonist party in France is reduced to a mere shadow . Yet Louis Napoleon confides so rashly in the magic of bis name , as to believe that , were he to submit the question of his re-election to France to-morrow , he would be returned by nearly _Jhesatnj

      overwhelming majority as before . The most dex . terous negotiator could hardly afifront positively such " a belief with the most splendid offers of wealth and position as a private subject . It is supposed _bw , ever , that the matter has been shown to him _' _atbjij lights , and that hints have been thrown out thai he might do worse than accept tbe princely post of Constable of France , with the appanage oi _hm . bouillet and a million of francs pension . In fact , I understand from a good source , tbat if the Prince . President does not within a certain period close with the offers of the dynastic coalitioB , means will

      be taken to put him in a position which would prove equally ruinous to him in his public or private capacity . The ' _Presse'is being printed by a fresh printer , the old printer having apparently feared the responsibility . M . Girardin is cited be / ore the tribunals for clandestine printing . ( Continued to the seventh page . )

      Ad00208

      AN THE PREVENTION , CURE , AND \ J General character of . SYPHILUS , STUICTURE , Affections of the PROSTRATE GL & . ND , _VENEREMai SCORBUTIC ERUPTIONS of the face and body , Mercurial excitement , & c , followed by a mild , successful and _eiwft tious mode of treatment Thirty-first edition , Illustrated by Twenty-Six Anatomical Engravings on Steel . N « w and improved Edition , enlarged to 196 wo , just published , prict 2 s , 6 d ; or by post , direct from to Establishment , 8 a . 6 d . in postage _starons « THE SILENT FRIEND , " a Medical Work on _TawH and Syphilitic Diseases , Secondary Sprnptoms , Gonorrtea . & c ., with a PRESCRIPTION FOR THEIR PREVENTION ; _phj'Blcal exhaustion , and decay ofthe frame , from the eftecti of . solitary indulgence and the injurious consequences cl the abuse of Mercury ; with Observations on the obligatiooi of JUbruoe , ana directions for obviatui ? certain _disquali

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 1, 1850, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_01061850/page/2/