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Northern Star (1837-1852), 16th November 1850, Edition 3 of 3, Page 7, SPEECH OF~ARTHUR O'CONNOR, ESQ., IN THE ...

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      Speech Of~Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...

      SPEECH OF ~ ARTHUR O'CONNOR , ESQ ., IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS , IRELAND , ON MONDAY , MAY 4 , 1795 , ON

      THE CATHOLIC BILL . Mb . Speaker , —I should not have trespassed on your time at this late hour wag it not that , asoften as this important subject bas been agitated , since 1 have had a seat iu this house , I have given silent votes for the most unqualified emancipation of my Catholic countrymen , from conviction ofthe justness of their daimB to _freedom , and of the inexpediency . and folly of continuing to sacrifice tbe civil and political rights ofthe people , for the purpose of aggrandising a few fam ilies , nnder the mask of promoting religion . But , air , the times call for something more than silent ¦ rotes . The situation in whicb we are so . unaccountably _^ placed is so critical , and the bill under your Consideration involves snch vast consequences in its

      train , that every man , who is Hot wholl y indifferent to the welfare of his country , must feel himself called on to lay aside eveiy lesser consideration , and to deliver his opinion withthatfxeedom , andthat boldness , _fiy which only the country can be saved . What do the who ! e of the arguments whicb have been advanced on this night , against tbe emancipation of our Catholic countrymen , by tbe gentlemen of the opposite side of the home , amount to ? To a mere _unsupported assertion , that it would destroy our constitution in Church and State . This is not the only instance in thia country in which the most egregious

      job has been concealed nnder a _spedonspbraseology . One would imagine from the language held by the right hon . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ; , that the people of this country were in the actual enjoyment of the British constitution in all its purity , and that it had been in this country that the experiment of tbat _con-Stitution had been made by which it had become the admiration of the world . Is it that the condition of the . people of Ireland corresponds so well with the great mutual advantages of tbeir country , tbat we are to infer , tbat their rivil and political constitution was ofthat immaculate nature which the right boh . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ) has represented it ? Is it

      because we were the most wretched and most miseraide nation in Europe , as long as this system of _inonopoly and exclusion for whicb tbe gentlemen on tbe opposite side of the bouse contend , under the title of Constitution in Church and State , was in il * most entire state ; and that we have emerged from that wretchedness and misery in an exact proportionaa we 3 » ve destroyed tbis system of monopoly , by extending the blessings of freedom to our Catholic countrymen , that we should now desist from our labours ? Is it because we have heard these gentlemen at the opposite side of the house , year after year , ever since this qaestion has been agitated , predict the ruin ofthe country , from extending the constitution to our Catholic countrymen , and that we have seen tbe

      country thrive in an exact proportion as it ba 3 been extended , that wa should now stop short on their authority , and consecrate tbe remainder of tbe system of monopoly and exclusion ? Before we risk every thing in defence ofa system upon authority whicb bas iritherto proved so utterly fallacious , let us inquire ante its merits . I will suppose tbe worst of systems ; _and I will leave it to the advocates ofthis system , to show in . what way it differs from this system of theirs , which they have consecrated under the mvstical words of constitution in Church and State . I will suppose the whale representation of tbe people of Ireland converted into a subject of traffic , and a monopoly _^ the trade given to a few families , witb an exception of that small portion of freedom which

      f alls to -the share of the counties ; I will suppose even this pittance assailed by these monopolists , by their profuse distributions of jobs and of patronage , and by their appointing the men of the best interests in the counties to seats for theirboronghs , whom tbey conld find mean enough to accept tbem , on the _con-Litton of servitude and wages in so vile an _occupation ; _Iwillsnppose these wholesale dealers in our sights and liberties , coming from their rotten _boroughs , and tbe counties they have debauched , with their attendant supporters of constitution in Church and State , to discharge tbeir cargo at tbe . seat of _government , at tbe counting bouse of anEnglisb factor : bartering an unqualified sacrifice of Irish trade , of Irish industry , of Ir on rights , and of Irish character ,

      -at the feet of English domination , and of English -avarice . For what ? What shall I suppose tbe price of this infernal cargo , like Pandora ' s box , a collection of every ill that can afflict mankind ? The whole nation of Ireland would blush to bear it ! They would blush at their own degradation ! Nothing less tban tbe most unqualified sacrifice of every thing in tbis _unhappy country , that could exalt these farmersgeneral of our rights and liberties , and of ever ? thing that could debase an injured , insulted , and impoverished people . Here is a system by which our national character would be degraded inthe eyes of surrounding nations . Here is a system by whicb the people of this country would be doubly impoverished , to pay fbr that treason which was to revile and villify tbem

      in the legislature of their own country , and to pay for tbat treason wbich was to sacrifice tbeir dearest interests to the aggrandisement of another nation . I call npon tbe gentlemen of the opposite side of the house to show in what this execrable system differs from the constitution in Church and State , for whicb they contend . And yet you have been told , that on tbe continuance of this system your lives , your liberties , your property , and your religion depend;—on the continuance of this system you bave been told your constitution depends . Nay , to fill up the measure of their effrontery , there are men who will unblushingly "tell you tbat this system , so profitable to them , and SO ruinous to the country , shall be constitution Half ' Fortunately it is no longer a

      subject of contention between the Protestants and the Catholics , for every man in this country except monopolists , aud those in pay of monopolists , whether Protestants , Presbyterians , or Catholics , have declared themselves equally interested inthe destruction of this odious system . Fortunately , the 7 rote 3 tants and Presbyterians of Ireland bave , at length , discovered the folly of sacrificing their own rights and the prosperity of their country , in a criminal attempt to exclude three-fourths of their countrymen from the blessings of freedom , for no Otber purpose than to perpetuate a system in whicb

      a few families are unnaturally exalted , at the _expense of millions of their countrymen as unnaturally debased . But it is no longer a secret , thatthe men who oppose the abolition of religious distinctions in onr civil and political concerns , when the general voice of the nation has concurred in so wise , so just , and so politic a measure , are tie nun who usurp the whole political power of the country , the men who have converted the whole representation of Ireland into family patrimony , to the poverty , to the oppression , and to the disgrace of the nation , and to tbe monstrous aggrandisement of themselves , their relatives , and their servile adherents ; THESE ARE

      THE MEN WHO OPPOSE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION . Andwhy ? Because Catholic emancipation would be incompatible with their accursed monopoly . Here lies the incapacity of the Catholics to participate in the freedom of their country ; here lies the excellence of the present constitution in Church and State . In this U comprised the whole guilt of our Catholic countrymen , and in the eyes of men ofthis description , the same incapacity would attach itself to angels from heaven , if tbe abolition oftheir accursed monopoly was to make any part of the consequences . Let those men who flatter themselves that they can continue the old system of monopoly and exclusion by whicb tbe few bave been raised on the necks of the many , risk , what

      they please in its defence ; but let me conjure you , who are without the pale cf their political communion , ta consider tbe important change which ha 3 taken place iu tbe public mind , to consider ithe language which ha 3 been spoken by all descriptions of men , from one end of the Kingdom to the other . Let me conjure Of you to consider that you are no loDger legislating for the barbarous , ignorant ages which are gone by , but that you must now legislate Jor tbe more enlightened , and more intelligent age in which vou live , and for the still more enlightened ages yet to come . It is on these safe and liberal grounds 1 invite vou to weigh the arguments whieh have been advanced on this night against tbe emancipation of l

      yourCatboliccountrymen . Anhon . gentleman , ( Oge ) said , if vou emancipate them they will get the upper hand , and they will erect a Popish government * -ani a noble lord , ( Kingsborough , } says , that Catholic emancipation is incompatible with _lrotestaat freedom , whicb assertions are founded on the supposition , that the Catholics pay such imp licit obedience to tbeir clergy in religious matters ; that they will destroy our liberties by paying a like implicit obedience to the civil magistrate in political concerns . Is there anything in the conduct of the Catholics at this day to warrant these charges ? Is it not harrowing np charges from the barbarous _tige 3 that are gone by ? Ask the Catholic clergy , -and they will tell you that their power is declined .

      Ask tbe Protestant clergy , from one part of the Kingdom to the other , and tbey will tell you that the superstitious power of the Catholic clergy is at an end . But hare you not heard the right hon . gentleman ( . Mr . Pelham ) , on this night , _lament tbe decline of his power ? Have you not heard him , in the vilest prostitution of terms , lament his decline , as the decline of a wholesome control ? But while itis with joy 1 express my Eatisfaction , that all superstitious control over the minds of mv Catholic countrymen is at an end , as that circumstance P _•^ . J ? _"*"' _* _" _** of their claims to freedom beyond au aouut , I cannot , nor will not . _sunnress mv

      _detestation andahhorrence of the right hon . gentleman , ( Mr . felham a ) doctrine , whicb would makesuperetibon a wholesome control : at this doctrine of passive obedience which would revive tbe reign of ignorance and superstitution ; at this doctrine of despots , who baring some infernal systemef oppression to support , and shrinking from the light of reason , would replunga us into that darkness and obscurity we have escaped . Backed , then , by the authority of the Catholic clergy , backed by the _authority of the Prote 3 taat clergy , and backed iy the still more general authority of the general observations of every man within and without thej _» _wgUs _/ _fromone endpf _tbekoflgdoruto the otber ,

      Speech Of~Arthur O'Connor, Esq., In The ...

      MassumeitMafact , that the superstitious control « _" ¦» _^ _fc _^ _ST WW tbe Catholic mind is at an end . _^ t . _hsoomn of the charge of _ipSpUh g _™ vemment ? What become , of tbe insecurity of the _Protetaute from tbe Catholics sacrificing your liberties , by paying a like implicit obedience to the civil magutrate ? Is there anything like this in the conduct of the Catholics ? Has the hon . gentleman and Ju _S v ,. » wil 0 bave made these charges , found the Cathobcs so criminally indifferent to the blessings of civil and political liberty ? Have those gentlemen , wbo bave left no secret means untried to defeat Catholic freedom , found them so criminally tame and submissive nnder the pressure of civil and political exclusion ? Is it a factthat the Catholic laity have

      , been so slack , and so backward' in tbe pursuit after civil and political liberty , as to require the incitement of their clergy ? Or , is it the characteristic of the clergy of any religion to be very ardent in the pursuit after civil and political liberty ? I put it to the gentlemen at the opposite side of the house , does the current of public opinion at this time in any nation of Europe , run in favour of despotism , or of Popery ,-or of Popish government ? But these gentlemen do not perceive the contradictory nature of the arguments they have this night advanced against Catholic freedom . At one time they represent them as men so priest-ridden as to endanger the constitution , by erecting a _Popish slavish government ; in the same breath they represent them as overthrowing the

      constitution by their democratical and republican principles , serving up at the same time tbe most heterogeneous compositions that were ever offered to the human mind . Bnt I refer those gentlemen to the history of mankind , where they will find that the men who bave been really and dangerously priest-ridden have invariably borne the yoke of despotism with patience and resignation ; bnt whenever they have assumed sufficient courage to assert their civil and political rights it was not until after they had thrown off the tyranny of the priesthood . Seasoning from this indisputable fact instead of agreeing with the gentlemen opposite , that the . " firm tone in which the Catholics have demanded their freedom should be a ground for

      refusal , I shall ask no better proof that they are entitled to liberty than their having had the spirit to claim it . But , the gentlemen on the other side of the hcuse , knowing the weakness of these contradictory arguments , have had recourse to prophecy . They have entrenched themselves in the fastness of futurity , and in the spirit of divination , they have accused ns , who are advocates for Catholic freedom , with the ruin of posterity . To this prophetic accusation I answer , as far as prophetic accusation admits of an answer , tbat the dark ages of ignorance and superstition have ever proved congenial to tbe tyranny of priests and despots ; but that the independence which has arisen from this intercourse of nation with nation , from the invention of tbe

      mariner ' s compass , and the knowledge which has flowed from the invention of the press , have prored fatal to" its continuance . Look round tbe world , and you will find in those countries where foreign commercefis discouraged , and where the invention of the press is unknown , that despotism uniformly prevails over liberty ; look to China and the East Indies , look to Prussia , to the Ottoman and African empires , those immense portions ofthe globe where foreign commerce is discouraged , and where the invention of the press is either disused or unknown , and you will find the civil and political rights of tbe people immersed in ignorance , superstition , and abject servility , the sport of tbe most rapacious despotism . Iu these countries the

      ears of the governing power are never greeted with the harsh sounds of the rights of man ; no , all is despotism on the p art of the governors , all is pissive obedience on the part ofthe people . Turn your eyes from these wretched countries to the several nations of Europe , and you will find how uniformly civil , political , and religious slavery diminish , in proportion as foreign commerce has heen encouraged , and as tbe press has been protected . See how uniformly these causes and effects correspond ; and if any one of you doubt that these great causes are at this moment operating those salutary effects , I refer him to the despots of Europe , and tbis war in which they have immolated so many human sacrifices , and in which they have deluged all

      Europe with such torrents of blood , and their present fears for tbeir darling despotism shall be their answor * But it is some consolation to me , to reflect tbat tbe avarice of these despots , which has tempted them to encourage foreign commerce in tbeir dominions , aud the vanity or necessity wbich has led them , or obliged them to give some protection to education ; and the press is at this moment sowing tbe seeds of that independence and knowledge which will one day crush that despotism , even which they and their bloodhounds have disgraced . Impressed with these great and important truths , is it when our country is becoming commercial nnder all its artificial disadvantages , is it when we have thrown off some of the shackles of

      our trade , and when by passing this bill , by creating a people , we shall be _enahled to restore it to perfect freedom , that we are to reject this bill through fear of destroying posterity ? Is it when knowledge is progressive among ns , when the youth * of the nation are giving such brilliant examples that liberality of thought is the offspring of education ? Is it when our Catholic countrymen are displaying such eminent talents in the pursuit after civil and political liberty , } talents which , lam sorry to say , we have had many examples this night , to prove how much more easy it is to verify than to rival or imitate 1 Is it under these circumstances we are to enter our fears for posterity ? Is it when our eountrymen have resumed their reason in such an

      eminent degree that we should suspect them of relapsing into ignorance and superstition ? Is it when our Catholic countrymen are claiming their civil and political rights , with tbe address and firmness oi men of enlightened minds , that we should suspect them of relapsing into slavery and a Popish government , basely surrendering the noblest privileges of man ? Never shall such tinsel reasonings make me see thefuture ruin of my couutrv in the actual freedom of my conntrymen ; never shall such weak argument dissuade me from an act of immutable justice , where the rights and liberties of millions of my countrymen were at stake upon the issue ; no , on this head the prospect is a bright one , and cursed be that man who , for interested

      motives , would darken or obscure its lustre . So much for the dangers of your constitution in State ; but the Church is in danger . What is tbat part of the system to whieh the Protestant religion is under such obligation ? What is tbat part of the system with whose destruction the destruction of the Protestant Teligion is so closely connected ? It is simply tbe system of conversion ; but is it a system of conversion from conviction ? No ! it shuts every avenue leading to conviction , it closes every door by which a Catholic could enter the Protestant church ; tbey have been barred by those rewards and punishments which short-sighted bigotry invented for tbe purpose of forcing religious opinions . By this system you have exposed the Catholic who conviction _toiue

      is wiling to lollow tne _dictates oi execration of his own sect for deserting them , because he appears to have done so , he escapes the penalties annexed to adherence ; and jou have exposed him to the contempt of the Protestants , whose tenets yon wish him to embrace , by making him appear to them as a man who had sold his principles , his religion , and his God , for no other purpose than to gain the immunities yon hold out to conversion . Instead of promoting your religion , you have called forth the dread of execration and contempt , to steel the Catholic mind against that conversion you affect to promote , and to attach bim to that relig ion from which you wish to estrange him . Thus it is that narrow-minded bigotry ever defeats

      its own ends by fhe means it employs to attain tbem , You have not its heats nor its _passsions to excuse you , but you have had tie _experience of its example to direct you . Cease , then , to prescribe to the Almighty the extent and manner of the adoration he shall receive ; cease to place your rewards and punishments in competition with his , for you cannot but observe how thoroughly the blasphemous presumption has exposed the impotency ofthe attempt . Act like legislators . Leave the way to conviction and conversion as free and as open as the superiority of the teuets of your religion appears to you clear and indisputable . Act like men , sensible of your duty to your Creator . Presume not to meddle with op inions he has not given you

      faculties to understand , and which requires his omniscience to control . Away with that system whicb exacts the sacrifice of the civil and political rights of the people forthe ineffectual purpose of promoting relig ion . We have triedit long enough in this unfortunate country to prove its inefficacy . It has had free scope amongst us ever since the passing ofthe law against recusants in the reign of Elizabeth , until these few years , that we bave begun on its abolition ; and if you would judge fairly of the merits of tbe system and ofits abolition hy their effects I call on you this night to choose between centuries of disunion , of civil wars , and of wretchedlobnd

      _np-so unexampled in any nation on the ge , aa few vears rapid progress in union , in civilisation , andSThe industry of tbe people . But I find it _" s not enoug h to have combatted this last objection _nrts own shape ; it-is ' not enough that I have _protedtoyou that you have not promoted , your another shape , and the dangers which were amI to threaten the Protestant religion , _'" _>* _^ °£ emancipation , have been made by an hon . genue man , Mr . Pelham , to reappear in the shape oi

      , * An Auusisn To The Students Who Prefe...

      , * An _aUusisn to the students who preferred goingto _"Francis-street _Ctotpel , where the Catholic Delegates were giving an account oftheir reception at St . James s , man attending _Lerd _Caraaen with an _addwss . _« . ¦ ,,, „ t The able speeches , made at _Francis-street Chapel by Messrs . Kepglv , M _* Sevia , Rjan , _audLewins , were grossly _ttxi _^ el _^ **** mem b ««> ' _* _»« _ethatdeMteE _™**

      , * An Auusisn To The Students Who Prefe...

      dangers , which he says threaten the Protestant establishment . He has confounded the establishment with tha religion , and , by an artful transmigration , he baa made the Protestant establishment to stand fop the soul of the Protestant religion ; and , after we have defeated the objection under the colour of the one , ho has made it to rally Antajuslike with additional strength , under the colours of the other . I say with additional strength , for I am aware that Protestant establishment is a word of that mystic meaning in this houBe ,, tbat < those who would wish to retain it in that state of consecration in which it has been placed by the priesthood in the days of our most inveterate bigotry , have a considerable advantage over me , who would examine its

      meaning before the tribunal of reason . It is their interest to confound the establishment with your religion , in order that it may derive all the sanctity ofthe religion itself . It is mine to separate them ; but they may as well attempt to confound the military establishment , by fthich tbe officers and soldiers are paid , with the tactics and manoeuvres which it is their duty to learn . In order to answer this last objection it will be necessary to prove either that the Protestant establishment would undergo no alteration from the emancipation ofthe Catholic , or that , if it was to undergo an alteration , the Protestant religion , so far from being injured , would be highly benefitted by the change . And I prefer the latter , *" because I believe , in my soul , that if some very material alteration be not speedily made in our religious establishment , there will be an end , not only to all religion amongst us , but to all moral principle , without wbich religion is a

      farce .. As the legislature of this country bave been mistaken in their attempt to promote relig ion by their system of persecution , so also have they been utterly mistaken in the nature and effects of religious establishments . They have confounded the interest of the clergy with tbe interest of reJig ion ; and tbey have - imagined that , in proportion as they enriched the Protestant clergy they were promoting the , Protestant religion ; and that , by dooming the Catholic clergy to have no establishment whatsoever , they were consigning the Catholic religion to eternal oblivion . Was I on a subject upon which I could expect any share of candour , I would rest the whole argument on the fact . I would ask , has the Protestant religion been promoted in proportion as the Protestant clergy has been enriched £ Have the members of the Catholic religion diminished accordng to the views of the legislature , who doomed their clergy to poverty and to bave no establishment at all ? The state o ' f

      the population of the two sects is sufficiently well known to prove that the reverse is the fact ; and if you will examine the nature of these establishments you will discover which is the best adapted for tbe purpose of promoting their respective religions . From that absurd notion of promoting religion by enriching its clergy , the Protestant establishment has made men of fortune ot its clergy ; and it has made them to live with men of fortune , and to live as men of fortune ; it has induced them to live witb men of fashion , with men of pleasure , and with men of the world— -and it has made them to live as men of fashion , as men of pleasure , and as men of the world ; it bas thrown them entirely into that class of men whose

      education , whose high sense of honour , and whose respect for the opinion ofan observant world , renderB the attendance of a minister of religion almost unnecessary : but it has taken tbem from the dull , but useful rounds of parochial duties ; it has estranged them from cultivating a friendly and intimate acquaintance with the lower classes of the people , whose want of education , whose want of a sense of honour , and whose ignorance of moral obligation , makes the constant and friendly attendance of a minister of religion indispensably necessary to keep tbem from falling into irreligion—to keep them from that vice and debauchery , which , unsupported by any other fund than that of their labour and their industry , which it must shortly consume ,

      must make them bad subjects under any government—must lead them to pilfering and punishment , perhaps to robbery and murder , and to a disgraceful death . By this establishment you have raised excessive hopes of preferment in the minds of tbe clergy , from the inequalities ifc has left in the provisions which it makes for them , by whicb their characters have been subjected to tbe imputation of cringing and servility to the dispensers of preferment—to the meanly sacrificing their civil and political rights and opinions upon the altar of an earthly superior , by which they appear , in the eyes of the people , as men either disregarding or disbelieving tbat leading and essential tenet of the Christian religion which forbids the sacrifice of their

      duty to their worldly promotion . Injurious as these defects in this establishment—for which such fears are entertained—have proved to your religion , they almost vanish , when I come to consider the evil ' s which arise from the mode of payment which it allots its clergy . I shall not dwell on how destructive this part ol the establishment has proved to tbe agriculture of your country—the most important branch of industry in which your people can be employed . I shall confine myself to state ; that it has sown the seeds of eternal rancour , animosity , and litigation , between the minister and bis parishioners ; it has allied the minister of the meek and charitable religion of Christ with the very dregs of the earth ; it has made him one in a company

      witb valuators , with proctors , with process servers , and with civil bill attornies ; it has made hira the principal suitor in tbat hell upon earth , -the civil bill court , where perjury is all prevalent ; it has converted the minister of the disinterested religion of Christ into a tithe-settling auctioneer , distributing his liquors in order to intoxicate his bidders , that they may vie with one another for the purchase of his wares ; it has made them appear tbe most avaricious and the greatest persecutors , who—by the tenets of the religion it is their duty to inculcateshould be the most disinterested and the least worldly ; it has made it appear to the world as if this establishment was instituted to make the people sensible of their indigence by a comparison with

      the wealth of their clergy—to make them sensible how miserably their hard labour was rewarded by a comparison with the indolence , but immense and sudden fortunes , oftheir CLERGY ; it has made it appear to the world as if this establishment was instituted inthiscountryfor nootherpurposethan to provide exorbitantly for the families and connexions of the political jobbers , and political advocates for tbe constitution in Church and State , in its present limited condition ; and it has made it appear to the world as if your PROTEST AST RELIGION had no other business in this country than to support this establishment , and not the establishment to support the religion . Turn your eyes to that establishment —or , rather , no establishment—which you forced on the Catholic religion , yrith a view to its abolition ; you have not ' enabled its clergy to mock the simplicity of the Christian religion by the splendour oftheir equipages—by the magnificence oftheir

      palaces , their furniture , or their sideboards—by the massiveness of their plate , nor . by the voluptuousness or luxury of their tables ; you have not tempted them , ' for you have not enabled them to desert then * parishes and their religious duties , in search of pleasure at Bath—at London , in your capital—at tbe water drinking places , the resort of the fashionable . No ; you hare apportioned their salaries to the discharge of their duty , and you have called out the strongest incitements in man—the procuring a subsistence , and the hopes of bettering their condition , to stimulate them to the roost active discharge oftheir duty . I am not an advocate for either establishment—for I am as adverse to that establishment , which , by obliging the clergy to humour the weakness , or to encourage the ignorance of his parishioners , as -the only means of procuring a subsistence , makes it an office beneath a man of education . Biit I cannot but

      observe , you have an example in your country of an establishment , by which a greater number than those of the established religion , are carefully and diligently instructed in their religious duties , by a resident elergy , of tiie purest morals , the most decorous manners , and of the greatest learning , between ivhom and their parishioners the greatest amity and affection subsists , and not the fifteenth part so burdensome to the nation as your Protestant establishment . I am aware , that in the eyes of weak and timid men who subscribe to the doctrine , that reformation is the parent of revolution , I shall appear as one who has entered on a delicate Bubject with too much freedom ; as a dangerous man , as a jacobin , as one that would embrue my hands inthe blood of his countryman ,

      But I will appeal from such contemptible decision to the sounder judgment of those who subscribe to the safer doctrines , tliat abuses are the parent of revolution , and that a timely and radical reform of those abuses , as well in Church as in State , are the only security against those convulsions which shake society to its foundation . An eye witness to ihe horrors of a revolution in another eountry , I must be more than a monster to wish to see them raging in my own . But if ever there was a time when it behoved men in public stations to be explicit , if ever there teas a time ivhen those scourges of the _Ziuinan race , called politicians , should lay aside , their dup licity and tiieir finesse , it is the present moment . Be assured , the people of this country will no longer bear , that their welfare shall be made tiie sport of afew family factions ; be assured they are convinced tiieir true

      ' interests consist in putting down men of self creation , who have no object in view but that of aggrandising tiiemselves and their families at the expense of the public ; and ii _± setting up men who shall represent the nation , and who shall do the business of the nation . And if I could bring my mind to suspect that my Catholic countrymen , after they had been embodied in the constitution amidst their Protestant and Presbyterian fellow-citizens , _xvould basely desert the common cause of our general freedom by enlisting under the banners of this or thai family monopolist , I should conceive that in having been the advocate for their emancipation , _t had been the advocate for their disgrace . But honour , interest , and the rising spirit oftiienation , forbid sueh . _unworthysustneioea-. If I was to judgo by the dead silence witb which thwwK 9 fi 7 _eM _*^ ' _» 8 us P t _^ -to * 6 said

      , * An Auusisn To The Students Who Prefe...

      h _* ? ° u ver _Potable to some men in this house ; but-1 . have hot * risked connexions endeared to me by every tie of blood and friendship , to support one set ot men in preference to' another ; I bave hazarded too muoh to allow the breath of calumny to taint the objects I have had in view from the part ihave taken . Immutable principles on whioh the happiness and liberty of my countrymen . depend , convey to my mind the onl y substantial boon for which great sacrifices ' should be made . I might allay the fears of the Protestant monopolist for

      what , in the true spirit of political bigotry , they call their Protestant ascendancy by stating , that as the boroughs continue in the hands' of Protestant proprietors , " centuries must pass a _^ way before the Catholics can participate in any considerable portion of tho political power of their country . -But I am contending for the purity of the constitution , D for its abuses . I disclaim contending for Catholic _freedomj'in the hope that the rights and liberties of my country may continue to be monopolised m the same manner after their emancipation as they were before . BUT I HERE AVOW MYSELF

      THE 2 EAL 0 US AND EARNEST ADVOCATE FOR THE MOST UNQUALIFIED EMANCIPATION OF MY CATHOLIC COUNTRYMEN , IN THE HOPE AND CONVICTION THAT THE MONOPOLY OF THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF MY COUNTRY , WHICH HAS HITHERTO EFFECTUALLY WITHSTOOD THE EFFORTS OF A PART OF THE PEOPLE , MUST YIELD TO THE UNANIMOUS WILL , TO THE DECIDED INTEREST , AND TO THE GENERAL EFFORT OF A WHOLE UNITED PEOPLE . It is from this conviction , ahd it is for that _transoendantlyimportantobject , thatwhile the noble lord Kingsborough , and the right Hon . Secretary _^ are offering to risk their lives and fortunes in

      support of a system that militates against the liberty of my countrymen , I will risk everything dear to me on earth . It is for this great objeot I have , I fear , more than risked connexions dearer to me than life itself . But he must be a spiritless man , and this a spiritless nation , not to resent the baseness of a British Minister who has raised our hopes in order to seduce a rival to share with him the disgrace of this accursed political crusade , and blasts them after , that be may degrade a competitor to the station of a dependant , and that be may destroy friendship his nature never knew , he has sported with the feelings of a whole nation , raising the cup with ' one hand to the parched li p of expectancy , he has dashed it to the earth with the other , ia all the

      _wantoness of insult , and with all tbe aggravation of contempt . Does he imagine that the people of this country , after he has tantalized them with the cheering hope of present alleviation , and of futHre prosperity , will tamely bear to be forced to a re-endurance of their former sufferings , and to a re-appointment of their former spoilers ? Does he . from confidence of long success in debauching the human mind , exact from you , calling yourselves the representatives of the people of Ireland , to ' / eject a bill which has received the unanimous consent ofyour constituents ? Or , does he mean to puzzle the versatile disposition of this house , on which be has made so many _tuccessful experiments already , by distracting you between obedience to his imperious mandates _.

      and obedience to the will of the people you- should represent ? Or , ' does he flatter himself , that because Jie has sucoeeded in betraying his own country , into exchanging that peace by which she might have retrieved her shattered finances , for a war in which he has squandered twenty times a greater treasure in the course of two years than with all his famed economy , he had been able to save in the course of ten ; for a war in which the prime youth bf the world have been offered up , as victims to his ambition and his schemes , as boundless and presumptuous as ill-concerted and illcombined ; for a war in which the plains pf every nation iii Europe have been crimsoned with oceans

      of blood , / or a _iwm * in which Ids country has reaped nothing but disgrace , and which must ultimately prove her ruin ? Does he flatter himself that he willbe enabled , Satan-like , to end his political career by involving the whole empire in , a civil war , from which nothing can accrue but a doleful and barren conquest to the victor ? I trust the people of England are too wise and too just to attempt to force measures upon us they would reject with disdain themselves . I trust they have not bo soon forgotten the lesson they so recently learnt from America , which should serve as a lasting example to nations against employing force to subdue the spirit of a neople DETERMINED TO BE FREE ! but if they should be so weak or so wicked as to suffer themselves to

      be seduced by a man to whose soul duplioity and finesse is as congenial as ingenuousness _nni fair _, dealing is a stranger ; to become the instruments of supporting A FEW ODIOUS PUBLIC CHARACTERS IN POWER AND RAPACITY

      AGAINST THE INTEREST AND AGAINST THE SENSE OF A WHOLE PEOPLE . If we are to be dragooned into measures against our will , by a nation that would lose her last life and expend her last guinea in resenting a similar insult , if offered to herself . I trust in God she will find in the people of this country a spirit in no wise inferior to her own . You are at this moment at the most awful period of your lives ; the minister of England has committed you with , vour country , and on this night your ADOPTION OR REJECTION OF THIS BILL

      MUST DETERMINE IN THE EYES OF THE IRISH NATION WHICH YOU _REPRESENTEE MINISTER OF ENGLAND OR THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND ! And although you are convinced you do not represent the people of Ireland ; although you are convinced , every man of you , that - you are self-created , it does not alter the nature of the contest , it is still a contest between the minister of England and the people of Ireland , and THE WEAKNESS OF YOUR TITLE SHOULD ONLY MAKE YOU THE

      MORE CIRCUMSPECT IN THE EXERCISE OF YOUR POWER . Obey the British minister;—disregard the voice of the people : France must bave lost her senses if she hesitates -what part she will take * , it is not an 84 th . department you will have if moulded to her wishes , * it is not simply a La Vendee you will have kindled in the bosom of your country : for if you shall have once convinced the people of this countrv , that your are TRAITORS TO THEM . AND HIRELINGS TO TIIE MINISTER OF AN AVARICIOUS DOMINEERING NATION

      under the outward appearance of a sister country . If you shall have convinced the people of this country that the free national constitution for which they were committed , and for which they risked everything dear to them in 1782 , has been destroyed by the bribery of a British minister , and the unexampled venality of an Irish parliament : if you shall have convinced them , that instead of rising and falling with England they are never to rise but when she has been humbled by adversity ,

      and that tbey must fall when she becomes elated by prosperity ; if you shall have convinced the people ofthis country , that instead of reciprocal advantage , nothing is to be reaped from their connection with England but supremacy and aggrandisement on one side , and a costly venality , injury , insult , degradation , and poverty , on the other ; it is human nature that you shall have driven the people of this country to count the alliance of any nation able and willing to break the chains of a bondage , not more galling to their feelings THAN

      DESTRUCTIVE OF THEIR PROSPERITY . The gentlemen at the opposite side of the house have attempted to influence you by the mention of Jackson : so will I read bis correspondence with your enemy , and you will find a volume , of instruction in . every line he has written . If the people of this country do enjoy the- constitution in Church and State ; why has he found the people , of the one country freer from that oppresssion which goads nations into all the horrors of a revolution ? Why has he found the people of the other more highly sublimated to his purpose ? Examine the whole of his intelligence , and you will find the weakness of your country in the conduct you have pursued , and in the converse of that

      conduct only you can establish her strength , Do not depend on the bayonet for the support of your measure , believe me , that in proportion as your measures require force to support them , in an exact proportion are they radically and _mischevously bad . Believe mo , there is more strength in the affections and confidence of the people than if you were to convert every second house in the nation into barracks for your soldiery . And , when tho gentlemen ( Cuffe and Kingsborough , ) whom I have beard this night tell you , that to act in contempt of the public opinion is spirit and firmness , and that to act with a decont respect for that opinion is timidity and cowardice ; tbey make ine character of the legislator to merge into the .

      character of the duellist , and they sit you upon the splitting point of honour with your constituents . Is it not enough that you live in the age and in the midst of the horrors of revolutions to deter you from acting'in contempt of tho public opinion ? Have you not had examples e *\ ough to convince you that men , in throwing off the russet frock for the uniform of the soldier , do not at all times throw away the ties of kindred and of blood ? Have you not had _examples enough to convince vou that even soldiers cannot at all times be brought to shed the blood of their parents , their kindred , and their friends ? And have you not had d great and memorable example to convince you that the soldiers of an odious government may become the

      soldiers rf a nution ? If these are plain truths this is the time to tell them . If I speak daggers to you It is that neither you nor my country may ever feelthem ; BUT If YOU WISH TO BE DECEIVED , HEARKEN TO THOSE MEN WHO ARE INTERESTED IN RISKING EVERYTHING . THAT THEY MAY CONTINUE TO MONOPOLISE THE WHOLE POLITICAL POWER OF YOUR COUNTRY ; IIEAR . KEN TO THOSE MEN WHO ARE INTERESTED IN _M-SKING EVERYTHING , THAT THEY MAY CONTINUE TO DRAW THEIR BETTER INHERITANCE FROM THE SALE OF THE WEL-; FARE OF YOUR COUNTRY ; but let me caution fyou , -whose property is too considerable to be

      , * An Auusisn To The Students Who Prefe...

      hazarded ih the bare pursuit after the rights and property of your enslaved and impoverished coun . trymen , to take care what part you act on this night ; let me caution you , that the decision of thia night goes muoh further than even the important bill under your consideration . You , none of you , can be ignorant that the British minister has designs in procrastinating this question , to prooure advantages for his own country at the expense of yours , " greater than she was oapabie of re ceiving since the revolution , at least since the Union , " and so strongly impressed is this on the public mind , that you who shall on this night vote for the rejection of this bill , will appear in the eyes pf the Irish nation , ' not only as men voting in obedience to the British minister against . the voice of the

      people , but as men voting for an UNION WITH ENGLAND , by whioh this country is to be everlastingly reduced to tbe state ofan abject province . Fortunately the views of the British minister have heen detected fortunately the people of this country see him in his true colours '; like the desperate gamester who has _loBt his all , in the wildest schemes of aggrandisement , he looks round for some dupe to supply him with the further means of future projects , and in the crafty subtleness of his soul he fondly imagines he has found that easy dupe in the credulity of the Irish nation , After he has exhausted his own country in a crusade against that p hantom , political opinion , he flatters himself he will be enabled to resuscitate her at the expense

      of jours . As you value the peace and happiness of your country ; as you value the rights and liberties of the soil that has given you birth ; and if you are not lost tb every sense of feeling for your own consequence and importance as men , I call on you this night to make j our stand . I call on you to rally round the independence of your oountry , whose existence has been so artfully assailed . Believe me , the British minister will leave you in the luroh , when he sees that the people of this nation are TOO MUCH IN EARNEST to be tricked out of their rights , or the independence of their country ; after he sees that they have been sufficiently alarmed at seeing the same men who uniformly epposedthe independence of their country ,

      when it was a question in this house in 1782 , recalled into power when that independence was to be attacked in ' 95 , when he has gained his ends of you , and when he bad made you the instruments by which he shall have so divided and disgraced the opposition of England as to render it impossible to form an efficient government out of his opponents , he will make his peace with this country by conceding this measure , leaving you fixed figures for the hand of scorn to point its slow and moving finger at . " Gracious God ! that you should fall into that very error , which has so recently overwhelmed a great nation in such unheard of cala mities ! Will you not take , warning from the fate of the government of France , which , by

      not adapting its conduct to . the changes of the public mind , has brought ruin on itself and devastation on its country . What a display of legislation havo we bad on this night ? Artificers who neither know the foundation on which they work , the instruments they ought to use , nor the mate _, rials required ! Is it by foreign troops you would lead tbe ardent spirit of your countrymen ? Is it in the fusty records of barbarous ages you would seek for that existent mind to which you should adopt your laws ? If you will legislate , know that on the broad basis of immutable justioe only you can raise a lasting beauteous temple to the liberty of your island , whose , ample base shall lodge , and whose roof shall shelter her united family from the

      rankling inclemency of rejection and exclusion . Know that ' reason is that silken thread by which the lawgiver leads his people ; and , above all , know that m the knowledge of the temper of tbe public mind consists the skill and wisdom of tbis legislator . Do riot imagine that the minds of your countrymen have been stationary , while that of all Europe has been rapidly progressive ; for you must be blind not to perceive that the whole European mind has undergone a revolution , neither confined to this nor to that country , but as general as the great causes which have given it birth , and still continue to feed its growth . In vain do these men , who subsist but on the abuses of the government under which they live , natter themselves that what we have seen these

      last six years is but the fever ofthe moment , whioh will pass away as soon as the patient has been let blood enough ; as well may they attempt to alter the course of Nature without altering her laws . If they would effect a counter-revolution in tbe European mind ; ' they must destroy commerce and its effects—they must abolish every trace of the mariner ' s compass—they must consign every book to the flames—they must obliterate every vestige of the invention of the press—they must destroy the conduct of intelligence , by destroying the institution of the Post-ofnce , then , and not till then , they and their abuses may live on in all-the security whieh ignorancesuperstition , and want of concert in the

      , people can bestow . But while I would overwhelm with despair those men who have been nursed in the lap of venality and prostitution—who have been educated in contempt and ridicule of a love for their country , and who have grown grey in scoffing at everything like public spirit , let me congratulate every true friend to mankind , that that commerce which has begot so much . independence will continue to beget more ; and let me congratulate every friend to the human species , that . the press , which has sent such a mass of information into the world , will continue with accelerated-rapidity to pour forth its treasures so beneficial to mankind . It is to these great causes that we are indebted . THAT

      TnE COMBINATION OF PRIESTS AND DESPOTS , which so long tyrannised over the civil and political liberty of Europe , HAS BEEN DISSOLVED . It is to these great causes we are indebted , that no priest , be his religion what it may , dare preach the doctrine , and that no man believes the doctrine which inculcates the necessity of sacrificing every right and every blessing this world can afford as the only meanB of obtaining eternal happiness in the life to come . This was the doctrine by which the despotism of Europe was so long supported ; this was the doctrine by which the political popery of Europe was supported ; but the doctrine and the despotism may now sleep in the same grave until tbe trumpet of ignorance , superstition , and

      bigotry shall sound their resurrection ! Thanks be to God the European mind demands more substantial food than the airy nothings of metaphysical belief . Thanks be to God , the absurdity of _one-set of men framing OPINIONS forthe other men to BELIEVE upon a subject , whieh neither have faculties to UNDERSTAND , - has been exploded , * and that every heart and every mind is anxiously engaged in perfectinga oivil and political code , which , as it is within the scope so it is the most important concern of every nation on the globe ; and , so far from believing they would earn heaven by a base dereliction of their rights , they aro firmly convinced that in promoting the true , civil , and political rights of man , they are advancing human society to that state of perfection it was the design of the Creator ib should attain ; convinced that the CAUSE OF FREEDOM IS THE CAUSE OF GOD .

      Cat Ano Bagpipbs.—A Public-House Of Cons...

      Cat _ano Bagpipbs . —A public-house of considerable notoriety , with this sign , existed long at the corner of Downing-srrcet , next to King-street . It was also used as a chop-house , and frequented by many of those connected with the public offices in the neig hbourhood . An old friend told ine that many years ago he met George Rose—so well known in after life as the friend of Pitt , clerk of the parliament , Secretary of the Treasury , & c , and executor of the Earl of Miirohmont—then a bashful young man , at the Cat and Bagpipes . I may mention that George Rose was one of the few instances which I have met with where a Scotchman had freed himself from the peculiarities ofthe speech of his country . Sir William Grant was another . Frank Homer was a third , I never know another . Notes and Queries .

      Tnc Fugitivb Slave Law . —A sad scene took p lace on board one of tbe boats on the Erie Canal . A man , woman , and child were on board the boat , endeavouring to escape to Canada . The crew cf the boat in which tbey were learned tliat they were fugitives , and immediately dovised a plan to trouble and terrify them , probably thereby finding amusement . One night some of the human fiends , in prosecution oftheir plans , went to the berth of the man Harris , and , awakening him , informed him that his master was on board the boat , and that they would surrender him and family into his hands . Harris drew a dirk , with whioh ho was armed for self-defence , drove the scoundrels on deck , and by his decisive man ner and actions kept them at bay

      until morning . In the morning he was informed that his master had left the boat , and gone on to Syracuse , but would there meet him on the arrival af the boat . On Tuesday evening , about five o ' clock , the boat came to a stopping-place at the first Lodi Lock , about a . mile east ofthis city . As is often the case , a number of persons went aboard thc boat . Harris supposed they came to take him , being so informed by some of the crew . In his desperation he seized his razor , and , drawing it forcibly across his throat , jumped into the canel . His wife , with their child in her arms , leaped after him ; all determined to die rather than again come under the slaveholder ' s po wer . Efforts were then nude to rescue the drowning family . Harris and his wife _were-got out , but the child was drowned . — American

      paper . Extraordinary Rapid Voyages . —The Peninsular and Oriental Company ' s steam-shi p lUpon , -with a full heavy cargo for Malta and Alexandria , and 143 passengers chiefl _. _v for India , which left Southampton at nine a . m . on tho 20 t . li of , October , reached Malta at two p . m . on tho 29 th , after eight hours stay at Gibraltar coaling , and notwithstanding that she experienced a strong contrary gale of wind in the Mediterranean , with a head sea . The Medusa , from Marseilles , with the Overland London Mails for India , of tho . 24 th of October , reached Malta early on the morning ofthe 30 tb , after a run of ; sixty hours and - _*» half . ;

      Italian Nationality And Independence. We...

      ITALIAN NATIONALITY AND INDEPENDENCE . We have received from tbe National Committee the following official circulars to which we cheerfull y give insertion . Ci rcular No . 1 .

      ITALIAN NATIONAL LOAN . _^ 1 . The National Italian Committee , elected by sixty representatives of the people in the Roman Constituent Assembl y , and b y many other _citizens belonging to representative assemblies or holding military or governmental officies in any other parts of Italy during tbe late movement by a decree , bearing date the 4 th of July , 1849 , and wbich is contained in the manifesto wbich accompanies this circular , have opened a National Italian Loa- * of Ten Millions of Italian lirs , 2 . The loan is divided into two hundred and fifty thousand shares—fifty thousand of one hundred lire each , and tiro hundred thousand ef _tsventy-five lire each . The notes are distributed in series , and are numbered consecutively . _..

      3 . The shares are made over to the purchaser immediately upon payment of their amount . They are the property of the holder fpr the time being , and are transferable by simple delivery of the notes—the possession of which establishes the title to the shares , and to all interests which may become due . 4 . Interest runs at the rate of six per cent , per annum from the date of the purchase of the shares until payment . Tbe date of the purchase willbe written on the notes themselves by the persons entrusted by the committee with their distribution .

      5 . The sums subscribed will be employed by the National Committee , accordion to the powers indicated in the act of the 4 th of July , 1849 , exclusively in the acquisition of materials of war , or of what else may directly concern the independence and II . berty of Italy . No part of the fund can be withdrawn from the above purposes for personal _assistance in any shape . 6 . The money obtained will be deposited in London , at the banking-house of Messrs . Martin , Stone , and Martin , 68 , Lombard-street . The committee has the right of changing the place of deposit according to circumstances .

      7 . A commission of six individuals , half Italian and half foreigners , will verify periodically the gene _, ral state of the debtor and creditor account of the loan . The auditors can in no way interfere with the administration of the fund . 8 . This commission will be named by the representatives of the Italian people , whose signatures are appended to the above act . . Until sucb nomination , the _comjraission pro . tern , will consist of the following Italians and Englishmen , viz : —Colonel Antonio Ferrara , _Vincenzo Cattabeni , and Frederico _Petrucelli ; William Shaen , Esq ., William Henry Ashrust , junr ., Esq ., and William Strndwicke , Esq ., 9 . AU the subscribers of the above-mentioned Act have the ri ght , when they desire it , of exercising a similar power of verification .

      10 . A National Government once constituted ia Italy , tbe Italian _National Committee will make over to it all the books , the registers of notes , the unsold notes , and the materials of war already acquired , and everything in tbeir bands in any way appertaining to the loan . The commission of verification will at the same time make its report to such government . 11 . The National Italian Committee and tbe subscribers of tbe above-mentioned Act undertake to do everything in their power to procure the recognition of the loan by such National Government , and the fixing of the earliest possible period for the repayment of both capita ! and interest .

      12 . The National Committee promises absolute secrecy with respect to the names of purchasers who may desire , during existing political circumstances , to remain unknown ; but it keeps a register of their names and of the sums of money paid in , so tbat , at a fitting time , subscribers to the loan may possess conclusive evidence before their fellow-citizens of not having despaired of the salvation of tbeir country , and of bavins contributed to hasten its accomplishment . ' - _•"' : "• . - ¦ ¦ ¦ ' 13 . The notes , formed of paper expressly manufactured for the committee , have the inscription , ia water-mark , "Prestito Nazionale Italiano" ( National Italian Loau ) , and are iu tenor a 3 follows , viz : — " Dio _s Popolo . _—Prbstito Naziomlb Itahano .

      Italia b Roma . Diretto unicamente ad affretare I'Independenza e le Liberta d'ltalia . A 0001 . Franchi 100 . Ricevuta di Franchi Cento di _Cspitale , col Mercantile Intereste di mezzo per Cento al mese , a datare da questo giorno , 1850 . Pel Comitato Nazionale , Giuseppe Mazzini , Giuseppe SirtokI , MatxIa Montkcchi , Aureuo _Saffi , A . Sauceti . La Circolare No . 1 , contenente le basi e i particolari delP Imprestito fi distribuisce colle cedole . London Agent , James Stansfeld , 2 , Sidney-place , Brompton . " Translation . " GOP AND ihb _Pboplb . —Italian National Loau .

      Italy and Rome . Directed solely to the achievement ofthe Independence and Liberty of Italy . A 0001 . 100 Francs . Received the sum of 100 Francs , to bear iuterest at the rate of half per cent , per month , dating from thia day of 1850 . For the National Committee , Giuseppe Mazzini , Giuseppe _Sirtori , Matiu Montkcchi , Aurelio Saffi , A " . Sauceti . The Circular No . 1 , containing the basis and particulars of tbe Loan is distributed with the notes .

      London Agent , Jambs Stansfbld , 2 , Sidney-place , Rrompton . " On the face of the notes are two impressions in the form of seals , one bearing the arms of the Republic , the other the inscription , " Comitato Nazionale Italiano " ( National Italian Committee ); and on the back is the impression of a broken seal , witb the signature of one of the two secretaries of the committee . Cjssare _Agostini . Secretary of the National Committee .

      Circulab. No. 2. The Italian National Co...

      Circulab . No . 2 . THE ITALIAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE . Italians!—Without money no undertaking is possible . The national cause bas need of materials of war , collected and ready for the moment when European circumstances , which can neither be ejaculated upon nor foreseen , shali give the opportunity of rising . Through the want of arms and means the ruin of our movements has been accelerated . Precious time and money has been expended in providing materials of war , which arrived ton late , and fell into the hands of the enemy . The first days of a movement are the roost difficult . At sucb a , time the uncertainty of the internal state of tbe country , and a redoubled vigilance from without , cause delays and obstacles of every kind to the providing of arms and

      money , which are of vital importance . Aud the Lombardo-Venetian provinces and those of the Centre will inevitably be in want of arms during the first days . Itis necessary to provide them . Your committee has proposed the means which appear to tbem the best . For the dignity of the cause , which is yours , by tbe facility which it affords of collecting a vast capital by small sacrifices from every man , by the security which it offers , the National Loan , opened in our Circular No . I , ia a more fitting phut tban an invitation to immense sacrifices on the part of a lew individuals , or tban the method of irregular voluntary offerings , which are uncertain in manner , in amount , and in time . The undertaking is for all ; let it have the aid of all . Let the Nation save the Nation .

      Are there not two hundred thousand patriots in Italy ? Do they not feel tbat the conflict for on holy banner is inevitable ? Do they not desire ihat those who will be the first to fight shall have tbe means of fronting the enemy ? Would they not give to us when invested wiih power and guiding tbe movement ? