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TO THE IRISH PEOPLE. „
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VOL. IX . NO. 472- LONDON, SATURDAY, NOY...
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¦ ^ nam MR. FEARGUS O'CONNOR AND IIIS CO...
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TwAinr Jukv.—Some seventy or eighty gent...
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NATIONAL ANTI-PO.OR,LAW PROVlDEiNT li^^i...
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William Vine sentenced to Central Criminal Cmtjt .
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On Monday, William Vine was sentenced to...
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De>tructios of the Garkick liiEATRE.--Be...
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house,.with . thBjWjlole ^ /<. ;::*i^ ,>...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
To The Irish People. „
TO THE IRISH PEOPLE . _„
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... ' -: _** _i 3 _C-. ¦ - ' .- - •¦ -. — _'jiyBeloved Cora _^ en , , _0 i _aIter _^ ' P * _^ " _^ _^* _- _- * _^ _ifon slander and unblushing falsehood would he _strippedofits offensive and destructive power , and _SeSm al pride , conception , and thought would _ysnen nation K' •• _»«^ _fogenuHy , whim , and * " _% _" w _^« n _^ _yeaS l have lived caprice . _? ornow _«« _f a _„^„ nf 5 _„; rneo-- brveand confiding
_peo-^ T _^ nmra generous , a , _*? _- _bV _rouflaberator made me a _presente d _iS _Son fromtbe highest to the lowest has _SaVoured either . ** stifle my voice or misrepresent _factions and motives , yet does the ripening season _^ " discussion and reflection promise to all who have _^ overshadowed by the weeds of ignorance , a ton „ teoiis reward in an abundant harvest of
repentance . Yes , my countrymen , you will have to repent for vour unjust censure of me and many others whose _^ _2 g le for their country ' s liberty has been set aownto hostiU _^ to jour religion , your principles , and vour cause , and if vengeance could find a place m _^ tfie patriot ' s breast , mine would be complete in the proud reflection , that I have no sin , no crime B 0 : trea _^ if a | a _^ justicehas touched yonrhearts / you have much to _afonei"ifor . * My coimtrynien , is there a family upon
this earth that has suffered so much and so disintersstedly forirelandas myfamfly : has , _^ and _^ is there a _^^ ' _^^ _: S _^' _J _Whb _^ ay' _^ uie 1 y . _-firne so much _joai " abuse * and oppression ; as -L have . borne from tie Irish ; i _« _ople-and-their-leader without being betrW _^^ o act ? \ _vlien your betrayers were even hounding you on to assassinate me at Manchester did I avenge the assault by any intemperaie retort , or did I not rather hug my wounds as so many signs of that Tictory which right was one day sure to achieve over might , reason over prejudice , and truth over
falsehood ? In 1841 you would have assassinated me for proclaiming opinions , the _fruth of which you have now learned , and for the right of expressing which you are now stoutly contending . Even those who are now foremost in advocating the right of free discussion have invariably suppressed all mention of that kindly feeling , which amid unmerited and continuous abuse ofthe English people I have succeededinengendering between the people ofthe two
countries . From the establishment of the Northern Stcr to the present moment ( now within one week of nine years ) that journal has not only been the _Tmfhnching and persevering advocate of a Repeal of the Union , hut has been the only journal tbat has dared to grapp le with every act of government niisrule and _individnal oppression ; it has never failed to communicate English reprobation of Irish injustice , while your own press , as if governed by the oppressor ' s rale ,
DIVIDE AND _CONQUER , has systematically withheld- every manu " estation of English sympathy for Ireland , in the hope of widening the gulph which I fondly hoped to bridge over , as if its object was but a mere transfer ofthe exposure of Irish grievances from one set of jugglers to another , prodaiming nationhood to he attainable by a mere loosening ofthe ties of bondage , and asking for a domestic representation of that degrading superiority which cannot fail to preserve all the horrors of gallirg inferiority .
I , as an Irishman , heed not the sentiments of the deserters , Cnarlemont and his middle-class volunteers of 1782 , who sold Ireland when they had enhanced the value of their corruption in the political mart hy raising the price of parliamentary votes , and , consequently , of their own boroughs . We , of theyear _ 1846 , are not to be governed by the opinions of 1782 ; for I tell you , that no power on earth ; save the Irish people , through their own chosen representatives , have a shadow of right to make laws to govern the Irish people . Your jjovernment of _IQ- _^ _Xbro ' _sT _^ Charlemont and the _boroughmdngers , was an
admission of the right divine of Kings to rule and reign , and of hereditary fools to reject , adopt , or alter laws made by the representatives of usurper ' s slaves . I have been before you upon the -question of repeal In 1823 I stated it to be tbe one thing needed for tbe redress of Irish g rievances j and in 13311 contended for Annual Parliaments , Universal Sufi-rage , and Vote by Ballot , as the means of making it complete ; and I heed not now what time-serving scribblers may write , what placehunters may say , what waiters-upon-Providence may think , or how the fastidious may feel , I tell you that as aa Irishman I am for
SEPARATION , which can alone mean and realize NATIONHOOD . Belgium , with less than one-half of Ireland ' s population , is an independent nation ; and Belgium is only separated from Holland by a stream , and from proud Trance hy a tollbar . Switzerland , with not a third of Ireland ' s population , is a nation ; and only separated from France by a landmark , and from Italy by an arch ; while Ireland rocks as a cradle in the midst of ocean , which her usurpers have , from time to time , been compelled to fence , not for native protection , but to maintain a step-mother's sway over her reluctantly-adopted child . I tell you more , that everv sincere Irishman in tbe world means
separation , with the Charter to ensure and perpetuate NATIONHOOD . Talk not to rae of unity of interest , and identity of jnstice , between a conquering and a conquered people living under the same government . Canada has its parliament . Botany Bay bas its parliament ; hut tbe King , Lords , and Commons of England , by their representatives for the time being , have the power of controlling or annulling the Acts of their Parliament ; and , I would ask , can Ireland boast of nationhood upon the grounds that her people are represented at home by usurpers , and abroad by _oreizners ? I say No , a thousand times—No .
