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Northern Star (1837-1852), 16th May 1846, Edition 3 of 3, Page 1, ,* ^ -<-. *¥ ^5 w r->' , *^v , '-# '^^-c...

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    • ctsI£&'Tdws. --Oh. " Sunday "Tevehiag last "ft full
    • FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
    • tagmal Mvlixwm
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      Ctsi£&'Tdws. --Oh. " Sunday "Tevehiag Last "Ft Full

      _ctsI £ _& 'Tdws . --Oh . " Sunday _"Tevehiag last " ft full

      -Eeti Ug Ofthemembers Of This Locality T...

      _-eeti _ug ofthemembers of this locality TO 8 fl » u _« _« _r Dnddridge ' s , Tenbridge Street , New Road , ilr . _Cit _iesAttreein the chair . The Secretary having _jejdJuT . OlCoimor ' a letter addres sed _fe tbe Somer s Toffn Chartists , and also the _repott of tbe Maryle - bone meeting alluded to therein , Mr . George _Hum _. Bird

      p bries moved , seconded by Mr . Wm . , that Mr . O'Gonnofs letter be received as satisfactory . Mr . John Arnott moved aa an amendment , Thata respectful exp lanatory letter he written to Mr . _O'Ckranor in reply to Ms letter in yesterday ' s Star which was seconded by Mr . Henry Child . Afteralong and friendly discussion , in which Messrs Page , Hornby , Pettit , Harris and Hall took part , the amendment "was carried liy a great majority .

      Messrs . Child , Arnott , Hornby and Harris were appointed a committee to draw up the said letter , and the meeting separated . At a meeting of the members on Tuesday evening , tbe letter drawn up by the committee having been read , was , on the motion of Messrs . Humphries and Bird , unanimously adopted .

      To Feargus O'Connor, Esq. Beab Sib ,—We ...

      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . Beab Sib , —We can with tbe greatest sincerity assat that we have for you the highest esteem and respect ; your noble exertions , your unceasing and unflinching advocacy , your great services and sacrifices for and in our behalf we duly appreciate . "Wemayhavebeenprecipitate , wemayhavebeenrash , we may have rather nicely scanned your every act and word , and we may have rather too forcibly expressed Our opinions thereon , but that we were actuated by

      any invidious feeling or improper motive , that we had any idea of forcing you into an unprofitable controversy , or _attaching to your acts or words a meaning which , _they'did not convey , or that weiadthe least intention Of malting marked thrusts at your policy , of casting- censure on oraifackimj you in an unprovoked or unmanly manner , we most emphatically deny ; and that any proceeding or expression ef ours should lead to such conclusions we extremely regret .

      _"Wcwitt tVuW _"briefty explain why _to -were induced fo pass the resolutions of which yon complain . Seeing , in the Star , the report of the meeting at the Feathers Tavern , ( to which we were desirous of callins yonr attention ) and also in your letter ( inserted in the same paper ) _thefollowingpassage and the ( not extraordinary or national , but ) CHARTIST Convention , which will shortly be held in LONDON , it appeared to ns that an understanding existed to hold

      the Convention in London , contrary te the 3 rd rule ofthe association , and without tbe members having given any decision on the subject ; with this impression on our minds , and being the firm and uncompromising advocates of free expression of opinion on all matters of policy , we thonght it our duty toadopt the said resolutions , but being now convinced that we were acting under a wrong impression , we most cheerfully retract any expression that we may have used , calculated to give the least offence .

      With yonr remarks on the prominence shown to tbe "Report of the Marylehone Meeting , we fully agree , but that we were no party thereto , you are aware ; that yon have just cause to complain of that report , wc readily admit ; we also consider that we are justified in protesting against it , as being the subject matter of your complaint against ns ; that that report is partial and in many of its statements altogether incorrect , we can substantiate ; and we are of opinion , that it is purposely so reported , in accordance with the reporter ' s private opinion . Tour manly and straightforward conduct , in thoroughly sifting this matter , has given us every satisfaction , for which we return yon our sincere thanks .

      We hare not that undue or stubborn predilection for Leeds , nor hare we so learned democracy , but that we would most cordially submit to he guided by extreme circumstances or urgent events , and would with pleasure bow to the decision of the majority . In the wise discretifln of the Executive Committee we hare full and entire confidence , and we can with great satisfaction ( althoughnot _hoastingly ) state that to every pecanisry appeal made hy them , we have invariably responded . "Withpremature _audundefined policy we disagree . The nasty and mean feeling to which you allude , as heing manifested at the Turnagain Lane meeting , we have no cognizance of—Pijsonalities and vituperation we deprecate—a vindictive , dominant , and dictatorial spirit , we repudiateand petty jealousies , bickerings , and disunion , with their withering and baneful tendencies , we deplore .

      Ii conclusion , Sir , we trust that the above explanation will afford the desired satisfaction , that all "Unpleasantness will he buried in oblivion ; and that ere long , united in one common bond of brotherhood , the oppressed , degraded , and toiling slaves to capital , will rise , shake off their chains , and resolve to be tree , Is the sincere desire of , dear Sir , your brother Chartists , the members of the Somers Town locality , ( Signed on their behalf , ) Johs Absot * , Snb . Sec . S , Middlesex-place , Somers-town . May 13 th 1346 .

      To The Somers' Town Chartists. Mr Teet D...

      TO THE SOMERS' TOWN CHARTISTS . Mr teet Dear Fbiexds , —Accept my "best thanks for your kind letter . It furnishes another proof that all who are sincerely devoted to a good cause will find little difficulty in allaying irritation , and , in yonr own words , burying all past differences in oblivion For the last few weeks my mind has "been diverted from a pursuit , io the success of which I look for the thorough and complete emancipation of the working classes . My mind has very naturally been distracted by the attempts of the old corruptienists to seduce some of oBr leaders fo the advocacy of their cause . Tou will agree with me that whenever a move of this nature is contemplated , tbe guilty party ever make

      a WRANGLING IN THE CHARTIST RANKS the pretext fer abandoning the Chartist cause ; while , in my opinion , those differences , if they did exist , which I utterly deny , should only induce the real ftiends of tbe cause to stick more pertinaciously to its advocacy . This fact , together with the fact that my whole time and energy is now required for the practical developement of our Land Plan , made me feel nervous , and perhaps snappish , upon incidents which before I might have looked more lightly upon . "For these

