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fc " ^ Sum 9: 1849. ~~~~-=^' -—— ^ —~^ ¦...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Fc " ^ Sum 9: 1849. ~~~~-=^' -—— ^ —~^ ¦...
_^ Sum 9 : 1849 . _~~~~ _-= —— _^ _—~^ "¦ THE NORTHERN STAR . 7
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- A-- , MON _» AY , _Jus-s i HOUSE OP LORDS — _i-wtt Sittings on Monday . llw House _Resumed its _^ Dnrbg the recess the reporters' „ ii t . , temporaril y advanced mi f < £ t a , Ju . S- »" " y ¦ has been b > t as far as the _exSe _5 ? &? , nto _the D <>« se , the generall y _cwffl _^'* _^ offrom _ings of that evenin _^ the ohi _^ _T ° _{? ¥ P - ° « _-edtended , that of givn \ l addfe _^ _^ ifc was in _' Pft has not _Y _t S _^^^ _vS _^ . _^^ _- is , however , required l _* 3 ore " dJn _£ _? er exPerien _« an opinion . Inthem _3 _™ mt y , _Pouncing _HefjLtits JSSSS _^ ZS _^ _^^ _Navioatiox LAWS _^ _llTnL _^* are - "Arable -ode by Lord _ItenSiui _™ _Wence of _arequest of _0-Jow 7 wh 0 _^^ L _. / part of the Bishop the _MarquS ' of _Laksdow _^ _^ _^^ _sitioa , _-S _-S _^ _ttfi _! _^ rea _^ this dav be summoned for _nt _^ _SLy _^ _™ ° rdered l 0 S _^^^^ _SSiS
The Marquis of _Lansdowne was sorrv that th ? _WrresponW La-1 not yet terminated " _^ ? Wht it proper that the correspondence should hf _brought _ouUfteTou _^ out . itae should hnd that any considerable time was likely . to elapse before it was finished , he _wmrfHav it upon the table as far as it had gone as _hSSSlno _^ _anions that the attention of „_ ' _HoSeS P „ _£ ment should be called to the subject _A t _\ f _- iis ass m on Petition from certain S _* _^ ¦ _misappbcation of the funds of the t _^ ? _" _9 _& mov ? d On second rsadine of the Landlord and Tenant Bill , which was agreed to on a division , when the numbers were— " Content .. _.. # < _o Non-content _.. ** " . " * - ..
¦ ' .. _w . Majority .. . .. j . T i * ri _*^ dshi l , s lhen adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . -Mr . H-i E . whose _Ste— . , ? be C 0 , ! _'ktely restored , took his -asual seat , amidst loud cheering . The hoa . gentleman gave notice of bnn 5 _ing the affairs of Ceylon and British Guianabeforethc House on that day week , in the event of a motion for going into committee of sup ; dy being then made . ' _Pabuamextart Reform . —Mr . F . O'Con-xob begged to ask the hon . memher for Montrose , whether he would bring forward his motion relative to
parliaro £ ntary reform < n Tuesdav . His object in putting the question was this ; if the hon . member tor _JMontrose wonld submit Lis motion on Tuesday . then he ( Mr . F . O Co : m .. r ) was authorised to withdraw the amendment of which notice had been given by the hon . member for _Rothdale ( Mr . S . Crawford ) _, _who was at present labouring under indisposition . That amendment was to tbe effe t that the suffrage be extended to every adult male of legal age , of _sonndtarnd , and n _, t disqualified b y conviction of cnme andwhohas resided for a fixed period , and been duly _registere-1 in one locality .
Mr . Hums said it was his _fullinteniion to submit Ms motion for parliamentary reform on tbe following day . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . F . _O'Connor . —Then I be _* r leave to withdraw ths amendment of the hon . member for Rochdale . m Mr . Bright . —Is the hoa . member for Rochdale mdispos d ? Sir . F . _O'Coxxo b . —I said he was . _Encdmberd Irish Estates . —The order of the day for the third reading of the Encumbered Estates ( _Ireland ) BHl having been read , Sir L . O'Brien moved by wav of amendment tb . it the hill be read a third time that day six months . The epeakers in favour of tlie latter proposition were Colonel Dunne ( the seconder } , Mr . Gbogax , Mr . _Nameb . and Mr . Hexlky .
_JMr . Sadleir gave a qualified assent to tbe provisions of the bill , but expressed his intention of voting for the third reading . After some observations from the Solicitor-General the House _divided , when the amendment was negatived by a majority of 105 , the numbers 12 to 117 , and the bill was read a -bird time and passed . - Supply . —The House then resolved itself into committee of supply _« n the Misceiiane _u- * _Estimates , when vari _' _-us votes were agreed to without comment , that for _. Polish _Refugees orlg _i-iating a discus > _i--n , hut no other result . On the question of ihe
_Dissenters' Rcgium Do ; . uni an animated debate arose iu opposition to the grant , in which Mr . Wtxd , Mr . C . _LvsnrxGTOx , Mr . Bright . JVIr . W . J- Fox , Mr . Kershaw , and Mr . J . B ; Smith took part , the _lirit-named hon . member _movinglts rejection . Lord J . Rtjsselt . uef tided the grant , staing that the government could « ive no list o _" " tbe recipients becaose they < lid not know -who they were . On a _d'vision the amendment was negatived hy a majority of 19 , the numbers 38 to 52 . After various other votes had been agreed to , the Ciiaibman reported progress , and the House resumed .
Tis report of supply of _Friday list was then brought up , the votes discussed being those for the Military Knights of "Windsor , the _Ecclesiastical Commission , that for education , and the grant fur the National Gallery . The Protection of Pupils ( Scotland ) , and the Sheep-stealers ( Ireland ) Bills , were read a second time , and ordered - o be committed . Acstbaiian Coloxies . —Mr . Hawes then moved for leave to b- ing in a bCl for the betttr government of the _Australian colonies , which , he said , wa * framed with a view of meeting the wishes of the colonists , and the prop _' _-sed seheme of government for those c donies was based , as far as possible , upon that o f the existing constitution of New . South "Wales . One object of the bill was to make Port Philip a distinct col- ny , to be called Victoria , and
the new constitut on wou d be conferred npon all the Australian colonies , New South "Wales . South _Australia , Nun Uiemen ' s . Land , Victoria , and "Western Australia , upon the latter colony conditionally , provided it fulfilled the necessary conditi-n of supporting its own government . Another great object of the bill was to _create a federal union of all thc colonies , for certain _defined general pu'poses . Each colony wasto be empowered to elect certain members of a general assembly for the whole union , whose l _egislative fu : Ktion 3 _wei e io be limited to objects whic _: i _nffecied tbe collective interests of all the colonies . Mr . Ilawcs explained tlie details ofthe measure , the constitution and powers cf the assemblies , whica would possess a control over the civil lists , which they might alter by bill , ex ept the salaries of the _i-overnor and judges .
Mr . Gladstone was friei = dly to the general purposes of the bill , whieh promised a material advance in our colonial _legislation . Mr . llawes had , h *> wever , _overlooked a principal _difficu'ty , namely , the franchise , which was essential to the proper working of the " new colonial system . As _regarded district councils , although he ag- 'eed that it would be well if something of th _( -kind could be organised ; yet , as the principle had been tried in New South Wales , and bad failed , _thfse councils would not _possess much favour with the other colonies Another important question w--s , whether the legislative bodies should consist if a single or a double chamber . The evidence of the public sentiment iu the colonies was Scanty , but it * _- _* as not unfavourable to a double Chamber , and he feared it would be difficult to work a federal legislature except upon the principle ofa double chamber , wh : ch form hadbeen recommended by the ex ; erience of the United States .
After observation * from Mr . V . Smith , Mr . M'Gkegor , and Mr . E . Desisos , Lord J . RcssFJi suggested that the discussion ghOUld he reserved until lhe bill was regularly under consideration . With regard to the _questi-n whether the legislative _bndies in the colonies should consist of o _** e assembly , ' _-r a council and an assembly , Mr . Gladstone , he _thought , had not _allowed sufficient weig ht to the objection _u-ged in _Hew South "Wale * thatttbe advantage of a council must depend upon the elements of wh ch it was composed ; tbat in the United Sta ' es t ' ne senate _consisted of men of high and independent character , wherea 3 in the colonies the members would be mere nominees of the crown , relieving the _executive from the responsibility of the veto . De thought the question , therefore , depended much npon thc state of society , aud that the double chambers ha-i not worked well in all our American colonies .
Captain Harris was of opinion that the measure was premature . . .. m ieave was given to bring in the bill . _Sir"W . _Somervim . _8 obtained leave to bring in , and brought in , a bill to abolish the -: asl of Newgate , in Dublin , and ? or other purpeses , and another bill to make temporary provision relating to the colkction of county cess in I « eland . Tie House adjourned at a quarter to twelve o ' clock . TUESDAY , June 5 .
HOUSE OF LORDS . —Lord Brougham presented several petitions in favour of the Bankrupt Law Consolidation Bill and called the attention of the _Honset- * the benefits which the mercantile community would derive from the measure should it become a law . After entering at length into certain alterations in the details of the bill , and passing a fig _TeuloHium on Mr . Miller , ofthe Bankrupujr Court , who tad drawn up the _digest on which it was _founded , - the noble and learned _toitf . moved the recommittal of the bill .. „„ a A fter some observations from Lords CA _^ _pboj . and Wharscliffe , tha bill was recommitted . . __ The Marquis of Laxsdowxb expressed him sen much p leased at the alterations proposed by Loru Brongbam _, and promised to use every effort in o rder o secure the passing of s 9 iroport _ tameasnredi" « flm J % e present session . - —
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_iZ _^ mF _* _! u Leaseaol , 1 Ten « reof Land ( Ire-SS te _wSj " bronght Up ' thethird readin _S Theirlordships then _adionrned .
HOUSE OF COMMONS .- Parliamentarv H . EFORM . —Air . Hume moved f _.-r leave to bring in a mil to amend the national representation , by extending the elective franchise to _alJtouseholders , and hy enacting that votes shall be taken by ballot , that the duration of parliaments shall not exceed three years , and that the propor ion of representatives to the population he rendered more equal , lie premised that the reform act , although it had produced great benefit , hnd fallen far short of what he had expected from the treasure , and it was because of its _shortcoming tbat he proposed to carry it further , by enactments ' which , so far fronv being fraught with danger , as alleged would tend to realise an object of the Utmost moment , in which all classes , from the crown to the peasant , were interested , namelv . good government ofthe people m parliament . No proposition of his _SU . w othe _^ -s could makeparharaent
per-S _™ . M _* h _eveiythmg which tended to improve it shou'd be supported b y the House , and , _aboveali . by _, _Srff _^ _i * H ? w- _'« etfa 'hey lay theirheads on their _pdlows , and think that they had discharged tneir duty to their country in the terms of the oath wn-cu they had taken , or were acting as honest and Jat _« nl councillors to the crown , when thev refl c ! ed On the discontent which they allowed to exist among the people to su « _-h an extent as but recently to threaten alarming consequences ? But it was a hard matter to push reform . He remembered Mr . Canning declaring lie would stand _asainst all reform " , and would-defend Gatton and Old Sarum , because England had been more pro-perous than continental states—as if Gatton and Sarum were the reasons for her greater prosperi- y . But that time had gone by--Gatton and Old Sarum , and all the other rotten boroughs , to the credit of this country , were removed for ever . After the _passing ofthe Reform Bill England stood at the head of popular representation . The condition of
affairs had , however , _cbam-ed since then , and we were now called on to consider whether we should not adapt ourselves to altered circumstances . liis lion _, fuend ( Mr . T . Duncombe ) . _wh- - « sereturn to tbeHouse he rejoiced at , in 1847 bronght in a bill to _repeal the _ratepaying clauses of the Rsform Bill , but the noble lord at the head of the government stated that he should like to have a little more experience of their working before he consented to the introduction of that measure . He said at the same time , howev « _-r , that he was not against reform , but was for a gradual _progressive reform . "What had bem the noble lord ' s
progress towa-ds reform since ? ' Hear . ) He gave notice of a motion to bring in a bid to repeal the cesspaying clauses as far as regarded the assessed taxes—is was put off from d == iy to day , week to week , month to month , till at last it finished in " the slaughter of the iniiocents" at the end ofthe session . _(*« Hear , hear , " and alaugh . ) Next there was notice of a bill for better registration in Ireland . No part ofthe empire required it more . A more discreditable state of representation could not be imagined than existed in that country , and yet the noble lord and his _colleagues-rsuch earnest reformers weretherallowed that bill to drop ulso . ( Hear , hear . ) Tlieir desire for reform , then , was a _makebeiieve and a _mot-kery . He called it so because , if they were .-honest and intent on reform , they would
make- any small reforms as an ' - advance , but he believed all their promises of reform were delusive , and he had . made up his mind that the noble lord and his colleagues— those ardent and useful reformers — had come to the conclusion to stand fast and do nothing . ( Hear , hear . ) England , ins tea ! of being at tbe top , was now at the bottom of the ladder of representation—that liherty which had been pronounced to ba dangerous for Englishmen to possess bad been conferred on Frenchmen , and on almost every other continental power . ( Derisive cheers and laughter . ) Yes , he heard their cheer ' ng .. What did they gather from it—what had been the result ? . (! oud cries of " Hear , " from the _Ministerial and Opposition benches . ) Thcresultthey had all witnessed arose from the gross
misconduct oi their rulers , who , bavins ; agreed to reform , bad then attempted by force to set it aside . He appealed to any one who bad marked the progress of events in France whether any injury had arisen from Universal Suffrage ? ( Hear , hear . ) Had not the peop _' e returned a large majority of a most conservative character ? and had they " not shown-unaccustomed a * _i hey were to the exercise of representative privileges—that th ' y coud make a fair and honest use of them ? ( Hear , hear . ) Yes , hon . gentlemen on the opposite : side might cheer as they pleased ; and the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) , he observed , was the first to cheer ; but wl at ' was there to raise it ? If tbe noble Jord looked to Russia or "Vienna—where his two dear , a _* -d darling Sovereigns were , who had betrayed their trust and broken their promises—he would see that it -was not the people who should be blamed for any excesses , but those
¦ w ho misgoverned them—the people were honest ; by the by , he-no longer heard it argued that it was unsafe to trust the people of this country with power ; and , feeling tbat they were honest , it was with the greatest regret hc saw the present condition of Eng . laud ; for in former days the Sovereign could trust in her subjects , and the military were maintained for the protection of the country from foreigii enemies . Then thuy , whole _ military establishments in the unite 1 kingdom was only 25 , 000 or 26 , 000 men and so late as 1816 I _.-. rd Palmerston _dechired he wanted no military for the internal protection of tlie country . In 1792 Pitt , the arch traitor of reform , _reduced his establishment to 25 , 000 . There was not one barrack in the kingdom except in a garrison town , and the whole expendituie was limited to £ 12 , 000 , 000 or - £ 13 , 000 , 000 annua'ly . What was the difference now ? There were barracks in or near
every town . Last year they spent £ 100 , 000 to build one at Preston ; another large sum was expended for the s ; -rae purpose at . Manchester . The whole country , in fact , was starred with barracks :. They had batteries of cannon now : of which they hvd not one in 1792 . For what purpose , were all these men and artillery ? To frighten the people . Let not the government try to conceal the fact . Instead o ! reposing on the affections if the people , tbey were taking measures not to yield to them their constitutional rights , and to coerce them to a system wbich was unjust . ( Hear , hear . ) Was such a state of things to continue ? Instead of thecountry brisling with bayonets , and instead of barracks and planted _artiil ' -ry , they should give the people tlieir rights as the t _< lie way of maintaining peace .. All these preparations arose from the fear of reform . He did not deny that there were unfortunately ardent and wild refonn _' _-rs . but that wasno reasou why the House should not calmly and quietly consider , while peace
existed , what bad led to such a state oi things , and to the _enonu' _-us military establishments whicli were weighing down the _country , and benea'h which it must eventuallv sink . In 1792 the whole taxation was _< _£ 16 , 000 i 000 : £ 9 , 000 , 000 . for the national debt , £ 6 , 000 . 000 for civil and military expenditure , and £ 1 , 000 , 000 for ihe " -inking fand . In 181 S we had iu round * numbers . £ 60 . 000 , 000 of taxation . Let any one think of 4 , 000 . 000 of fellowsubjects in a state of destitution in the workhouses of England , Ireland , and Scotland , and compare with it this expenditure of £ 325 , 000 on the gold lace and trumpery o the court . Why , the plainness o * " . Windsor grey'' in former days did more cr dit to the sovereign of England tban all the tawdry gold lace and trumpery sniffs ihey had taken in imitat un of Napoleon . ( Hear , hear . ) It would be more to the honour ofthe sovereign to see tbe simplicity which prevailed again iu vogue . Last week he dined with an old friend - f his - the Lord Mavor .
( A laugh . ) There were also present tlie ambassador from'Constantinople and an English ambassador about to proceed to the United Ststes , and he declared that if he wanted to put his finger on the cloth of their coats be could not do it for lhe gold lice upon thein . ( A laugh ) When he was a boy he recollected going to see the state trumpeters , on state occasions , in their _gulden coats . They were a sort Of Show . And , really , to 'ook at our ambassadorsat our C < "urt—ay , and at our "Ministers , they were just as bad . ( AJaugb . ) Look at th _« _tawdry manner in which they went to court . ( Laughter , in wbich Lord J . Russell and several members of the government joined . ) Was that the state in which they should appear when their fellow-countrymen were dying in scores every day ? arid should the
public money be spent on such-useless , vain , and gaudy trumpery ? ( " -Hear , hear , " .-ind laughter . ) He often thought £ 60 , 000 not _i-noagh for the Sovereign , —liberal as he _kne-v her to be to all charities ; but the rest of the money so uselessly spent would go far to relieve distress . He did not expect any Minister to step forward in" reforming those abuses ; they all required not a gentle hut astreng pressure to make them stir at _a'l . Other countries bad set them an example . ; In Be ' gium the government granted reform as soon as tliey heard of the events of Fe . binary in France . * Every Minister and every public officer at once reduced his . establishment one-third . Tbe Duke ofWurtembnrgh , when he succeeded his _fath-r , who was over head and ears in debt , immediately reduced every establishment one-half , and in that way won the love and adinirati n of his subjects After admitting that creat differences of op
inion existed among bis own friends as to the exact kind of . suffrage they would give , Mr . Hum- * proceeded to allow -the inequalities and injustice of the present franchise . Taking the population of England , Wales , and S ; otland , in round numbers , at about 20 , 000 , 000 , he found by a return dated June 5 , 1841 , that the num-. ber of adult males was 8 , 000 , 000 . There : were 3 , 500 , 000 houses ; the number ot electors at present registered was 820 , 000 . In Ireland there was no registry such as would allow an exact estimate to be formed ; but so far as he bad succeeded in attempting to ascertain what was the extent , of the suffrage there he couldnot make out that there were . 40 , 000 electors to the 8 , 000 , 000 of population in Ir hnd . The proportion then of electors to non-electors was as one to five aud a balf . ; What was now the state of matters ? The population had increased , and the proportion of electors to _non-elcetQRwas now nearly
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one to ten . Where had that increase taken place ? In the manufacturing towns , not in the agricultural districts . While the _population had been increasing at the rate of 34 per cent , in the manufacturing districts , it had increased only 7 * per cent , in the agricultural districts . The disparity , therefore , betwe-n the former -proportion of electors tsi > non-electors , namel y , one in five and a half , and the present proportion , had occurred in the manufacturing districts . Every year the disproportion was inc easing between the electors and the non-electors , and in those districts where it made itself observed , namely , in the manufacturing districts , intelligence wou'd be found wide-spread , schools everywhere existed , associations had been formed and meetings were held whicli were
calculated so to train the people as to fit and prepare them for the exercise of those rights to which ihe . _v would be admitted , if the changes he proposed were introduced The aristocracy ofthe country were far more interested than auy other part of the community in hnving this question effectually set at rest . For what was the value of their property unless it could be employed , if it were necessary to have bayonets to protect them aaainst their nearest _neishbour ? In no disturbance which had taken place had the working classes shown any disposition to plunder or appropriate the property of their superiors- ( hear , bear)— -there were innutnmble " examples , which showed that such was contrary to their disposition ; and was it to such men that rights . enioyedVby the
1 . azzaroni of Italy ought to be refused ? in what did the inequality of representation ' consist ? - Instituting a comparison between great and small constituencies , ha foun d that there were sixteen boroughs containing 2 , 917 , 000 persons , being one-half of the borough population of England . . Those boroughs * , including Birmingham , Bristol " ; and other ' great towns , returned thirty-two members . He wo dd com-are them with twenty-three' English boroughs which , with only 100 , 000 , returned as many members as the other sixteen boroughs : , The great towns , then , containing half the borough population , had one member to 88 , 000 inhabitant ? , and twenty-three small towns , returning an equal number of members . had one member to every 10 , 000 inhabitants . Would
any one say that this was a fair participation in the elective franchise ? . It was hot a favour , but as a constitutional right - natural right was out of the que-tion—that he sought an extension ' of the suffrage under the circumstances lie had stated . While those smallboroughsreiurmd one member lor every 10 , 000 persons , and ths other boroughs returned only one member for every 83 , 000 . 23 , 000 in Scotland-Bent nine members , and the remainder of the . population was divided among the other members . The Char ; jsts had created an alarm which had been * turned to account as a ground for making military preparations ; though it seemed as if the government had become alarmed for nothing at all . But what in the end would be the consequence of allowing matters to
remain as he had described them , to allow the disparity between elector : * and non-electors to go on increasing ? The inequaliiieslhat existed ought to be , put an end to . There were eighty-three kinds of franchise or qualification , from potwajlopers to tenpounders—an expensive absurdity which none but an English House of Commons would suffer to exist . Then there were twenty-eight English boroughs , each returning two members , wliich had less than 500 registered electors , while there were fifteen other boroughs returning two members also which had more than 5 , 000 registered electors . Boroughs which could only reckon 600 electors _am-ing thenl returned as many members as the city of London . It was impossible to make absurdity appear more
absurd , yet country gentlemen , and those who were connected . " with the aristocracy , seemed to flatter themselves that nobody knew anything of these facts . If-, they were to oppose his motion , he trusted they would take the manly course . of Canning , and say "We want no more reform at all . " It was also of great importance to bring but the fact that the majority of the House , of Commons represented less than l-8 th of the population of the country . Of the 058 members , 330 represented 3 , 127 , 000 ; 328 represented 23 , 800 , 000 . The majority included all the small boroughs , aud thoso under tho influence of landlords ; the minority , the greater proportion of the counties and large cities . Such was a description of the people | s hoiisc . Who would not
say that there was not ? fallacy on the face of such a system ? The aristocracy had one house to themselves , but bad both Houses at tlieir disposal under the existing modo of management . Democratic principles had advanced throughout the world . AVere any men so blind as to suppose the march of thoscprinciplcs was to be stopped by the perpetuation of so great an injustice ? One in every ei _/ fjifc only was within the pale of the constitution . All the rest were excluded as unworthy . There was a certain class in that House which was regarded as particularl y attentive to the interests ofthe community , and especially anxious to be esteemed as the friends ofthe working classes , standing 'forward to advocate measures for their relief , whether bv
the institution of baths and washhouses , or " of ragged schools , or the improvement of dwelling-houses . Tet those " very parties refused to the working man that wliich would elevate him as a member ot the community , wliich would elevate his social state , which would do ten times more than any other measure to advance his welfare . What ought to be done was to extend political rights to the working man , so that he should be able to take his part in directing and controlling- public affairs , in putting down bribery and corruption and extravagance ; but any gewgaw which might be held up to catch popular applause was preferable to such a measure . At a meeting of working men held ir . Exeter-hall with reference to a reward which had
been offered for the best essay on the question how best the Sabbath-day could be sanctified , Lord Ashley , in acknowledging a vote of thanks , bore testimony to the extraordinary talent and good conduct of the working men . Heattributed the stability of the throne to tho-steadiness , piety , and intelligence of those men ; and yet Lord Ashley would not come forward and say he would give _tlwrn the elective franchise . After examining the different bases upon whieh tho suffrage might be extended , whence it appeared that the result of population or of property would be the same , Mr . Hume pronounced in favour of tho former , as the easiest , and thus concluded , a speech of about two hours' duration . Seeing the causes of discontent whieh existed , seeing the desire that prevailed among the
working classes to acquire the suffrage , seeing that it was just and rig ht before God -and man that they should have it , for there was no principle whieh could be stated to justify their exclusion , he would implore the Ilouse coolly and calmly to enter on the consideration of the measures he proposed for their adoption . If Ministers were dissatisfied with the terms in which he proposed to carry out his object , let them prepare a measure such as they nii ght deem less open to objection ; if tbey thought -there was anything dangerous in his proposition , lot it be removed ; or any thing defective , let it be supplied . Mi-. IJ . BEnKELEV , in seconding tho motion , took occasion to censure some of the occupants ofthe Treasury bench for having voted against bis motion
for the ballot on a recent occasion , the Secretary for the Home Department , who voted for the Ballot in 18-12 , voted against it in 1819 ; tliat was to say , he voted white on one occasion , and black on another . The right hon . gentleman was bound to apologise for one of those votes . Surely the right hon . baronet would not assert that intimidation ' , corruption , and bribery had ceased to exist since 1812 . The Master of the Mint made an emphatic speech for the Ballot in 1 S 42 , but when he was asked to vote for it the other night , he replied that he was sitting on the Treasury bench , and he did not think that the people were as desirous of having the
Ballot as thoy had been formerly . ( A laugh . ) As to the noble lord at the head ofthe government , tlie people -were more disposed to look up tothe ri ght hon . baronet the member for Tamworth as a leader than to him . Ho Imped that the noble lord would not again pursue the disreputable course which he followed lately with regard to the Ballot . ( A laugh . ) Of course , when he used the word _"disreputiible" he applied it in a-political sense . Tho noble lord ought , at least , to attempt to offer some measure against the present motion , for , as to a majority to negative it , he was sure of that , supporteu as he was by the Tories .
Sir G . Gkey said , this identical motion had been brought before the House last session by Mr . Hume , and after two nights' discussion bad been rejected by a large majority ; and , after a year ' s experience , he was ready to put the question upon the contrast , which Mr . Hume had invited , between the internal condition of this country and that of . the continent of Europe . Mr . Hume had said that Universal Suffrage and other changes on tho continent had led to happy results ; but lie ( Sir G . Grey ) declined to accept those results hi conjunction with such an armed force as existed in Paris , and with other incidents found to be the invariable accompaniments of great political changes . He asked Mr . Hume , who professed to go " slowly and surely , ' , y / hether this change was to be considered as an instalment only , and whether , upon the fortchcoming motion of Mr . O'Connor , be meant to concede . two more points of the Charter . Before wc gave up the Constitution
we now enjoyed , the House , he observed , should know distinctly how far itwas proposed ; to proceed . Tlie propositions of Mr . . Hume , and the opinions of those who supported these changes , were vague ; the statistics of Mr . Hume were not always correct- ; the number of adult males was 4 , 000 , 000 , not 8 , 000 , 000 . Sir George avowed tbat lie . had never held the doctrine ' of finality . ; but ftt the House deal with the subject as reasonable men , and not blindly rush upon undefined courses . Mr . Hume had chosen population as the basis ofhis extension of the suffrage _,, but lie had at the same time repudiated Equal Electoral Districts , Why , then , not prefer property ? He had asked whether the House represented the peop le . The same question might be asked if he stopped short of Mi ' . O'Connor ' s scheme . Sir George acknowledged that . he believed ' the * Ilouse , since the Reform Act , fairly and adequately represented , under the constitution of parliament , he feelings and wishes ofthe nation , and he urged
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the House to shun tho great danger that would ho incurred by entering upon the course recommended by Mr . Hume . iii ' . O'Conxoh said : If it . had not been for the allusion made to him by the right honourable gentleman , it was not his intention to have spoken upon the proposition of the honourable _, member for Montrose . But as the rig ht honourable gentleman had entertained thc House with a political tragedy and farce , — -with a French tragedy , and an Ainericau farce , be might be permitted to introduce his interlude . ( Hear , hear . ) .. When , the right honourable gentleman referred to the
_melancholy transactions which had recently taken place upon the Continent , heappeared to be ignorant ofthe fact , that the cause of those calamities was the vain attempt of despots and tyrants to stop - 'the mind ' s , progress , and withhold the legitimate rights of the people by brute force . ( Hear , bear . ) Whereas , b y a timely and prudent concession of those legitimate rights , they mig ht have still maintained their positions , but , like other countries , tbey -waited until tbey were compelled to surrender to fear . what they denied to justice . ( Hear , bear . ) But as tbe right bsiiourable
gentleman bad endeavoured to awaken the fears of that House , by . reference to those foreign convulsions , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) , would use them as a warning for-the future , and tell the House , that ; the progress of ,- mind in this country was farther advanced in knowled ge than in any other country in the world , and what . arms and revolutions achieved abroad , that mind would ; assuredl y achieve at : home . ( Cheers . ) But , as the right honourable gentleman had triumphantly , referred to the present state of Prance , he was prepared ' to join issue with him ; and although far-seeing
gentlemen may attempt to augur the future from the present , he would ask whether it was possible that a more perfect state of tranquillity . could exist , than that which characterised the recent French elections % ( Hear , hear . ) Well , what did that prove ? But that the _yoiceof knowled ge had silenced the cannon ' s roar , and that a warlike people , trained to arms , had nowabandonedthose arms for the stronger force of mind —( hear ,: bear ) - —and , were now determined to fi ght : labour ' s . battle in the representative assembly instead of in the field ; and although they , may be taunted with some
men en blouse , and two sergeants ,.. sitting . in that Assembly , who , he would , ask , was so fit to represent labour , and to instruct that House-wholl y ignorant of the labour question—as the . labourer himself ? His * ( Mr .-O ' . Connor ' s ) greatest attachment to the Charter arose from the hope that it Avould introduce propei _" . and legitimate . . instructors into that House —( hear , hear)—and although some presumed that he was about to oppose the motion of the lion , member for Montrose , so far : from it he begged to tender bim . liis thanks for marching so far with him and the people on
tlio road of political progress , as by the achievement of political power ; only could they hope to acquire tlieir social ri g hts . * _-. ( Hear , hear . ) But as he wished that ' every act of his , and every vote of his , should be susceptible of defence , after tho minutest scrutiny , he felt himself . bound to point out the incompetency of the proposition of the hon . member to en sure a legitimate representation of labour in parliament . . The hon . _gentleman omitted two vital points of the People ' s Charter , namely , . " ¦ No Property Qualification , " and "Pay ment of Members * , ' while , without these two
points , the other four points would be incomplete , inasmuch as the honest labourer—honoured b y his class , intellectual , of . good character , and respected in his localitywould not be able to show a qualification of six hundred pounds a-year for a county , or three hundred pounds . a ,-ycar for a borough ; and even if that propertied qualification was done away with , if he was not paid for his services , how could he abandon his profession ? ( Hear , ' hear . ) _jSToble lords , aud right hon . gentlemen who sat opposite , were paid for taxing him ,
and why should he not be paid for defending himself ? ( Hear , hear . ) The ri ght hon , gentleman ¦ had -very _trhimphautl y taunted the hon . member for MontroseWith the great discrepancy of opinion-that existed upon every single one of his points , and he had called their attention to ' thc fervid and dramatic speech of the hon . and learned member for Reading , delivered last year , upon a similar motion , in which he reminded the House that it was impossible to draw the distinction between the man that holds the house and the house that holds the
man and that the gipsy under his tent might be considered as included in the hon . member ' s definition . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , it was because he ( _Miv O'Connor ) would notI multiply those stalking horses of the minister and the opponents of the measure , that he had resolved not to criticise too minutely the distinction between his own proposition and that of the hon . member for Montrose . ( Loud cheers . ) But , let him ask whether these fine-drawn distinctions would reconcile the millions to the rejection of- a measure as to which they Avere ajrreed , however those who
undertook to represent thein may base their opposition upon such a flimsy- pretext ? ( Hear , hear . ) But , did they . hope successfully to resist the progress of mind in tbis country ? As English loyalty had been boasted in the midst of these continental revolutions , let him explain that they had mistaken quietude , arising from the hope of the mind ' s triumph , for English loyalty . ( Hear , hear . ) In this country free discussion was permitted , and however the people may be taunted with
ignorance , he boldly asserted that there , was not a people ou the face of the earth who were better instructed as to their rights , and that reliance upon that instruction , and not upon _physic-il force , was the cause of their boasted loyalty . Iu other countries , the people were not allowed to meet and discuss theirgrievarices , and in the moment of excitement they betook themselves to arms . In France , with a population of thirty-six millions , there were little more than two huudred thousand
voterswhereas , now there are millions , aud henceforth her battles will be fought in the National Assembly , and not upon the battlefield , ( Hear , hear . ) And , however the ri g ht hon . gentleman may use the present state of Franco , as demonstrative of the result ofthe proposition of the hon . member for Montrose , he appeal's to have forgotten that the acts of- ages of despotism and tyranny cannot be all at once superseded b y any better system , aiid that a time must be allowed for the fervour and
excitement by wliich that change was accomplished to subside , before a new state of things can be organised . ( Hear , bear . ) But he would ask thenoblelordopposite ( Lord J . Russell ) whether ,-with a knowledge of the fact that Prussia , a- despotism ei ghteeen months ago , having now granted a' freer constitution than the English constitution—whether in the face of such a fact , he would attempt to resist the progress pf mind in . this country ? . ( Hear ,, hear . ) , ln Prussia they had all hut Universal Suffrage , and four years' parliiments , and was not such a jump as that , from unmitigated despotism , a greater constitutional change than the
concession of every point iii the Charter to the enlig htened people of this country , would he ? ( Hear , hear . ) 1 In order to multiply those differences of opinion which exist ' upon the several points oi tbe People ' s Charter , the rig ht lion , gentleman . had asked him ' ( Mr . O'Connor ) for his definition of Manhood Suffrage , and whether he like some others proposed to extend it to females ? His answer to the question was No ; -that he confined it to every man of twenty-one years of age , of sound mind , and untainted with crime ; ( Hear , hear . ) But stillrelying upon conflicting opinions with regard to his ( Mr .
O Connor s ) proposition , and that of the hon . member for Montrose , the right hon .- baronet lias -declared that he sees advantages to be gained \ from my definition of Equal _JElcutoral Districts ' , while he recognises complication and imperfection : in that of the ; hon . member for Montrose . Well , all he would say upon that point was , that he-was happy to have made a convert ofthe right hon . gentleman to one ofhis propositions ,, which insp ired him with hope that ere long he would convert him to the whole animal . ( Loud cheers and laughter . ) The rig ht hon . gentleman would find ample excu _^ o for
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his conversion from tho precedent established upon his vote for the Ballot in 1842 , when he sat upon this side of thc House , and against thc Ballot in 1849 , _'t _fhen he sat upon that side of the Ilouse . ( Cheers and laug hter . ) "Well , ho did not use it as a taunt to the right hon . gentleman , as seven years were fixed as the standard of man ' s mental consistency . But he would remind the hon . baronet and the Ilouse , that'the progress of mind had reduced their standard from seven years , to seven days ; and that whereas in the good old Tory times , seVen , _ ye . i , seventy years tranquility may be relied upon , ' as tho result of legislation , whereas no man , not even the gifted prophet , _can-foretell the events _ofscvendiivsin this aire of proaress . Within tlie
last twenty years that class , to whom you now deny the rig ht of frcemeii , lias been enlisted as the army to fight for what they were taught to look upon . as great political changes , —as the means to insure social benefit . Emancipation—Reform—and Free Trado were the three great measures , of that time , and uear-bought experience has taught- the people that they have not achieved one particle of benefit from any oiie of those measures . But as . sly allusion had been made to-the reviled Chartists , he stood there as their representative , and- defied thc ilouse to say , that even to accomp lish _their'own object they had , set Bristol in _flames-rburnt Nottingham Castle—carried the portrait of their king , amid the cheers of tlie boasted loyalty of
Englishmen - _, yith the executioner represented with tlio bloody axe prepared to . decapitate _i him , if they refused the noble lord and his friends the Charter , by wliich they achieved power arid dispensed patronage . ( Loud . cheers . ) Sow lie defied the House , the country , and the world , ' to charge the- Chartists with any such . icts of violence to obtain their Chart ter . ' - ' and ' hc was there as tho representative of that body , to tell the House that ho hover had been , nor he never would . be , any . party : to a physical revolution , because lie saw , and felt convinced , that the mind of the country , if wisely ,-actively , and judiciously directed , ' was capable of conquering all that the country required . ( Cheers . ) Aud his greatest boast was , that in spite of slander , and in spite of
all - attempts to seduce the people mto a course which would "be their " ruin , - ' -arid the triumph of their enemy , he h . id consistently persevered against fearful opposition , in one resolute line of policy , and as long as life and strength remained he would persevere in . thc same course , and would only abandon it when his . object was achieved , or when ho ceased to live . He would not . hold a seat in that Hou-h * upon ttnr condition tbat he was to give a single vote at variance with his foGlings ' and opinions , although he would hot offer any obstruction , but on the contrary would support the . proposition of the hon . member for Montrose . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) This he would do for two reasons ; firstly , as far as possible to disarm the ri g ht hon . gentleman of the charge of discrepancy of opinion ; and secondly , because the
hon . gentleman stated that his measure was to be considered but as one step—an assurance which gratified him ( Mr . O'Connor , ) inasmuch as the hon . gehtleriian Gxplained to the . House that , while there were eight millions of male ' adults , Household Suffrage would but enfranchise three millions and a half of that population , thus leaving four millions and a half—a majority of tho whole—unrepresented in that House . Hc merely mentioned theso facts , lest his support ofthe present motion should be construed into his acceptance of it as a substitute for thc six _poiiits ofthe People ' s Charter . No part of the right hon . gentleman ' s speech had given hun ( Mr . O'Connor ) greater satisfaction than his expression of ioy at the triumph of foreign nations
over their despots . But what would England s old allies say , when they read these congratulations m our English press ; and what would the English people say , when they found an English minister rejoicing in the acquisition of popular principles abroad , and resisting the , same principles at home ? ( Loud cheers . ) He ( Mr . O'Connor ) had always expressed his opposition to the Lallot with the present standard of franchise . ( " Hear , hear , " fromLord J . Russell . ) Yes , but he voted for that , lest his opposition to it may bo urged as further proof of the difference of op inion of thoso who advocate tho four points , and those who advocate the whole of the six points ; and he was determined that no factious opposition of his should
create discord in the popular ranks . ( Cheers . ) The noble lord , in his speech delivered at . Bristol m 1840 —an able speech—adduced excellent arguments againsb tlie Ballot with the present franchise . He said , — " The electors arc but the trustees of thoir votes , arid if you adopt the Ballot you release them from popular vig ilant control _^ and constitute them the owners , rather than the trustees , of that sacred property . " ( " Hear , hear , " from Lord J . Russell . ) Weil , but surely if they had a right to exercise that control over the trustees of their property , they have a perfect rig ht to exercise it lor themselves without any such control . ( Cheers ) It was because ho believed that what had been done by physical force in other countries could be done here
by moral force that he should advocate the Charter But the ri g ht hon . gentleman , in referring to the hon . gentleman ' s having presented no petitions on this subject , had furnished hiin ( Mr . O'Connor ) with the strongest reason for not proceeding with his own motion tlTat evening . He had presented no petitions upon the question , but he had received-applications from nearly every town in England to postpone his motion until they could send up petitions to that Houso in order to _sho-v that they wore still determined to persevere . They certainly would , not have a monster petition like last ' year —( a laugh )—but the several members of the boroughs and cities who presented the nctitions would have to vouch for thc
signatures attached to them . There was a mind iu this country looking to progress , and he would tell the right hon . gentleman and the noble lord not . to hug themselves with " the belief , that , because foreign countries had made an evil use ofthe powers that had been conferred upon them , that would bo justification for refusing to grant such powers in England . Ho should vote most cordiall y forthe motion of the hon . gentleman , assuring him , in his own words , that it was but the beg inning of the end , and that , even if the motion we re carried , it would not prevent him ( Mr . O'Connor ) from supporting the principles of the Charter , or bringing forward his motion on that subject , as soon as he was backed by the expression of * public opinion , which would be conveyed in petitions from all parts of the country , and then ho was sanguine enough to hope that the hon . ; member for Montrose would dismount from his quadruped ,. and mount his ( Mr . O'Connor ' s )
sexiped —( cheers and laughter)—a measure which he never would abandon m that House or on the p latform so long aslifo remained , for , however slow its progress , like the snow-ball , it would continue to increase , Until , at last , the whole rational mind of the country would adhere it . ( Cheers . ) . Col . TiiOMrsoN was of opinion that the present government at a former period had achieved the most glorious , because the most successful triumph in parliamentary reform with which this country was acquainted , and he trusted that the House of Commons would be enabled once moro to advance to victory under their old and distinguished leaders . Mr . Campbell made a finality speech in favour of the Reform Bill ,. " Go thus far , but no further , " and with respect to the present motion said , that even if it had the sanction of thc noble lord at the head of the government , ho must meet it with a firm and indignant denial .
Mr . Locke Kino , in a speceh which was interrupted during its delivery by loud cheers , energetically supported the motion , expressing his belief that whether in this year or in the next , another Ilcforni Bill must come , and when it did conic it would be productive Of thc greatest good , by bringing a vast number of men fully fitted for the exercise of the responsibility within the pale of the constitution , and would raise them to thoir proper rank as freemen and citizens . Mr . "Newdegate followed in opposition to the
motion , his main attack being made on the new mode originated at Manchester of enfranchising forty shilling freeholders . He might remind the House that thc hon . member for the West Hiding ( Mr . Cobden ) had , in the most emphatic manner , assured them tliat when the corn laws were repealed , the league , with its organisation for corrupting the constituencies—for it was nothing less than a wholesale system of corruption —( cheers from the Protectionists ) —even worse than the old rotten borough system—( renewed cheers )—would be dissolved , lie was aware that there wassome difference in the tactics
now pursued by these gentlemen . There was something too glaring in importing strangers by wholesale into : the constituencies . There was some danger that such a system mi ght be met by tliat House . The system now pursued was to facilitate by companies the purchase of freehold land , but not in'the honest and strai g htforward manner in which the purchase bf land was promoted by the land companies established by tho hon . member for _JSottingham . ¦( " Hear , " frorii Mr . V . O'Connor and laugh tor . ) Some of the , hon . - gentlemen opposite professed to be great purists when anything like corruption was mentioned , and he Mr . Newdegate ) , although he mig ht be called a corrupt Tory , ' was somewhat irritated at seeing attempts made to disfranchise or swamp " constituencies by those who always had the cry of "Purity of election" on
thenlips . ( Hear , hear . ' lie felt indignant on the part of his constituents , and he thought he should bo Svanting in his duty to them , if hc did not warn the Ilouse . the public against the organisation directed by hon . gentlemen opposite . Air Bright gave a . counter explanation of the system of enfranchisement referred to by Mi- . Newdegate , and observed . that it was fortunate for the country , after the avowals of Lord J . Russell and Sir Gv Grey , that there was a mode by which industrious and intelligent members ofthe working-classes . could p lace themselves within the pale of thc Constitution . In all civilised nations there was amovement in the direction of a government more under the control of the people , and more in accordance with thoir interests . The measure proposed by Mr . Hume was
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consistent with the theory ofthe Constitution ; th _« existing mode of representation was not co ' nsisten with that theory or with the interests of the nation ; it excluded masses of the community , qualified by knowledge and moral culture for the franchise , from just privileges and rights . The workinir classes hail made great progress oflate years , as was evidenced by the ably-written newspapers and thc cheap and moral literature which circulated among them , their energy in seeking employment , and the efforts they inado to educate hoth themselves and their children . ( Hour , hear . ) There was no doubt that the artisan of 1849 was a different being from thc artisan of 1832 and vet in
, the last-named year his help in the way of petitioning and assembling for carrying the ltcform Bill was not despised . ( Hear , hear . ) ' If it should bo said that the working , classes were so vicious that they oii g ht not to be admitted to political power , he could give some striking proofs that the . working classes —hespokeofthemanufacturing classes , whom they all seem to be afraid of—were not so vicious that they ought to be excluded from their fair share of political power . The hon . member here referred to a report of the commission sent down to Stockport , " hi which the working classes were described as being persons of great intelligence and industry , avoiding as far as possible dependence on the poorrate , and availing , themselves , when in . a state of
prosperity , of provident institutions , in order to preserve their savings , lie also quoted from a report of the chief constable of Stockport , with the view of showing the peaceable disposition of the working people , nnd the improbability , on account of theit advance in moral knowledge , of . their being drawn into insane projects of physical ' force . He believed that to be the true character of the whole manufacturing population . The hon . member then proceeded to review tho circumstances under which the principal measures of reform havo boon passed , and showed that force , or the fear of civil war , had , in almost all instances , influenced them . Take the agitation of the Anti-Corn Law League ; it was not an agitation of force , but of conviction —( " Oh ,
oh )—it was an agitation which did not so . much conquer opponents as convert them —( "Oh , oil ! " ) —hut he ri g ht hon . baronet ( Sir It . Peel ) , strong as his convictions had become in ' 1 S 45 , was not able to propose the alteration of thc . corn law until ho saw famire coming upon Ireland ; and it required the sacrifice of one of tho most potent and able Ministers the country ever bad— ( hear , hear)—before this boasted " constitution" would permit the people of this nation to purchase tlieir bread freely at th © world ' s . market price . ( Hear , hoar . ) Take tho question of economy ; the Ilouse legislated as if there was no British nation—as if tax-paying was unknown ; whereas , if the House at all represented the British people , no subject would be so
carefully and constantly discussed . ( Hear , hear . ) Ireland presented another great trial of our . " constitution . " The noble lord ( Lord J . _ltussfll ) aud the right hon . hart . ( Sir It . Peel ] must both of them have been aware for years tbat the laws with rrfgard to land in Ireland were in a most defective and mischievous state ; but it was not in the power of the Minister to propose the changes hc had proposed , until calamities were imminent or had happened which shut the mouths of the cavillers at every good proposition submitted to the House . ( Hear / hear . ) He had to wait till half a million of the Queen ' s subjects wore underground , perished in tho nineteenth century by a calamity which could only overtake a barbarous or ill-governed nation . ( Hear . )
He ( Mr . Bright ) had ' no respect for a constitution—( "Oh ! " )—or a system or state of parliamentary representation—( hear , hear)—which required civil war menaced iu order to get Catholic Emancipation , brickbats to pass the lleform Bill , an insurrection in Jamaica to abolish shivery , a famine to repeal the Corn Laws , half a million of men and families ' perished of hunger to improve the laws with regard to the tenure of land in Ireland . ( Hear , hear . ) But , perhaps , thc noble lord would say , the system worked weir out of doors . From 1880 , when the people began to feel that they had been cheated of the influence they expected to acquire by the Reform Bill , there had been an incessant movement in favour of an extension of the suffrage , out of which had como the frightful thing called Chart ism ( a laugh ) , not frightful because ofthe " six points , " but because of the passions stirred in thc discussion , and the animosities engendered among a population
behoving themselves excluded from their fair share of political ri ghts . ( Hear , hear . ) He ( Mr . Bri ght ) had seen some of the fruits of that agitation—not an agitation all evil by any means—for whenever the people were stirred up . to the contemplation of political questions , there was au . admixture , often large , of good . Ho had seen them at tdrchli ghfc meetings —( hear , hear );—he had heard of them since in small , and it niight be miserable , but not wholly to be despised conspiracies —( an ironical cheer );—he had seen incipient insurrectionary movements—( cheer renewed );—and we all knew that there was a wide-spread discontent among a large and intelligent ehiss , and a hatred of the law which those who sat in that Ilouse ought to be the last to encourage . ( Hear , hear . ) Did tho government deny itl Ask the judges—the Attorney-General ; go to the prisons _iiow , and you _ivould find not a small number of men incarcerated who had
been foolish and wicked to a great extent , but with whom a groat many sympathised to no inconsiderable degree . ( Hear , hear . ) If the Home Secretary was alarmed on thc 10 th of April iast year—unless he was he practised great hypocrisy on the country —it was because he knew that there existed great political discontent , and causes for it . ( Hear . ) Of the 6 , 000 , 000 of adult mon in the united kingdom , 5 , 000 , 000 were not electors ; a very large portion of them were not very much below tbe members of that House iri information upon important subject-- ; they were men who stood about the " hustings at an election and longed to participate in it . ( Hoar . ) The noble lord said , the other night , in the debate on triennial parliaments , that thc country had
sufficient influence in that Ilouse ; if lie meant by " the country" his own order , what he said was true ; but not if he meant what others did , all below the titled class . ( Hear . ) Look at the composition of the Cabinet ; if the House represented the nation , was it likely that the members of tho government would all he chosen from one class—that the Cabinet would consist of peers , and relatives cf poors , and baronets ? ( Hear . ) Hon . members bad been accustomed to this from childhood , and no doubt believed it to be ri ght ; the winning side always believed itself in the right —( a laugh );—but there was another side that would win " some day , and that was beginning to find out that this was wvong . ( Hear , hear . ) If the House was a fair
representation ot the grown-up population of thc country , or even of the middle classes , it would be impossible that the Cabinet could bo so uniformly composed of one privileged class ; the Cabinet was aristocratic and not popular , because tho House was aristocratic and not popular . ( Hear , hear . ) The five-sixths of the population that were cxcludr-d from political power and _iiiflaeiice in that Housewere they a body in whom they had no confidence ? What wouiu the country be if they were excluded from everything else ? All tho virtue , industry , ingenuity , morality , religion of thc kingdom , were not to be found in the one-sixth represented in that Bouse . Arc your schools to go for nothing , your chapels for nothing , your churches for nothing ? Is that great
mass ofthe people which is between pauperism at the bottom and privilege at tho top to be _coiisidorod nothing ? - And can you conceive that your constitution is good , or that your institutions are worth preserving , if you arc afraid that this class , if onco admitted , would overturn them * I am not tho friend of disorder or of violence , at any time or in any cause . I believe in my conscience that we who advocate tlio proposition of- my lion , friend ( Mr . Hume ) are truly the conservative party in this House . ( 11 car , hear , and cheers . ) I am satisfied that whatever is valuable in your ' institutions would be consolidated hy the passing of tho measure
whicli he proposes for your adoption . ( Hear , hear .- ) Ho not think that I am unmindful of the liherty we enjoy . ( Hear , hear . ) 1 honour tho memory " and revere the character of those who have gone before us , and who gained for us the personal and political liberty which we possess . But , in proportion as I honour thorn , am I anxious that we should norleave the world without having done something to repair aud to amend the institutions which have been lei ' t to us ; and I vote for the measure of my hon . friend on this ground , —that I believe if ft became the law of the land we should leave- " to cur children and our posterity thc priceless heritage of a renovated and enduring constitution . ( Cheers , )
Lord J . Russell paid a tribute to the moderation which had marked tho speech of Mr . Hume , the obscurity of whose seheme—for he still had not defined the term " householder "—had been cleared up by Mr . Bright , who , whatever might be the intentions and wishes of Mr . Hume , informed the Ilouse that the franchise must be extended to every adult male , and that only the six points of thc Charter would content him . In considering the motion Lord John thought it necessary briefly to explain the intentions of those who framed tho Reform Bill , which was to amend thc delects in the representation in the spirit of the ancient constitution . With regard to thc franchise , if the electors were not independent and intelligent the object in view—nauiely , the good
government ofthe country—would not bo secured , and much of the corruption of the unreformed parliament arose from the want of these qualities in the electors . Ho was of opinion that the ceuntry , as a whole , was far better represented by a mixed and varied representation , than if large counties returned only agricultural members ; - and ' large cities members who represented manufacturing interests ' ; arid that , if the whole ' country , were to bo divided into districts , so far from the _representation being more complete , it would be less so . Mr . Bright had admitted that the working classes had now the means of buying a franchise ; _Tbut he ( Lord John Russell ) repeated that he saw nothing in the Reform Act , or in any opinion he had _expretsed , that should debar him from adopting any plan by which the base ofthe suffrage niight be . wv _cu'd in _.-. _.-r , _-- ,., ' ! _-. j ,:, » :. , . _; _"' ¦' - ¦ " _"*; . '¦ ' . ' , " ¦ ¦•• ; . ' ; ., ' ' . _% " " , '"
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), June 9, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_09061849/page/7/
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