Jly countrymen , the first step in the road to liberty is , the schooling of the national mind in the value of the jewel ; the mode of acquiring it , and the means by which it may be preserved . And , now , if you are in truth prepared for sober discussion , let us begin with a consideration of your progress from infancy to old age ; in fact , for tbe whole of a long life of learning , as your Liberator boasts of a fifty years' tuition , the promised result cf which was to be
NATIONHOOD . Isitthen NATIONHOOD to shout , throw up your hats , and applaud , when you are offered as hired murderers ; to shed the blood of your fathers , brothers , friends , and relatives , in a struggle of King , lords , and Commons , against American republicanism , to maintain and preserve the very ascendancy tbat you have been taught to hate , detest , and abhor ?
Is it nationhood to pin you to a declaration of moral force only as a means of achieving your liberty , -while those means have been annually weakened and frittered away , by the sale of counties , cities , and boroughs , ofthe national representation of which you were taught to expect redemption ? Is it nationhood , or even civilization , to coalesce with a base , Woody , aud brutal faction , who bave Sworn to resist to the death your demand for the ° nly thing that you have been taught worth _contendiag for ?
Is it nationhood for the general of a national anny to sell his sons and nephews and brothers-in law and staff io _' tbe enemv in the very hour of that
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weakness which you have been taught to look upon as your opportunity ? Is it nationhood to promise you your country as a reward of your long and patient suffering , and then to carry the begging plate humbly to the Castle-gate or Stranger ' s Lodge for alms to purchase your forbearance ? Is it nationhood to shut the young blood from Ireland ' s heart , that her betrayer may plead its coldness in justification of his own treason ? Is it a nationhood to hnild a temple of liberty with your money aud exclude all expression of your sentiments from it ?
Nationhood means a wall of mind , of blood , bone and sinew around national institutions accepted by the whole people , and for their safeguard you have been taught to substitute the ' dictates of an autocrat : _-iV . -- ' _..-. _- ¦ -- ' ' .-Is it nationhood to throw theapple of discord into your' own camp , when the very contingency you were told to pant for had arrived ? Is it nationhood to fritter down a representation ofthe national mind iu the House of Commons from 43 to nothing , when you were taught to rely upon moral force only ?
Is there no fine feeling , " no manly . sentiment j involved in a great national struggle for liberty , and is it nationhood to drink your greatest oppressor and tyrant ' s health , his glorious , pious , aud immortal memory , in the waters of that river upon whose banks your chains were rivetted ?•' Is it nationhood to extract a large revenue from a starving people npon the pretext of its necessity to acquire power as the means of achieving their rights , and then to sell that power to their enemies ? Is it nationhood to teach the people that their fifty years ' tuition was but to serve the purposes of one family and its dependents ?
Is it nationhood to ask a nation of one religion to acknowledge even tbe temporal supremacy and sway of a nation professing a totally different faith ? Is it nationhood for a father to sell his sons to tbeir country ' s oppressors for places , pensions , and emoluments ? Is it nationhood to denounce castle subserviency as tbe basest and most servile slavery , and then to become a portion of the vice-regal kitchen ; panders at the Vice-King's table , and toadies at his miniature court and mimic pageant ? Is it nationhood to beg for what your teacher told you three years ago you were prepared totake ? .
Is it nationhood , or even manhood , to become a national juggler , twisting grievances into profitable excitement , and dashing from you the means of redress when it was within your reach ? Is it nationhood to lie , to slander , revile and denounce those who follow the precepts they have been taught during the whole of life ? Is it nationhood * to promise a brave people liberty as their reward for tranquillity and obedience , and then to disband the national force when the spoils of victory was within their reach ?
. Is is nationhood to make a people s blood boil with recitals of the butchery of their ancestors , to ascribe their degradation to the force and fraud of their enemies and oppressors , to _| hoast of physical force enough to re-conquer then : lost rights- ' aud liberties , and then preach passive obedience and nonresistance as the national creed ? f : Is it nationhood to forge , rivet , and hug the chains 0 _^ slayery _5 ; :. Or _^ r . ' . _T _^ _i _^^^ , _^ - _^; , . _-: Is if nationhood to * proclaim weakness / ask "for co-operation and then renounce assistance ? Is it nationhood to foster anti-English prejudices with the view of perpetuating a profitable traffic in Irish grievances ?
Is it nationhood to appeal to cold old blood , when every vein and artery should be fired with hot aud young enthusiasm ? Is it nationhood to brave , bluster , bully and defy in the hour of security , and to be found skulking at the Castle gates when hunger , pestilence , famine and danger threaten ? Is it nationhood to bear oppression one moment beyond the power of the oppressed to shake it off by the same means by which it was imposed ? If such has been the definition of nationhood tbat
you have learned from your Repeal Dictionary , all can say is , from such nationhood Good Lord deliver me and my country . Believe me that you will not discover the true meaning of the term _nationhood from a banker , a brewer , a renter of tithes , a middleman , a lawyer , and a place-hunter , and your Liberator is one and all of those . Irishmen ! in 1831 , when Ireland was ripe for the total abolition of tithes , and when 1 was prosecuted for leading the national ardour , O'Connell smothered the national fire , sold her agitation , and in due time transferred the grievance from the difficulty of
spiritual law to the facility of landlord ' s law . In 1832 , 1 succeeded in returning seven out of eight members for tbe county , city , and boroughs of Cork , pledged to a Repeal of the Union . The hope of success had prompted Ireland to a noble exertion . In 1833 , according to my pledge , I endeavoured to force your general into that position which _hs had pledged himself to Ireland to assume . I told him to his face and through the Irish press , that the Repeal arrav was readv for action , and that if he
would not lead thein on I would . In 1834 I forced bim into the first struggle—it was a g lorious strugg le—it pinned the skulkers to their colours and enabled the Irish to estimate the value of their sacrifices . We triumphed , because we inspired courage where courage was needed , and wc iuspired fear where fear was weakness . No man expected to succeed in _carry-ng a repeal of the Union by a majority in the House of Commons , but every man who valued the principle thought he had derived benefit from the debate .
When a great national object is struggled for by a nation , and when the people are told that their sole reliance must be upon moral force , common sense tells us that tbe only possible way of augmenting tbat moral force is by an annual discussion upon the merits of the national question . It is the only mode by which you can annually test the sincerity of your representatives , and the reason why O'Connell and the mock Repealers did not bring the question on annually is , because they did not wish to be tested annually- We had forty-three then , and gained Dungarvan after our defeat , and if a single pledged repealer had voted against us , he would
have been indignantly hurled from his proud position . There was no skulking then , but the twelve succeeding years , during which the national question has uever been mentioned , has been one continued succession of skulking , lying , juggling , exciting , damping , tricking , scheming , trafficking policy ; parading grievances to create excitement to g et money , and then selling the excitement for patronage when the last egg was laid . Oh , unhappy Ireland ! unhappy Irish ! how my blood boils with indignation when I read of Scotch Highlanders proclaiming , through the Times , that you may he imported to reclaim the waste lands of Scotland at 7 s . 6 d . a
head . Have you yet discovered the" error of your poiicv and the superiority of ours ? Have vou not
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seen the worse than folly of political excitement without a tangible , cheering , and ; universal , social prospect being appended to it ? . My countrymen , all parties are now talking and writing about tbe value of your land , if your labour was applied to it for their _benefit ' Take advantage of your position and their weakness ; struggle for it yourselves ; write to the Nation , which is now your organ , and impress upon the young blood of Ireland the necessity , as a first step , of establishing the . Repeal Co-operative Land Association . Let 5 ( 10 four-roomed , stone-built ,
slated , comfortable " , cottages , be . built in Tipperary » each in the centre of five acres-of / landi-leased ; for ever to the occupants _/ and you vriH have a _CqneiliationJBall . ih _^ yeryparish ; you-wiilhave an elpquent proppiinder of / your principles in every cottage ; _Jypu will soon . haye % ipossession of the represehjatibn of ; every _^ ountr jC '; I will , pledge myself _| jhat your receipts , would * soon . exceed _kl 0 , 000 a-week ;; arid thathotanlrishraanfesidentinEnglandwillcontribute a farthing towards the support of gin palaces , beerhouses , and the government , until he has secured for himself that home in his own country from which oppression has driven him . *
_; : > This is what the _jugglet . would call , ! mending the old shoe" —putting " ruffles to the shirt ; " this is putting a leg of mutton upon the spit . Irishmen in England—if you want to . free your country , and _Uve'in it in freedom , begin , enrol , send your-monies to William Smith O'Brien , through the Nation ofiice , and then you will see a correct list of your funds , and a balance-sheet of your expenditure ; Heavens ! what a sight it would be to see the first hundred Irish freemen going to take possession of the land , from which their ancestors were ejected by physical force . ) Your faithful friend aud countryman , " Feargus O'Connor .
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_** _rr _* ff _+ rr _*> _W _4 _V _++ r + m _^ _^^* _Yrrrvv-rvY _** _v _^™ MTIER Vlix . , TO THE IRISH _RESUlING IN GREAT BRITAIN . THE FACTORY BRIBE ! Fellow Countrymen , In order that you should understand tbis question rightly , it is . necessary that I should enter upon it fully .. There is a great deal of misapprehension about _tue'Factory Question as well as the Factory Bribe . Some people are , and , indeed , many still are , under the impression that Mr . O'Connell's vote against the factory children , for which he got the £ 1000 Bribe , was given on the occasion of " Mr . Fielden ' s Ten Hours' Bill , " but Mr . Fielden had not brought in any bill on the subject . Mr . O'Connell ' s vote against the factory " children was given on Tuesday the 10 th of May , 1836 , on the second reading of Mr .
POULETT THOMPSON'S FACTORY ACT AMENDMENT BILL ; the object of which was to repeal the main part of the Government Act , passed inIS 33 . This Act ( the . 3 . and L William 4 , cap . 103 ) was passed in August , 1833 , to prevent the horrible torture whichxhildren were proved to have suffered in manufactories for a very long time . It was proved that , prior to the passing of this Act , children of ten years of age worked TIIIRTEENHOURS A DAT in the factories . The surgeons and physicians of England denounced this system , and declared that the factory Masters who forced children of such tender _yeaia to work even ten hoursa day were infanticides .. Mr . O'Connell , with
that eloquence for which he is so pre-eminently distinguished , roused the indignation of the citizens of London against the Factory System . He said , tbat shedding the blood of the holy innocents was not half so inhuman as the cruelties practised upon little children in the manufacturing districts of England . Iving Herod did . not , like the manufacturers of England , the proud cotton lords , shed the blood of children for money ! " Bear tbis honest language in mind , my countrymen , and contrast it with what O ' Connell said after he got the £ 1000 from those whom hehad previously denounced as more cruel and inhuman than Herod , " men , who , for money , shed the blood of infants !"
No one can forget that Mr . O'Connell was in 1836 what is called a " thick and thin" supporter of the Whig administration , He entered into a compact with that faction . It was called the " Lichfield House Compact : " the conditions of which were * that Mr . O'Connell should give his cordial support to the Whig Ministry ; the Ministry in return giving to him the whole Irish patronage . No appointment could be made in Ireland except with his concurrence , in return for which he supported the Ministry with all his power and all his influence .
Now the Right Honourable Poulett Thompson was M . P . for Manchester and President of the Board of Trade , and consequently one of the Ministry which Mr . O'Connell was bound to support . The Act which Mr . Ihompson attempted to Repeal , though passed in August , 1833 , had not come fully into operation till the first of March , 1 S 3 G . The division on the second reading of Mr . Thompson ' s Factory Amendment Act took place on Tuesday the 10 th ol March , 1836 . The Factory Act ( 3 and tt Will . IV . cap . 103 ) enacted that children who had attained their eleventh year were to work no more than
eight hours a-day from the 1 st of March , lS 3 i ; that children who had attained their twelfth year were to work no more than eight hours a-day from the 1 st of March , 1833 ; and that children who had attained their thirteenth year were to work no more than eight hours a-day from the 1 st of March , 1836 . It was to repeal those clauses , and therefore to empower the manufacturers to work the children of all ages thirteen hours a-day , that Mr . Thompson brought in his Factory ' s Amendment Bill ; and for this Bill Mr . O'Connell and thirteen members or "joints of his tail , " as they are called , voted on Tuesday the 10 th of May , 1830 .
The only excuse I ever heard him make ftr having given this vote against the Factory children —children who , he had often and often said , were sacrificed on the altar of the Factory Moloch , was that the deputation from Manchester had convinced him , that unless Mr . Thompson ' s Amendment Act were passed , upwards of thirty-five thousand children would be thrown out of employment . Now , iny friends , bear in mind , and keep steadily
in view , that at this period a subscription was going on in England , Ireland , and Scotland , for the purpose of indemnifying Mr . O'Connell for the costs incurred by the City of Dublin Election ; that Joseph Hume , Esq . M . P ., was Treasurer for Great Britain ; that the Duke of Bedford subscribed £ 100 , and that there was a general and a particular or special subscription in Manchester ; the general subscription got up for the purpose of screening the special or manufacturers subscription .
Just think of this deputation of manufacturers convincing Mr . O'Connell , and Mr . Hume his Treasurer , that if the HOURS OF LABOUR , were shortened one-third a-day that the Factory children would be thrown out of employment ; convincing Mr . O'Connell so thoroughly , that , on the very day of the interview with those bearers of the £ 1000 , he in his place in Parliament , designated that as a mongrel species of humanity which , while it professed to shorten the hours of Labour , would throw those children out of employment altogether ; " this . " said he , "is SPURIOUS HUMANITY !"
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He who , a day or two before this magio deputation visited _^ him , said " That these very men TRAFFICKED in the BLOOD of CHILDREN , that they shed the BLOOD of BRITISH INFANTS for MONEY . "' . y . v You are well aware that Mr . ' Hume professes to be a very eminent calculator ; arid you know that Mr . O'Connell is no fool . Well , Mr . Hume voted with his friend and patron , Mr . O'Connell , upon this occasion , and they both voted against the Factory ChildrenVandagreeably toi the views . of , the deputation _fropi Manchester _^ ; Is } it ; no _^ p _^ s ! ng _;> trange , that neUhcr
thej Member for * ail Irelahdj nortlio th . at ¦ _¥$ » HOURS ' ; _plBLABO UR _^ _thonurafebrh _ante _^ increa _^ d _; - _SurciyHhesej _known ; : that If to ija _^ aoh , ii _; ; w ) li' requh _^^ ixteea i _cMdt _^ _0 l _^ g hi hoars a , day each to _^ perwriir _Jthe _^ mo _^ work _^ _andj thereforeV'the shortoreight hour Bill _^ hould _. _bV-necessity . increase the , number / of * . ' . hands , ' instead of decrease . them . This is precisely what the manufacturers _^ dreaded .- And hence the deputation and the £ l , 60 ( yi ) ribe to Mr . O'Connell , for Ills Vote .
_f-pf _^ _ctft _^ Mr .: O'Connell as abribe for his vote against the Factory Children . It is not true that Mr . Richard Potter , tlie Member for ' Wigan , was the bearer of it , or that ever he handed it to Mr . O'Connell . But it is true , that the £ 1 , 000 was . subscribed by the Manufacturers of , IVarichester ; that a deputation carried the money to London , that that deputation persuaded Mr . O'Connell to vote for Mr . Poulett Thompson ' s Factory Amendment Act ; and , consequently , for the repeal ; of the' Act passed in August , 1833 , for which ; he ; had previously not only voted ,, but spoke most eloquently . It is also true ,
that tho £ 1 , 000 was held fast by the " , deputation till Wednesday , the 11 thof May , 1836 , ; beiug the day after Mr . _O'Connell . v . oted agreeably to the wishes of the deputation , when the money was paid over to Mr . Hume , the Treasurer ) and not to Mr . O'Connell . Itis true that Mr . Potter intimated to Mr . Hume , that the £ 1 , 000 would not be paid till after the vote on Mr . Thompson ' s Bill . It is also true , that Mr . Potter told . me in the presence of Mr . O'Connell , but not iu his hearing , in the Speaker ' s Room under the then Muse of Commons , where the Committee on the Drogheda Railway was sitting ' , and of which committee Mr . O'Connell was chairman— " That the
MANCHESTER FOLK WERE NOT SUCH
BUNGLERS AS TO PAY OVER THE MONEY 'TILL AFTER THE . VOTE . " The money was paid over to Mr . Hume , the Treasurer , and not to Mr . O'Connell ; but not at alias aBRIBE , but on the contrary , in the usual way-that money is paid into the hands of a Treasurer , with this flight differ ence only , which is a matter of no consequence among honourable men , such as the Liberator and Alexander Raphael , and the like , that the money was most honourably paid over for the vote . ! It should have been £ 1 , 300 instead of £ 1 , 000 , as thirteen tails-men voted with Mr . O'Connell .
The noise that was made about this money deprived Mr . O'Connell of the use of it for a considerable time afterwards rand those who wrote and spoke about it were generally so wide of the facts , so far astray , that they reminded me of the farce of "All in the wrong . " However , in process of time , and when the storm had subsided , the money not only turned up , but like many other public monies turned into the Liberator ' s capacious pocket ; which will be seen by 4 he-following letter from the Treasurer . * ., ¦ ¦ : ¦ ¦¦ ' Bfyanston . square , _-- . '¦ _' . November 25 , 183 G . My-dear Sir , —It is with unfeigned : pleasure I send you a copy of the resolutions agreed to at a public meeting , held at the Grown and Anchor , on the 1 st of June Inst .
The committee _appointed to carry into effect these resolutions have terminated their business , and I now transmit to you the sum of £ 8 , 18915 s , _'! $ _,, which is the balance in tueir hands after defraying all incidental expenses . The reformers of Great Britain have by their liberal contributions towards the objects proposed , shown theii entire approbation ofthe intentions of tha meeting ; and ti . e committee rejoice in thinking that the pecuniary _pressure which the Dublin election caused you to sustain , will by this means be materially alleviated .
The torrent of obloquy with which you have been so long and so furiously assailed by the leaders as well as by menials of the Tory and Orange factioa , has onlv tended to raise you in the general estimation ; and to secure to you the cordial support of the friends of Liberty and of the advocates of Reform in the whole United Kingdom , The malignity of your enemies has but stimulated the sympathy ofyourfriends . '; your enemies have devoted you to a martyrdom of calumny and abuse ; but the people of the three Kingdoms hailed you as the champion oi Ireland's violated rights , and the able advocate of civil and religious liberty throughout the empire .
When the long catalogue of _Ireland's wrongs and _sufferings shall have become matters of history , the great achievements of Ireland's regeneration will be inseparably connected with your name . Contemporaries may bt envious and ungrateful ; posterity will be more just . I cannot conclude without expressing my sincere condolence upon the heavy domestic affliction with which you have been lately visited ; aud permit me to remind you , that , embarked in the cause of a nation , you must not yield to tbe distressing- influence of private grief , but , nobly struggling against those natural feelings pursue , your patriotic cause till its object is attained . Believe me your ' s sincerely , Joseph Hume . To Daniel O'Connell , Esq ., Dublin .
Now then , there is the money , the bride , clearly and unquestionably traced home step by step , to the pocket of the Liberator , "the august moral force regenerator of his country , " as that beastly drunken cowardly buffoon Tom Steele calls him . But hear how the Liberator himself explains the matter ; attend tohis own account of his sudden conversion from the advocacy of the cause of the poor helpless Factory child , to that of his cruel , sordid , tyrant master ..
MR . O'CONNELL'S EXPLANATION OF HIS VOTE ON THE FACTORY QUESTION . At a meeting of Mr . O'Connell ' s constituents held in Kilkenny , on Monday , the 10 January , 1837 , being eight months after the infamous vote against the factory children , and two months after he had re ceived the Bribe through the hands of Mr . Hume , Mr . O'Connell speaketh : — As your representative , my public character is your property ; it is identified with you . I do not mean , however , to notice all the calumnies uttered against mc . I shall only notice those of that comical genius , Feargus O'Connor , who got his own cousin , a Tory , into Parliament . 1 shall explain to the men of Kilkenny the part
taken by me on the Factory Bill . A number of operatives wished to have the time of labour limited to ten hours a-day , for everybody , old and young , children and adults . I refused to have anything to do with that plan , so far as it would interfere with tbe regulations affecting grown-up people . Yet I was ready to give protection to the children . ( Hear , _ltear . ) Their onlyproperty was their labour . Had they been rich , the Chancellor would protect them , even against their parents . ( Loud cheers . ) I was , therefore , the active partisan of the bill passed in 1883 , which thus assisted , and purported to protect , the children , as minors in law . The 7 th sec . of that Act prohibits the employment of children under nine years of age—it prohibits such employment totally . From nine to twelve years tiiey are
to work eight hours a-day ; and from twelve , if their parents choose it , twelve hours for a limited period . That is by the bill of 1 S 33 . In the year 183 G , children who were twelve years of age were to come under the regulation making the hours of work . The children of the age of twelve years were , from Marcli , 1836 ' , to be restricted to eight hours a-day . By this bill , which I supported , children under nine years were not to work at all ; and children who wero nine , and under twelve , only a certain number of hours . ( Hear , hear . ) The children of the agu of twelve wore , on the first of March , 183 U— -that is , the March o _ilastyear—to come under a new regulation , and to be subject to be workcdonly eight hours a-day . Under these circumstances , Mr . l _' oulett Thompson brought in a bill , leaving it to children of
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twelve years to work for twelve hours as they had theretofore done . The question was to be discussed on the second reading . I went to the House determined to oppose the Bill . Tho debate came on . I found this to be asserted , and not denied by the opponents of the bill , THAT THE COTTON TRADE , INSTEAD OF BEING UNHEALTHY AS IT HAD BEEN DESCRIBED TO BE , WAS THE VERY CONTRARY ; that if the bill was not passed , a number of not less than 25 , 000 children would bo thrown out of employment ; that a proportionate number of men , probably 10 , 000 , would also be thrown out of employment .. Under these circumstances , I considered it would be cruelty to tbe children
themselves if I did not vote for tho bill . Now , I'will take care that this statement _gbesaccurafelybefore ' thepublic ; I' make' it ¦ * . ' { o you , as I wish to sho wy _su I have . discharged my duty _as ' an honest man and lis becomes your representative , ' , and your'thinking so , I care hot ii' twopenny _ticket what may be the opinion of others . ( Hear , hear . ) * _' _thave thought it necesJary" to give yon this explanation ; . jand now'I ask . my constituents , _isjhere a man . amongst jou'who ; does _^^ rightly .: ( _'VHear , loud cheers , and cries of . '' _Tou did . " ) I will carry that cheer . back ' to . England , ; and tell them that every ; one ; , of . you , under , the same circumstances , would ; have given the same vote I did . ( Hear , and loud cheers . ) ' ' . " _*'•'" ¦ ""'
Was there , ever such a clumsy , trumpery , mysterious explanation as this ? It is " contusion worse confounded , " , and intended as such . There was not one of his constituents in the rotten borough ol Kilkenny , that would ;;; iiot _^ have voted as he did for half the money , that ' is ; £ 500 . _'^\ Who produced 5 the .. sudden conversion in the mind ofthe august moral force regenerator ? The deputation from Manchester and the £ 1000 . But he took good care in this mysterious explanation to eschew the real question , which was this : — .
I , Daniel O'Connell , your representative , pseudo member for all Ireland , am publicly charged with having received a bribe of £ 1000 from - the cotton manufacturers of Manchester for voting against the poor helpless factory children , whom I had , by- my former votes and speeches , led to believe that I was their Saviour upou earth , their father and protector from the tyranny and rapacity of their heartless taskmasters ; and although I had the evidence of the most eminent physicians and surgeons in England , taken before a Committee of the House of Commons , tbat the cotton factories were unhealthy ; that children under thirteen years _' of age could not work even ten hours a-day without injury-both to body and mind ; that instead ' of the Short Hour Bill ; for
which I voted in 1833 , had only come into operation ' two months before : I . voted for its repeal , must necessarily have the effect _o" employing at least one-third more hands than the long _< hour bill , for which I voted : ' . that , although I had . read Mr . John Fielden ' s unanswerable pampnler , and heard his and Lord Ashley ' s humane and unanswered speeches in favour of the Short Heur BUI and pledged my honour , to botb _, these gentlemen on _Monday the 0 th of May , 1836 , the day before the debate on the second reading of Mr . Poulett Thompson ' s Long Hour Bill , yet the deputation from Manchester convinced me by a thousand cogent reasons ; that it would _be-for
the benefit of the children themselves that tbey should work for twelve hours a day , though their wages were to be . no more than , if thes had ..-worked .. but eight hours that it is a base calumny for any one to . say that I got £ 1000 for my vote , when everybody knows that it was my friend , honest Joseph Hume , got tbe money ; and that , therefore , my vote upon the occasion was influenced by the purest humanity , wbich , I am sure , you , my most excellent , sensible , and patriotic constituents of Kilkenny will certify . ( Hear ,-hear ; "We all certify that nothing could be more pure , honest , consistent and incorruptible , than your vote upon the occasion . )"
Would this not have been as good an explanation , and an honester one , than that which he gave to his Kilkenny constituents . Mr . Hume ' s letter , remitting the money , bears date the 25 th of November , not quite two months before lie made this extraordinary explanation to his constituents . _,- _ There is a very amusing correspondence , upon the subject of this bribe , between Mr . O'Connell , Mr . George Condy , Mr . J . Bell , and Mr . Oastler , arising out of the publication of the following paragraph in Blackwood ' s Magazine for July , 1830 , page , 12 G . .. ..
The second reading _^ of Mr * P . Thompson ' s x ' _a-jtory Amendment Bill was ably contested on tbe 10 th of May , ani after the eloquent and unanswerable protests * f Lord Ashley , the Right Hon . H . Goulburn , Messrs . P _^ eiden _, Brotherton , and other frivnds of the factory , _clild , to which we can . do no more 'than . rel ' er , was _carried by a majority of two , ' the members _beiiig 178 / or , and 17 ( 5 against the bill ; after which _, the _government , in dismay , abandoned the foul design , of further persecuting the infant operative population . The division was signalised by an instance of shameless _turpitule , of which one wretch alone in the British dominions would have been capable . Mr . O'Connell has spoken on various occasions , in and out of Parliament , on behalf ofthe factory children . Three days before the debate alluded to , he had eagerly sought Lord Ashley to assure him of his support , _comprehending , of course , the whole weight of the
" Tail . " On the day of trial , to the indignant scorn and contempt of all men , he and they voted against him and _against the infant suppliants for mercy . The sordid Judas of these days betrayed them for gold . Three days aiter the traitor had _iulfilled the conditions of the compact , had sealed the bond of his iniquity , a purse of £ 700 from the millowners of Manchester was presented to him . It was this mistake about the mere handing over of the money , and the error ot £ 300 in the amount , that led to the correspondence above alluded to , the publication of which , one day or other , will not be uninteresting , especially as , under the hand and seal ofthe " August Moral Force Regenerator ; there are strong symptoms of fighting , in which Mr . P . Costello , of Kilkenny , Mr . George Condy , of Manchester , the Liberator himself , and a Captain Bell , have cut a conspicuous , if not ludicrous figure .
Having now , fellow countrymen , fulfilled my promise , I trust to the entire satisfaction of every honest and sound thinking man , I shall for the present take my leave of you , with the assurance that I have been influenced in _thiscoirespondence by no other motive than an ardent desire to provc „ to you the lolly of rely ing upon any man instead of principles ot which your conscience approves , and youi judgment and understanding sanction . Patiuck _O'IIigqims . Dublin , 25 th October , 18 * 16 .
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Vol. Ix . No. 472- London, Saturday, Noy...
VOL . IX . NO . 472- LONDON , SATURDAY , NOYEMBElt _^ _l _846- _~~? RSCM _n _™*^ __ _••"• " " - . _! _* - ¦ _*' - ¦ _- - * ¦ _'¦^¦' ¦ ' - _•* _* ¦ * - : ' _¦* :. > - ¦« _¦;• . _¦ - Five _ahiliiuga and Sixpence . -per _Quaru-r * ¦ — : 7 _ " - ttl ¦ . ' ' ¦ ¦ - . ¦ ' :. ¦ - ¦ : _» . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ . _;¦ ¦ ¦¦ ' - ' . ' —
¦ ^ Nam Mr. Feargus O'Connor And Iiis Co...
¦ _^ nam MR . FEARGUS O'CONNOR AND IIIS COUNTRYMEN . TO THB EDITOR OF THE _NOKTIIliBi * _* _: STAR . Sir , —There never was a more fitting opportunity for Mr . Feargus O'Connor to address iiis expatriated countrymen in this metropolis , than at the present time , on the subject of Repeal , and the position o * Ireland generally . He would find them rally round him in large numbers . There has been great . sur prise evinced in many quarters that he has not _heeii amongst them _aince O'Connell deserted them . There remains but one opinion among the resident Irishmen in this metropolis as regards his intended visit to Ireland—that of a glorious reception in his native land . It 19 very much desired by those who wish well to Ireland that a good feeling should be brought about between the working classos of England and the Irish people : and I know of no person better able to undertake the happy consummation of such a task than Mr . O'Connor _, lam , Sir , Your's most obediently . An Ex-London Repeal _Wahdex . Bridge-street , Westminster , Nov . 3 rd , 1846 .
Twainr Jukv.—Some Seventy Or Eighty Gent...
_TwAinr Jukv . —Some seventy or eighty gentlemen partook , on Thursday , of an entertainment at Radley ' s Hotel , Blackfriars , in commemoration of the institution of trial by jury , more especially ns connected with the trial and acquittal of lla _' rdy , Thelwell , Tooke , and their coadjutors . M . W . J . Fox occupied ( he chair , and amongst the gentlemen present were Messrs Saul , O'Lcary , Galloway , Green , Phelps , Parry , Beckwith , Moody , Cummins , Burtett , & c . SisauLAit Death . —Killed _nr a Dish . —On Thusday afternoon a female servant , in the employ of
Mr . 'lorry , _linendraper , in Chiswell-street , met with her death in a most extraordinary manner . She was carrying a pic-dish in the street , when , by some accident , she tripped and fell , and her throat was literary cut hy contact with the sharp edge of the broken dish . In a moment there was a frightful effusion of blood , and Dr . Jell ' s , of Finsbury-squarc , who happened to be near at the moment , rendered what assistance he could , which , however , proved unavailing , for the carotid artery and jugular vein had been completely severed , and the poor woman _, after breathing perceptibly , expired in his presence .
National Anti-Po.Or,Law Provldeint Li^^I...
NATIONAL ANTI-PO . OR _, LAW _PROVlDEiNT li _^^ _ii _^* _BENEVOLEISy , V . W _& S . _' ' ' - _4 . _P"Vac meeting cenvened to promote the " objects of this institution , was held on Thursday _a'fternoor ., in the large room of vtb _* London Tavern , _uisliopsgate-s trect , the Right Hon-, the Lord Mayor in the chair . . \ * , ¦ ¦ ¦ ; ¦ - . w _^ _n" B T _' ' ™ . M . P ., one ofthe chief foun-• illnv - t ? ,. It _* 8 titution , detailed the proposed plan to whini , M 0 t 1 'em ° ve the distress and sufferings pmln , r T l , l araon" 8 t the working _classes of the n ? lmiVf _„' tho early l _* arfc ot" the i « st session it was admitted by many public men , nay , even by the t ™ '„ „ rKlf , _f , r from _**»•¦ tbrone , tbat the _ncwpsorlaw had been found to be not only . _idefective , but m some respects , cruel and oppressive , and yet the session closed without . any ' decisive steps being taken to remedy the evil . It was mainly to this fact that they were indebted for the formation of a society whoso chief object was to . devise means
for bettering the condition ot tho working classes of the country , and he was happy to inform the meetiiu _, that since its _foundation at St . Alban ' s , only a month ago , communications had been made to the heads of the church and leaders of the clergy , the majority of whom approved of the objects of the society , and promised to use their influence in its attainment . ; It was not then intended , to seek to abolish the Poor-law , but to induce the rich to come forward and assist the poor , who were anxious to do the best to relieve themseives _^ to-. steer : clear ; of the _Poor-Oaw ; , , 7 He . ; might mention ¦' ¦ > that seventy-five young ladies ; who had been brought up in . the . lap of { usury , and who _^ had till tho _^ _eyeningfofiiheirMlives filled ; . the . offices of governesses in ' . the . - highest
families ef the kingdom , had applied" ; to the society for ' relief .. They could / only , aff . ivd _^' it to three ; and what , let him ask , waste become of the ; other seventy-two ? They could not go to one of , the existing union workhouses . Well ,-th " en , _* the present _instiution was : to meet such * , cases 7-as these , and he .. hoped the ; City of London . would not be ba ckward in supporting it . ( Hear , hear . ) The proposed union -would consist of three classesfriendly s ocieties , building societies , and iusurcance societies . It was proposed now . only to approve of the principle ofthe plan , and afuture meeting would be called for sanctioning and carrying out the details .
A resolution approving ofthe princi p le was ,. on the ' motion of "Mr ; . L , ; _- _^ unanimously agreed'to , arid the ' meeting ' was subsequently addressed by several gentlemen who have frequently distinguished themselves in advocating the cause of the poor . A vote of thanks was afterwards carried by acclamation to the chairman , and the meeting which was numerously attended , brake up . "
William Vine Sentenced To Central Criminal Cmtjt .
William Vine sentenced to Central Criminal _Cmtjt .
On Monday, William Vine Was Sentenced To...
On Monday , was transportation for seven years , for attempting to extort money from William Stoddarfc . A companion named Webb was tried last session for the same offence , and transported . ' -. _- • ¦ Tho . prosecutor was _walking across Hyde Park inthe evening , when he was assailed by the accused parties , who threatened to accuse him of an atrocious offence , unless he complied with their demand for money . - * : ¦ John-Brown , who was accused by John Cook of indecent assault , surrendered to _Iur bail . The prosecutor prevaricated grossly , and gave a very unsatisfnetory account of himself , and the Jury without hearing the counsel for the defendant , returned a verdict of not Guilty . _'•
_ClUMINAl , InFOBMATION 'AGAINST Ma . Febband : —On Monday , tho first day of Michaelmas term , SirF . Thesiger , on behalf of Mr . G . C . Lewis , one of the- Poor , law Commissioners ,, moved for . a ¦ rale - to show cause why leave should hot be granted to Mr . Lewis io file a criminal information against Mr . * W . B . Ferrand _, M . P ., for two letters published _by-Mr . ' . Fcrrand . in the .- Times _newspaper of the 8 th and 10 th of August last . * '¦ These _lcttern Mr . Ferrand had admitted to be his . . They referred to the celebrated Mott enquiry into the alleged irregularities at the Keighley-Union , and charged Sir J . Graham with having instigated a false report to be used to the damage of Mr . Ferrand in Parliament , and also Mr . Lewis with having been guilty of wilful falsehood and perjury in the evidencehe gave before the Andover Union Committee . Sir F . Thesiger stated he had affidavits from Sir James and Mr . Lewis , denying the truth of the allegations against them . The Court granted _therula .
A Base Shilling . —Margaret Murphy , an Irish girl , wo ? placed at the bar before the Recorder , to receive the sentence of the Court upon an indictment charging her with unlawfully uttering a counterfeit shilling , to which she pleaded guilty at the last session . The case had stood over for the purpose of inquiry , and the result exhibited great depravity on the part of the accused . It appeared that she was servant at a public " house , arid [ that " upon _^ the occasion in question a person had _^ j { en ' spme . refresh - * .-f _i ment ' . and ' tendered a " shilling , which" the * : prisoner- •' ¦ ¦ drclared to be _counterfeit and the party was taken into custody ; and the prisoner , upon the enquiry before the magistrate , swore most positively that the accused party gaveher a bad shilling , andjie was in jeopardy of , being , | committedrto ' _taS'f'iiis- _* tri _^
' ends of truth and justiee , some _eircumstance transpired which aroused _suspioion , and the girl was clos . ely .. « iuestioned , andslieatlength admitted that the charge , ' she had made was -without foundation , and that sh ' e . bR ' d ' _lier-^ _elf'substifuted ' a . _^ given to her by the . ' customer at' the time in question . The Recorder animadverted severely on the , prisoner ' s depravity , telling her that if she had been ' convicted o £ perjury she would have been liable to transportation , and under the cirenmstanees lie felt it to be his duty to pass upon her thefull period of punishment affixed by the law to the case ofa single uttering-. Taking- into consideration , therefore , the imprisonment she find already undergone , the sentence was that she be kept to hard labour for ten calendar months .
De>Tructios Of The Garkick Liieatre.--Be...
De _> tructios of the Garkick liiEATRE .--Between four and live o'clock on Wednesday morning , the Garrick Theatre , in Goodmau ' s-fields , was discovered to be on fire . For some time the greatest excitement and confusion prevailed , the ascent of the flames being so rapid , that in ten minutes at least one half of the building was enveloped in rlaines . An instant attempt was made to get the tire subdued ; but when an entry into the theatre was effected , it became a matter of certainty that at least the entire structure must fall a prey to the flames . Indeed , ifc was feared at one period that every house in
Lemanstreet and its immediate cicinity would have been consumed . By nine o'clock the firemen succeeded in getting the flames entirely extinguished - the theatre is entirely consumed , the valuable wardrobe destroyed , the whole of the scenery and stage appointments burned , and by this calamity about fifty performers will be thrown out of employment . As to the origin of the fire it is the prevailing opinion that it arose from some of the gun wadding lodging in the ' flats , ' during the firing of cannon at the performance ofthe ' Battle of Waterloo , ' on the previous night ; when the theatre was closed , between 12 and 1 o'clock , the place appeared quite safe .
Whilst the firemen were directing the water oa . the theatre the outer wall fell with an awful crash . The police and firemen had barely sufficient time to get out of the way ; one of the police was severely injured , and was obliged to be removed to the London Hospital . It is somewhat remarkable that this is the second theatre in London ( Astley's being the other ) that has been sacrificed by the production to the ' Battle of Waterloo . ' British Anti-state Church Association . — A public meeting of the members of this association was held on Thursday evening , at the London Tavern , Bishopsgate-street . Tlie large room was densely crowded . Dr . Price presided , " and several dissentin" ministers address the meeting .
The Fifth of . November has , as usual , been signalised by numerous accidents from fire-works and other causes , arising out of the ridiculous custom of of honouring Guy Fawkes;—a custom " more _hoa * ourcd in the breach than in the observance . " Drradfui . Fires and Loss of LiFE . ~ -0 n Friday mornin _* _, _' , betweeh 8 and 9 o ' clock , the neighbourhood of Geswell-street , Clerkenwell , and its vicinity , was thrown into a state of the greatest excitement , by the sudden outbreak i « f a serious fire , in the private dwelling house of Mr . H . Shank , situate at 18 , Poivell-itrect , East , Iving-square , Cieikenwell , which , besides destroying a deal of property , was attended with fatal consequences to a young man , aged 24 , a clerk in a mercantile house in tho city .
About half-past eight o ' clock , some of the neighbours perceived flames issuing from the first floor back room , in which tho young man was sleeping . An instant cry of " Fire ! " was raised , but such a strong hold had the flames already obtained , that they bid broken through the door and were ascending up the sraircase with such fury , that Mrs . Shank and her family had the greatest difficulty in effecting an escape . The engines of the London Brigade were soon at the spot , and the fire was got under . Upon making an inspection id' the premises , a most awful spectacle presented itself . In
the hist floor back room , lying on the remains of a bed , was perceived the body of the unfortunate . \ oung man Itigdon , burnt almost black as _acoah The teet were entirely burnt away , and the bones of the leg were protruding _through the end of the bed . The other parts of the body were burnt in a most dreadful manner . The remains were placed in a shell and convevp . d to the workhouse , whore they remain until the inquest shall be held . To state how the fire originated would be impossible , but it is the prevailing opinion that it was caused from a spark havin" fallen from the deceased's caudle into his bed . °
A Fiue broke out on Friday evening in the residence of Mr . II . Wooster , inthe Lower Deptford Road . Mr . Wooster was compelled to jump from an upper window with three of his children , and had a most miraculous escape . - -The house ,. with _. _thBjWjlole ofthe furniture , was consumed _^ /< . ; :: _* i _^ _, _>*> . . he house ,. with : the _^ _wjiole _nedg A . _^ - _¦^ d < _* ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 7, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_07111846/page/1/
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