      reasons , together with the fact tbat your locality can boast of as good Chartists as are to be found in England , I derived intense pleasure from the perusal Of your letter . As to the share of blame that yon would fix npon the reporter , it la rather strange , but is nevertheless the fact , that I used to "him the very same language , when I discovered the impropriety , that yoa bare nsed in yonr letter . Like you , I had long observed a leaning towards the policy advocated by him and I saw that a kind of colouring favourable to it was given to all the reported pro

      ceedings ; nevertheless , I did not complain f or two reasons;—Firstly , from respect to the liberty of the press , and Secondly , "because I felt assured that that correction which you have now very properly administered , would be the most effectual mode of stopping this improper course of conduct , without imposing upon me the necessity of having recourse to the exercise of my own authority—an authority which , had the evil eontumed , I should have been bound to apply to its

      correction . To-morrow ( Friday ) we take possession of the people ' s first estate , and I assure you , that your sensible letter , and the assurance that divisions shall not becreated in ourranks , will enablome to prosecute my new undertaking "with more vigour and satisfaction than I should have been master of under different feelings . It was my intention tohave written a rather lengthy letter upon tbe land question this week , hut the vast demand upon our columns , arising from the glorious struggle now being made by the

      Building Trades , Shoemakers , and other branches ofthe labouring class , preclude tbe possibility of entering upon the subject this week . In my next , 1 hope to be able to announce that a vigorous commencement lias been made _ivhich may be followed by a happy future for your order . Tou will agree with me that the cause of _thetradsSj however they have shrunk from the advocacy of _ocr principles , is nevertheless one in which every friend of the working classes most take a deep and intei > . _** e interest . 1 make no doubt , that , although H o ± seeking to be

      To The Somers' Town Chartists. Mr Teet D...

      the medium between the people and the trades on strike for the collection of funds for their support , the columns of the Star for next week will prove that my humble advocacy of their cause has not been devoid of a beneficial" result . I sincerely wish that the trades of London , in good employment , would take the Crown and Anchor , and invite their president , Mr . Duncombe , to take the chair at a meeting on behalf of their gallant brethren who are so nobly struggling for their own and their fellows rights . It really a melancholy and a pitiable thing when we

      reflect , that the brave , the generous , and the devoted , who are ever in front of labour ' s battle , are allowed to straggle on without that sympathy and support necessary to sustain them in the conflict . I would cheerfully live upon a meal a day of thecoarsest food for seven years to come , if by sodoing I eould inspire the working classes with the importance of the present juncture . They see an unnatural combination of wealth , power , law , and authority organized against them , while they look listlessly on , heedless of the consequence to their own order .

      We find the co-tyrants for whom the Master Builders bave contracted to do work , ready to relieve them from their engagements , and to submit to any inconvenience to strengthen thc hands of the oppressors of labour . Is it not then criminal , nay sinful , npon the part of the Trades of London to withhold their powerful co-operation from their struggling fellow countrymen . Is it not further contrary to their own best interests , inasmuch as they . may rest _i assured , that , when the battle is over , and should the ! masters succeed , they too will feel the effects of their triumph . / . I must now conclude by again tendering you my

      thanks , and subscribing myself , Tour ever faithful and affectionate friend , Feabgtjs O'Coxnob

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      Vol. X. No. 444 London, Saturday, Mm M 1...

      VOL . X . NO . 444 LONDON , _SATURDAY , MM _M 1846 _WicE _fi _^ _pence « r . - __ - ; - - - - ' . - * : . yi- ; i ..: - _' ¦ ¦¦¦ - ¦ ¦ * ..... .. Fire Shilling * and Sixpence pel' Quarter

      Foreign Affairs.

      FOREIGN AFFAIRS .

      Madrid Journals Of Tho 1st Inst., Confir...

      Madrid journals of tho 1 st inst ., confirm what we have already published , as to the termination of the insurrection in SPAIN . The Gazette publishes a despatch of the Captain-General of Galicia , announcing that the following chiefs and officers Implicated in the late revolt were shot at Carral at a quarter past 1 o ' cloek p . m . on the 26 nit . —namely , the Colonel Commander Miguel Solis y Cuetos ; Commander Victor Velasoo , Captains Manuel Ferrer . Jacinto Daban , Fermin Marine , and Ramon Jose Llorens . of the reg iment of infantry of Zamora ; Captains Juan Sanchez , Ignaciod « la Infanta , Santiago Lallave , and Francisco Marquez , of the provincial regiment of Segovia ; and Captains Jose Martinez and Felipe Valero of the provincial regiment of Gijon . Another despatch of the Political Chief of Orense , dated the 29 th ult ., mentions

      that a party of revolfers , commanded by _Basilio Matens and Chicarro , were overtaken , in the evening of _theSfth , near tnefrontierof Portugal , hy acolumn of carbiniers , and that 16 had surrendered at discretion . The remainder , with the two chiefs , had sought refuge in a house , where the Queen's troops surrounded them , and the Political Chief believ ed that at the moment be wrote they had fallen into the hands ofthe carbiniers . The insurgents forming the g arrison of Lugo , made prisoners of by General Yillalonga _, amounted to 800 men . M . Antonio _Zumalacarregni , brother of the celebrated Car-list chief , and former President ofthe Cortes , and Minister under Espartero , died at Madrid on the 2 nd . From

      SWITZERLAND We hear that the liberals ; have gained ~ a complete victory over the Jesuit party . Out of the 171 elections for the Grand Council the Conservatives were not able to gain more than 29 . The state of POLAND still continues disturbed . The Weser Gazette of the Sth instant states , thai the peasants of Radom have risen against tbe nobles , and murdered several of them . According to the Vou Gazette , Tyssowski , the insurgent chief , and seven insurgent ofiieers , who had been taken , escaped on the 2 d from Neisse . Letters from

      ITALY state that the companions of the unfortunate Bandiera have been pardoned by tbe King of Naples . In our 7 th page we have given important news from the UNITED STATES . Since that report was in type , later _intelligence has come to hand . The Royal Mail steamer , Caledonia , arrived at Liverpool on Thursday morning , bringing important and decisive news upon the long debated question of the Oregon . The Committee of Conference , appointed by the two Houses , which , at tbe last previous accounts were in collision , had , without mnch difficulty , resolved to adopt a notice almost identical with that which had passed the Senatethe preamble only differing—the actual resolutions themselves being the same .

      Tagmal Mvlixwm

      _tagmal _Mvlixwm

      House Of Lords-Mohdat, Mat Ii. The Loan ...

      HOUSE OF LORDS-Mohdat , Mat II . The Loan _Chaxceixok took his seat on the wool sack at five o ' clock .

      RELIGIOUS OPINIONS RELIEF BILL . The Bishop of _Exe-teii proposed the questions of which he had given notice , with respect to this bill , should be put to the Judges . After entering at great length into the dangers which he apprehended from the passing of the measure , he concluded by saying that , believing tho measure to be equally mischievous and unconstitutional , he felt it is duty to appeal to the Lord Chancellor as the head of the law , and to thc other learned judges , for their opinion on the subject , and he would now conclude by reading the questions of which be had given notice .

      •• 1 . Whether , independently of so much of the Act passed in the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth , intituled ' An act restoring to the Crown the ancient jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and Spiritual , and abolishing all foreign powers repugnant to the same , ' as makes it punishable to affirm , hold , stand with , set forth , maintain , or defend , as therein is mentioned , the authority , preeminence , power , or jurisdiction , spiritual or ecclesiastical , of any foreign prince , prelate , person , state , or potentate , theretofore claimed , used , or usurped within this realm , or to put in use or execute anvthing for the extolling , advancement , setting forth ,

      maintenance , or defence , of any such pretended oi usurped jurisdiction , power , pre-eminence , and authority , or any pare thereof ; and of an Act passed in the fifth year of the said Queen , intituled' An Act for the Assurance of the Queen ' s Royal Power over all Estates and Subjects within her Dominions , ' it is an offence against the law of England , and punishable by the same , by writing , printing , teaching , preaching , express words , deed , or act , advisedly and maliciously to deny the Queen ' s supremacy , or to affirm , maintain , and defend any such pretended or usurped power , jurisdiction , or authority of the Pope , or any other foreign prince , prelate , person , state , or potentate within this realm ?

      " 2 . Whether , independently of so much of the said Act of the first year ofthe reign of Queen Elizabeth as is above recited , and also of thc said Act passed in the fifth year of the said Queen ' s reign , and also of an Act passed in the 33 th year of the said Queen ' s reign , intituled 'An Act against the bringing in and putting in execution of Bulls . Writings , or Instruments , or other superstitious Things , from the see of Rome , ' it is an offence against the law of England , and punishable as such , to bring in or put in execution any such bulls , writings , or instruments from the see of Rome ?"

      The Loud CnAxcEixoii said he should have no objection to submit the questions to the Learned Judges , but he did net consider it necessary to do so , because it was clear that b y the common law any bull or writing which had a tendency to excite sedition , or any act or word which would interfere with the supremacy ofthe Crown , in spiritual as well as temporal matters would be punishable . It was a matter of notoriety that bulls and writings were continually passing between Rome and this country . It was necessary to the Roman Catholic worship and discipline that such communication should take place , and in spite of its being considered hi » h treason , in spite of all their penalties , these communications were constantly going on . They were bound to tolerate it—they must suffer it , in consistency even with

      House Of Lords-Mohdat, Mat Ii. The Loan ...

      that the late Sir R . Peel was anxious to introduce Id their own legislation they ought not to sanction it . They ought net to say that the law should be a dead letter . ( Hear , hear . ) Ue could only repeat , that in hl 8 opinion the common law of the land was sufficient to meet any danger that could be possibly apprehended from such a source . But the words of this act made the most _innocentcomRiunication criminal , and therefore it was necessary to repeal or modify it , though , believing that any modification would be hable to obscurity , he had come to the conclusion , that it would be better to repeal it entirely , and to rely on the vigour of the common law for our security . ( Cheers . ) After some observations from Lord _Dejjman , Lord Bhouoham , Lord Campbell , and Lord Beaumont , all ot whom doubted the policy of referring the question to the Judges , the Bishop of Exeter withdrew his motion . The House then adjourned .

      HUUSE OF COMMONS , Mondat , May 11 . The Speaker took the chair at four o ' clock . MR . S . O'BRIEN IN TIIE TOWER . Mr . T . _DoscojinE presented a petition from Hull , praying for the release of Mr . William Smith O'Brien from the Tower . ( Great laughter . ) THE CORN LAWS . Sir J , Graham moved the order of thc day for the third reading of the Corn Bill . Tbe Marquis of Giu . vnv , in an effective maiden speech , moved that the Bill be read a third time that day six months . * '"'''' Mr . Gaskell seconded the amendment . After speeches from . Mr . R . B . _Shekidas , Mr . Floteh , Mr . Miles , and Mr . Catley _, against the Bill , and from Sir J . _^ _EASTnors , and Sir J . Graham in its support , in which all thc worn-oat arguments were repeated on both sides , the debate was adjourned .

      HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesdav , Mav 12 . After transacting some routine business , and receiving petitions on several subjects , their lordships adjourned before 6 o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Tuesday , May 12 . The early part of the evening was occupied by a quarrel between Mr . _HoDYARnand Lord Lincoln , as to some charges made by the former hon . member against the latter . It is useless to trouble our readers with this "dispute between the pot and kettle . " Everybody , knows that both factions bribe whenever it suits their purpose . The adjourned debate on the Corn Bill was then resumed . The speakers against it were Messrs . Newdegate , Palmer , Bennett , Plnmptre , Scott , Seymer , Capt . Polhill , Sir John Walsh , Lord Brooke , and Capt . Vyse . The only speakers in its favour were Mr . HaBtie and Mr .

      Sharman Crawford , so that the Protectionists had it all their own way , so far as the oratory was concerned . The whole subject , however , is worn eo threadbare , that it is useless occupying our columns with the thousand times told tale . The Protectionists , upon counting noses in the early part of the evening , finding they had a majority in a very thin house , raised a loud cry for a division . Shortly after they attempted to count the house out ; there were not more than 30 members present when the motion was made , but a rush took place from the lobbies , and exactly 40 having been found in the house , the debate proceeded . It was adjourned on thc motion of Mr . Colquhoun , on the understanding that it was to finish on Thursday night . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Websesdat , May 13 The Speaker took the chair at twelve o ' clock .

      THE FACTORIES BILL . On the order of the day for the adjourned debate on the second reading of this Bill being read , Mr . Colquhoun said , he would first take that opportunity to advert to a statement which had been made on a former occasion by his friend the Secretary Of State for the Home Department , who said that the house had not at any time expressed a decision in favour of tbe Ten Hours' Bill * whereas tho house did on a former occasion , whether right or wrong , he would not say , express its deliberate opinion that the hours oflabour ought to be abridged . The right hon . baronet also stated tbat the Ten Hours' Bill would inflict a very serious grievance on the great bulk of the manufacturers of the country . If he ( Mr .

      Colquhoun ) thought that the measure would at all affect their interests , he would not give his consent to the bill ; en the contrary , he was convinced tbat so far from the manufacturers suffering any injury by the proposed restriction of labour , they would rather derive great _advaitages . He was sure that those honest men , those benevolent men , who would faithfully discharge their duties towards tbe operatives in their employ , would be benefited rather than injured . ( Hear , hear . ) Who , he would ask , were those who sought for the continuance of extreme hours oflabour ? The dishonest manufacturer—the hard , unfeeling , and inconsiderate manufacturer . The secretary of state for the home department , on the last occasion the subject was under discussion , stated

      that he apprehended great injury would be inflicted on the cotton and other manufacturers , as the Bill would place them in a position less advantageous than was enjoyed on the continent , where the hours of labour where much longer than they would be under the proposed measure in this country . It was quite correct to state that the hours of labour in France and in Austria were longer than in England , where , instead ofthe operatives being employed sixtynine hours in tho week as in England , their hours of employment ran from seventy-eight to eighty-five . ( Hear , hear . ) But while he ( Mr . Colquhoun ) admitted this _difference in time , and which presented an apparant advantage to the cotton manufacturers in Austria and in France , vet he would place before

      the house the real facts of tbe case as ascertained a few _weeks ago from Mr . Waddington , a gentleman who was himself engaged in business in France for a " period of twenty years , and who had at present a large cotton factory at Rouen . Mr . Waddington declared tbat the result of his experience was , that although the French operative worked for fourteen hours a day , yet that he would not in that time accomplish the same amount of labour which the English operative would who wrought but ten hours a day . ( Hear , hear . ) Upon that point Mr . Waddington ' s experience was decisive , and it was the experience of years . ( Hear , hear , ) He could not conceive then , that injury would result to trade from competition with foreign countries , because the hours

      oflabour were diminished at home . If advantages had been given to the manufactures which were more than equivalent to any tax that you were going to impose , ought not , he would ask , that to be a reason why some alteration in the hours of labour should take place ? Great competition on the part of capital and labour tended to reduce the wages of labour . It was therefore thc duty of Government to interfere , and restore the equilibrium which should exist between the employer and the employed . The present system was , in fact , calculated to raise bad feelings in the breasts of the manufacturing labourers . They saw their employers making enormous fortunes , and it was but right that they should do so , for they had immense sums of money vested in

      the various manufacturing enterprises with which they were connected ; but then , notwithstanding that , while the operatives saw their employers making so much money , and at the same time endeavouring to keep them down by increased hours of labour and diminished rate of wages , it raised sentiments and feelings in thcir bosoms towards their employers which it was not right they should entertain ; " and it was in order to give no grounds for the entertaining of such feelings—to do away with suspicion on the part of the manufacturing operatives , that he gave his support to the present measure . He wanted the manufacturers to give their labourers time to cultivate their minds—to cultivate their intellectual and moral feelings . Did they do so ? And it

      could be done in a great degree by reducing their labour . They would find all these bad feelings , to which the present state of matters was so apt to give rise done away with , and their workmen better in all respects . But then the manufacturer said , why , a reduction of the hours of labour would cause a reduction in our profits , and a consequent reduction in thc wages of our workmen , and it was stated in " proof of that , that a reduction of one hour ' s labour would cause a loss to the labourer of 11 per cent , on the amount of his wages . This had been stated by Messrs . Heldswortb and Gregg , but he { Mr . Colquhoun ) would prefer Ihe evidence of Mr . Leonard Horner , the Factory Commissioner , which was upon a wider basis . According to his evidence the weekly wages was lis . 7 d .: so that on thc yearly

      earnings ef £ 31 , the reduction would be £ 2 4 s ., leaving him £ 28 10 s . No doubt tlie manufacturers said they must prolcct their labourers from suffering from any such reduction , but he would ask what was thc loss those manufacturing operatives had sustained in consequence of competition ? Why , according to Mr . Uorner , from the year 1 S 28 to 1 S 4 I , tho fall of wages in consequence of competition , was not 7 or H per cent ., but was 17 percent . ( Hear , hear . ) And thc lowest reduction known was 11 per cent . In one mill in Manchester alone wages fell between tlie years 1 S 2 S and 1 S 29 , 13 p er cent ( Hoar . ) That also was s * atcd in thc report ofthe evidence taken before the Factory Commission . But there seemed no such anxiety theu on the part ofthe manufacturers for thc loss their operalives were sustaining as they appeared now to show ,

      House Of Lords-Mohdat, Mat Ii. The Loan ...

      when'the trifle of a loss they would sustain in a pecuniary point of view , if they sustained any at aJ ) , would be made up for in the opportunity whioh would he afforded them of improving themeslres in an intellectual and moral point of view . He believed that were the present measure carried , it would tend to promote the interests loth of the manufacturer and the labourer . Moderate labour and moderate wages he considered tbe best system . ( Hear , hear . ) It _promoted tbe greatest happiness , giviug as it did time tor improvement and inculcating a system of economy to be observed in the households of those engaged in manufacturing labour . He would therefore most cordiall y give his support to the second reading of the Bill , considering it to be for the benefit of that large portion of the community to whom it was intended to apply . ( Hearhear . )

      , # Air . _Lahouckbiib considered the measwe a most important one , and could not allow it to pass a stago without expressing his decided opposition against it . It was nothing more or less , in his opinion , than a proposal to diminish , by one-sixth , the productive powers of the manufactures of this country —( bear)—aiid he believed that , if such a measure passed , it would inflict a most serious injury , not only on the manufacturers , but on those classes for whose benefit it was intended , lie agreed with the hon . member for Montrose , that it wiis dangerous to interfere in auy way in restricting thc labour iharkct , and althoug h he had given his support to Lord Ashley ' s Bill , he thought that he had introduced a bad principle— ' 11 © meant that ofintcrference with labour , anil he . eould go no farther in that direction . [ Tlio

      hon . gentleman then read several memorials and documents wliich he had received , relating to the hours of working in factories , and stated the reasons which would induce him to oppose any further restrictions upon the hours of labour . ] He believed if the working classes thought that the effect of this bill would be to reduce the amount of wages , they would as one man protest against it . ( Hear , hear . ) There was no such thing on record as a workman leaving a mill which was working twelve hours a day , to _ge to a mill which was working only eleven hours , although he believed there were instances of those who were working in mills under the eleven-hours system , leaving them and going to those who worked twelve hours . Were the Bill to pass , the _Inconsequences might not immediately ensue , as the foreign

      manufacturer might not be able to take immediate advantage ofthe position in which it would place the manufacturers of this country ; but they might depend upon it the struggle would one day come . ( Hear , hear . ) That struggle would then be between the manufacturer , whose capital was at stake , and the working classes , whose wages he _mustnccejsarily reduce , and these classes must in that struggle be the greatest sufferers . It would not be safe or wise to adopt the iron rule , and say that no operative in this country under any circumstances shall be a / lowed to work more than ten liours a day . He did not believe the operatives would thank them for passing anysuch measure as that before the hous » . | , They have often heard of strikes for higher wages , biit he had never heard of strikes for shorter hours oflabour , and consequently lie did not believe that tha operatives were in any way interested in the measure . The hon . member then referred to the experiment of

      working eleven hours a day , tried by the Messrs . Marshall , of Leeds , who , however , only did so on condition that their workmen should bestow additional attention and expertness in their work , and argued that , although the workmen employed by the Messrs . Marshall might give such additional attention , yet workmen generally could not be expected to do it if bound down to do so by Act of Parliament . In no country did the manufacturing operatives work less than twelve hours . In the United States the cotton manufactuers , up to the present time , worked rather more than twelve hours a day , and legislating on the subject ofa restriction of the hours of labour was a dangerous experiment , and he for one would be no party to it . He had equal objections to an Eleven Hours' Bill as he had to a Ten Hours' Bill , _- he thought the Legislature had already gone far enough , and he should therefore give his vote against the second reading of the hill .

      Mr . _Cowpeb supported the second reading of the bill . With respect to the opinion of the operatives themselves regarding it , they almost unanimously desired that it should be earned , and cared * more a & out it than any measure at present before the house . If they looked to the numbers of petitions which had been presented to the house during the present session in favour ofthe measure , they would see that such was the case . In favour of the measure there had been presented 880 petitions , all numerously signed , while only tour had been presented against it , and these four were signed by 93 individuals in all . ( Cheers . ) That certainly showed the state of feeling in the manufacturing districts on the subject of the measure . Throughout the whole of these districts only 93 individuals could be got to oppose it , and that being the

      ease he thought the house should have little hesitation in passing it . ( llear , bear . ) To find out the state of public feeling in regard to this measure , as compared with other measures of a public nature , and which had caused great noise and excitement in the country , he had taken the trouble to look into how many petitions had been presented to thc house in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws , and he found that while in iavour < rf this measure 880 petitions had been presented , only 572 had been presented in favour of that measure , popular as it was . ( Hear , hear . ) So far , then , as the number of petitions went to show , public opinion was more in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill than in favour of the Corn Laws—and it must be recollected , in making a comparison , that while the former was only

      confined to one department of the industry ot the country , the latter extended over the whole . As to the plan of voluntary agreement between master and operative , it could never be carried out , the system was too complicated , and depended too much upon the whim and passien ofthe individuals . Several meetings had been held on the subject , but nothing practical resulted . It was generally admitted that the voluntary system would not do . The ground formerly taken by some ofthe opponents of the short hour Bill was , that it could not be carried into effect so long as the restrictions upon the importation ol corn existed . This was tho opinion of Mr . Henry Ashworth , in May _18-M , and of Mr . Marshall . What would the factory operatives think of these men , who formerly grounded their opposition to the Ten Hours '

      Bill on the existence ot the Corn La . ws _, and when theso laws were repealed , oppose it still ? ( Hear , hear . ) Surely the opposition of such hon . members could not be considered either as straightforward or sincere . He thought one of the great advantages attending the repeal of the Corn Laws would be , that it would enable manufactures to restrict the hours of labour ; for surely it would be illiberal and sordid in the extreme that the manufacturers should receive all the benefit , tbe operatives none . ( Hear , hear . ) lie was not prepared to admit that a diminution of produce would ho the result of the Biil , taking into account how often the mills were at present closed from ( -kitted markets—how often hands were disemployed from excessive produce . It must be clear to every one that leisure was an indispensable condition

      of improvement — social , mental , and moral—and that if men , like machines , were kept at work from day to day , they could not have any time for their improvement . He believed , however , that all understood that this measure did not deal with able-bodied men as a matter of principle . It certainly indirectly had some effect on the men , but , as a principle , the biil had no reference to them . Tlie principle was that which had been always acknowledged by this country , —the protection of the weak against the abuses of power . The first step in legislation on this Subject was the protection of the apprentices . This bill enforced the protection ofthe children who were not free agents able to take care of themselves , but ought to be protected by the state . When it was said , as the hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . Hume )

      said , that it would be an interference with the freedom of trade to pass this _mensure _, he ( Mr . Oowpev ) would ask the hon . member what he would have said some years ago when a certain great boroughmongcr asked " Am 1 not free to do as I like with my own ?" Or if a West India *? planter had asked , '" Ami not free to buy slaves ? " Or how tlie hon . member would have answered the American in the story , who asked if this could be a land of liberty where a man might not wallop his own nigger ? lie ( Mr . Cowper ) contended that that was the answer to the argument ofthe hon . member for Montrose . He ( Mr . Cowper ) contended that Ihe millowners ought not to have the power to make young pers ons work a greater number of hours than , consistently with health , thoy were able to accomplish _, for they were not free agents ; at

      least they were not considered to be so in any other walk Ot fife . Even the man in those mills was not a free agent in tlie sense tlmfc he was called so in other walks of life , for the moment they placed men in conjunction with a steam engine they became like soldiers in a regiment—they must work the time that the steam engine worked . Thc Legislature had already undertaken to declare that 12 hours was thc longest term wliich factory workers ought to be employed . __ Now . tliey contended that 10 hours was a better time than 12 ; and why did they say so ? First of all , there was most authority in favour of 10 hours . The persons who had distinguished themselves by being the originators of factory legislation had all maintained 10 hours . It would now be admitted , he supposed , by the right hon . baronet ( Sir J . Graham )

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      hours' labour , a measure which belaboured several years to accomplish . Mr . Sadler was also for 10 hours ; and he need scarcely add the name of Lord Ashley , by whom the present measure _wasintralDced They had not been able to accomplish what they desired in this matter , but they or their friends were determined to persevere , and he hoped the day was not far distant when their object would be fulfilled . ( Hear . ) One reason for 10 hours was , that that period seemed to be pointed out by the phenomena of nature as the natural time for a day's . work . If they _ieoked _, at the occupation of all _meehanics , carpenters and others , it would bo found that they _almest constantly adopted 10 hoars as the time for work . ( Hear . ) If they went into a factory , and inquired how long the mechanics employed there in the

      making and repair of the machinery were employed , they would find that they never consented to work more than 10 liours a-day . ( Hear . ) He had been informed that one of the causes of the strike of the building trades , which they so much deplored in Lancashire " , was that several masters wished to compel tbe builders to work 10 hours and a-half , a change to which the men refused to submit . ( Hear , hear . ) The principal argument used against the bill had been an appeal to 'their fears—a vain apprehension that could not be accurately defined , —something in the distance that could not be distinctly seen . ( Hear , hear , ) Those who argued in favour of thc bill had carefully avoided making any appeal to tbo fears of the house ; but it seemed to him that , if they chose to depart from the nsove direct attempt to influence

      the judgment and feelings of tlte persons addressed , tbey might have drawn some picture that would at least have produced great alarm in their minds , — they might have drawn rather gloomy pictures ofthe vast mass of persons in our great hives of industry discontented at not obtaining that which it had so long been their anxious and earnest desire to secure , —they might have drawn some pictures of the alarm that must always follow _^ when a large proportion of our population were discontented at not obtaining an object of desire ; particularly when the demanding of that object was , in their eyes , justified by the sanction of three votes of the House vf Commons . ( Hear . ) But , perhaps , after all , the most rational ground of alarm was the prospect of that sad moral , physical , and mental deterioration to

      which considerable portions of our fellow-countrymen might fall , ( llear . ) It was indeed a subject of serious * alarm , that such a number of young persons should be daily launched into manhood and womanhood without any of that education which was fitted to prepare them for the duties of life , without karing undergone social training , but weakened in body and demoralized in mind , without respect for their superiors , without the love of goodness , witheut that knowledge of and reverence for tho divine law , which was the surest guarantee for the security of our present social state , and which mainly conduced to the prosperity of this empire . ( Cheers . ) Mr . _DfiNNisjouj * opposed the Bill on the ground that it must inevitably lead to a reduction in the wages ofthe operatives , as well as to a loss in the

      profits of the master . The hon . member related some experiments , where by the consent ofthe operatives f , hi ? fiIior 6 hour _ayatxzm _-rrcu _, aU _« _pti _> 0 t _. _XcrU <* _Uiminution of wages , but the operatives soon abandoned the system , and asked for a restoration of the old plan , with long hours and full wages . It was computed that 399 , 000 , 000 lbs . of cotton were wronghtin thiscountry . of which 341 , 000 , 000 lbs . _wera exported , leaving the home consumption 58 , 000 , 000 10 s ., about one-eighth of the whole . The effect of the present measure would be to lessen the . production one-eighth on the whole ofthe home consumption . He might add that during the last five years the home consumption of this article had increased Onlv 50 per cent , in this country , whilst in France it had increased 131 per cent ., and in the United States of America 200 per cent . The hon . member

      concluded by saying that he thought the measure would not be more injurious to the masters than it would be to the operatives , and for these reasons he would oppose the further progress of the Bill . I Lord J . Jf asners said—A gentleman , who virtually . guides the destinies , if not of the empire , at least ' of the Cabinet , assured the Ilouse of Commons _^ a few days ago , that any farther deliberation by Parliament on a great _question with which his name will henceforth be connected , was useless and offensive , inasmuch as that question had been settled out oi doors . I know not how that may be * , but if efforts the most persevering , conducted not only without the assistance of , but against the opposition of enormous wealth—if the repeated and unanimous prayers of a toiling nopulation—if the ' raarked , absenee of anything

      approaching to a difference of opinion among the hundreds of thousands whose hopes are to be fulfilled or disappointed by us te-day—if all these are symptoms ofa question settled out of doors , then , Sir , I think the Ten Hours Factory Bill may lay claim to the hon . member for Stockport ' s definition , and , as a consequence , his support . It is then to a question , already settled out of doors , on the side of which the reason and intellect of the working men of the North of England , no less than their sympathies and affections , are enlisted—a question that has already received the sanction of the Whig and Tory and Radical parties—it is to the consideration of such a question that the obstinacy of the Ministers compels us to come . The analogies and dictates of nature , if not the direct voice of Revelation , the experience

      of man , the prayers of the people , the admissions of opponents , the appeals to reason , the pathetic accents of manly eloquence , and woman ' s tears , all fail to move those whose master is Mammon , whose cause is competition ; and instead of a House of Commons responding to the just and moderate request of a population on whom we affect to rely , with ready acclamation , we are compelled to listen and reply to speeches such as that delivered by the right honourable gentleman . But , Sir , in arguing this question , I am met at the outset with a difficulty ; it is Proteus we have te encounter . Is it a great principle or a great accident , a temporary difficulty or an eternal truth , that comes between these poor labourers and their wishes . I cannot collect which from the speeches of the

      triumvirate that spoke the other day . The honourable gentlemen the member for Montrose , indeed , spoke gallantly of a principle , but his most serviceable ally , the Secrotary of State , defended all past violatians of that sacred principle , talked of compromises , hinted at the inopportuneness of the present moment , and plunged deeply , as no man who vindicates a principle , need do , into calculations and figures . Well then , Sir , as Parliament from time immemorial has only taken notice of the honourable member ' * principle of non-interference between capital and labour , in order to disregard it , I trust he will not be offended if I combat in the first instance the right honourable gentleman ' s facts , figures and inferences . In the commencement of his speech the right hon . gentleman rested his case on the inexpediency of any

      concession ; he bad found out , that although the working men would accept a compromise of eleven hours , tliey would not pledge themselves for ever to that period of labour . If they had given that pledge , I understood the right hon . gentleman to say , their request might have been favourably considered . Well , then , with him it is only a question of expediency . Let me ask bim , and the house , if on this low ground alone , many considerations are not to bo found in favour of this bill ? What is the picture the short-time movement presents ? The working men , sanctioned and encouraged by the Clergy , the Dissenting Ministry , and by the medical profession , range on one side : in opposition to them Standwho ? Their employers . They whose wealth they make , whose power they create , whose importance

      they subserve , to whose luxuries they minister , and the Executive Government of the day ; which just now is remarkable for nothing ao much as its partnership with tliose employers . Every year , as the boon has been withheld , they have been gaining , you have been losing ground ; their ranks swell as yours decrease ; and I now ask you , is it politic—is it expedient fov the executive Government any longer to p lace itself side by side with { capital and wealth , against the unanimous wishes of the working men , and "the deliberate judgment ami calm conviction of tne clergy and medical profession ; and thus hold up capital _to'the hatred and contempt of those who toil to create it ? The Right IlonourableGentleman then went on to argue , thai although the literal working of the Bill affected only young persons and females , to whom , were it practically confined , I gathered the Right Honourable Gentleman would not oppose , that in eftect it would operate upon adult

      male labour , and the very working of machinery itself and he warned the House against entertaining any measure which even incidentally might interfere with adult male labour . Why , Sir , what an argument is this ? Here is a measure which proposes to limit _tlielllOlirs whicli females and young persons shall work , to that period of time beyond which all medical experience asserts labour to be prejudicial to them , a limit which the Right Honourable Gentleman by implication , admits to be right and just in itself , but which he call ! upon us to reject , lest in its operatior . it should bo found to extend its _blessings to other and older drudges ; and so helpless women and unreflecting youth are to be sacrificed , lest weary manhood in the factories should only work as long as his fellowcountrymen work in other classes ot labour . ; Any one who listened to the Rig ht Honourable Gentleman ' s arguments on this part of liis case—to his indignant protest against the tyranny that would

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      prevent the _a'dult labourer from ; working Ins twelve hours a day , ' would S imagine _^ he : was listening to accredited advocates of a great body of 'factory workers , ! who felt that out of a mistaken regard for their wives and ¦ children , tlie Iloiise ' of -Ummons was about to deprive them of the benefits ot their dearest rights and privileges . * -: But what 13-T _^ _iSJ w * ' J the ri ' eht hon ; gentleman ' _plrad'ftr the majority of adult males-in the factories ? Does MS !? . Jr * tfl 0 « sand , 'ahundred , twenty , or so / .-JNot so . Nearl y a quarter of a million Of human beings haye asked for this measure , and the right honourable gentleman has not one solitary petition from a solitary unit of thatgreat class / hi whose

      name he appealed , to us , to justify his position , « hr certify his _fearai I now come , Sir , to that _portiba of the right hon . gentleman ' s case which mo 3 fca & . tounded me , I mean where he urged the present position of the Corn Laws is an argument against this bill . The right hon . gentleman would appearto live in a merry-go-round . On the lOthof May , 1 S < M , he said— " Was it common sense or justice , tho Corn Laws being maintained , to restrict the hours ofthe labourers'b y one-sixth ? " Well , those words , and Others _mOl'C decisive spoken in private , were success ' ful , and the Ten flours' Bill was rejected in order k > retain in office a Protection government , ' it Is now to be rejected , because the same government is no longer Protective , but Free-trading . "Look , " cries the

      Home Secretary , " at tbe injustice you arc committing , you hare not yet repealed the Com Laws " — ( although the noble member for Falkirk , by the way , a month ago , assured his late constituents that they were , in fact , repealed , and although that is the universal language of _& U the right hon . gentleman ' s • allies . )—Well / "You have not repealed the Corn Laws , the _millenium is not , consequently , commenced ; but you have reduced the protection upon manufactures , and can you , with common fairness , having thus exposed our manufacturers to rarei <> n competition , take away the advantage of _. vorking long hours ? " Now , Sir , I have one or two remarks to make upon this appeal ad misericordiam . " ( n the first place , Sir , whose fault was it that thc duties on

      foreign manufactures were reduced ? Did the operativesi ot Manchester or Leeds ask you to reduce them ? Did the agricultural interest ( to be sure you would not have listened to it if it had ) , but did tho _agricultural interest ask you to reduce them ? i \ o ; the _Dree-trade master manufacturers , to prove how sincere was their reiterated statement that _English industry needed no protection against foreign industry asked you to repeal those protective duties , _nwertin _^ they were of no use to them at all . But are we now to understand that all those great professions were but bare words , and that this reduction ( mark , not repeal , but-reduction ) of . protection has filled them w * _} ' _^ as _io e _^ ° _* ' or 61 ' o competition ? Well , if this be so I must observein the second

      , , place , that as they were the only people in the kingdom who asked for tbat reduction , they must pay for it themselves , or else submit to be regarded as the emptiest of boasters , the most hypocritical of patriots .. And let me , in the third place , diveet the attention ofthe acute and intelligent working people out of doors to this remarkable plea of their Free-trading rulers . It amounts in brief to this—that the price the operatives in the north of England will have to pay for Free Trade is two additional hours of labour every __ day . Now , mind , it is not I who say so ; it is the Right Hon . Gentleman who states it broadl y _^ The master manufacturers denounce all protection : protection is about to be taken away altogether from agriculture , nariiallv from

      manufactures , and this partial withdrawal is liekl to be so serious a weakening of this mighty interest , that unless women and children are worked two hours a day longer than all medical experience asserts they ought to work , the commerce of England is ruined , ' and her manufactures destroyed . Tbis , Sir , is the " protection then , with which the ' master manufacturers willnot part—this the protection thev so tenaciously cling to—this the one thing in Church and Stats that the Government will not alter—the legalised _over-„>»~ l _..-f .... J . _^ _„ . _„„ J . _^ Z . ' / J T »— .,- _! _. __/¦ — - _ . T .. _., ,. part of thesubject , let me say , to the leaders * of thistimid , puling , braggadocio interest—let me say to them , who come whining about the difficulties they encounter from a diminution in protective _dutiesf . _nflf . . - " . ha neriHAlllftlt . nl mlA _... ! mill _# » i . _/\ llmw . Ut . nl _^ _^ > uu _ojniiunui ai _juiciest irm give tiuuiii unvif

      , _umv their 20 per cent ., and submit to the injustice am ? inequality thereby occasioned , in order to _sivefchj working men of the North this Ten HourV Bill . Mean and contemptible , therefore , as was the position assumed by the right hon . gentleman , it is absolutely no longer tenable . Then the right hon . gentleman , following in the wake of the hon . member for Montrose , hazarded the bold assertion that the advocates Ofthe Ten Hours' Bill , had entirely overlooked the stress of foreign competition . Why at least onehalf of Lord Ashley ' s great speech in 1844 was given up to a most minute and accurate analysis of the hours and system of factory labour in other countries .. There Was no country from Russia to America where cotton or wool is manufactured , that escaped Lord

      Ashley s attention ; therefore the charge was unfounded , - but even bad itbeenotherwise , how strange a charge to come from our philosophic Free Trade Government—through what different spectacles they must view themselves and other people . With _the most perfect indifference they cau submit the agricultural industry of this country to a wholly free competition with foreigners , but are horrified at the idea of shortening the hours of labour in our factories unless other countries will do the same . Why , how many days ago was it that the Premier derided the idea of reciprocity , and conjured us to give up waiting for other countries : fiat justilia mat ccelum was then his motto . Had they not been hearing day after day , and night after night , the ceaseless ridicule ofthe bugbear of

      foreign competition ? Had the right hon . gentleman not been the foremost to call upon the agricultural interest of England to disregard the idea of dreading foreign competition ? ' * "What mattered it , ' * he said , " the sayings of M . Guizot , or the doings of the Zollverein ? Let England set a grand example , and gloriously succeed or greatly fail . " But the right hon . gentleman , who was so bold in March , who then so strongly ridiculed all idea of foreign competition .. became as timid as a hare in May . He , who advised the English agriculturists not to shrink from competition with the whole world , could not endure to hear of tne seventy-two hours a week wliich the French and the Austrians were required to work . ( Hear , hear . ) Whence , Sir , this startling difference f Why is the right hon . gentbman ' s mind

      " k \\ see-saw betwean thai and this Now high , now low , now master , now miss , And he himself one strange hypothesis . " Alas , Sir , there is but one answer , he and his Government are but the vassals of a section of tbo master manufacturers . But towards the close of his speech the Honourable Gentleman said , that work was the lot of man , and that if you interfered with his labour , you interfered with his wages , and that thc adoption ofa Ten Hours' Bill would be a tax of 16 per cent on his wages . Will thc Right Hon . Gentleman allow me to ask him at how much he rates the tax he himself helped to impose , when the hours of labour were reduced to 12 ? Did wages fall 20 , 15 , 10 or 5 per cent ,, in consequence of that

      reduction ? Have the working men petitioned to be restored to the happy state of unlimited toil , an il ' consequently unlimited wages' ? Will lie tell me by how much the wages of the work-people in all the arsenals and docks of France have been reduced , in _conscience of fifty-two Sundays being substraeted from their period of work ? Has one-seventh of their _wages been cut off , with one-seventh of their work ? But the Right Honourable Gentleman relied on facts , and quoted the failure of Mr . liorrock's experiment . Now that partial failure ' was explained away at the time ; but even admitting it to be in some sense a failure , there is the successful experiment ef Mr . Gardiner to set against it , and I adduce an analogous experiment on a far larger scale . In thc year

      1829 , the masters and the men in the Nottingham ; trade agreed to work only twelve hours in the day , and Bigned a deed to that effect . Well , what was the result ? Did wages fall ? No , they rose . The wages of thc men rose , the profits of the masters rose , and thc stocks on hand diminished . So things went on for a year , " at the expiration of which _,, some few masters , allured by the temptation ofthe short stock on hand , held out , disregarded the agreement ; returned to the old unrestricted system , and of course , compelled others to do the same . Well , what was the result then ? Did wages rise ? Not a bit ' of it : in nine months wages fell from Gd . to 3 d . per hack , and the Profits of the masters dot-lined twenty-five per cent . Aud I appeal to any one

      connected with Nottinghamshire to testify to the miserable condition of those who arc now- blessed with unrestricted hours of labour . No , the effect would be to equalise the amount of labour over the pear . But this disposes of another plea of the Eight Hon . Gentleman—it proves that yon cannot _Jrare this question of factory labour to be settled by capital , on one side and toil ou the other . Here , in a limited field cf trade , the attempt was made ; tho cupiditv or fickleness of half-a-dozen capitalists ' . broke * iu upon the engagement in nskort time . What hope , then , hare you that in the far larger field of manufacturing industry , where the masters are counted bv thousands instead of by hundreds , you can arrive at unanimity , or expect it , if arrived at , to be lasting ? Nc ; I

      savins a delusion and a deceit to tell tho people that tliey have only to arrange it with their masters . Why , the men have done their part already : they have declared , over and over again , with increasing earnestness that they will accept thc ten-hours' * limit with all _ita chances . But have tlw masters done thoir part ? No ; those who are favourable naturally for the most ask that others shall bo put on tbe same footing with themselves , and those who are unfavourable will of course hold back * until compelled by law . To legislation , then , we must come . But stay , there is an alternative , and one to which it would really appear her Majesty ' s Government and their allies are willing to drive the peoplestrikes and combinations . Tlio Hon . Member for Montrose objects on principle to law sanctioning the wishes of the working people _, * but helms no _ejection ( _Ctntinued to the Eight rage . ]

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 16, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_16051846/page/1/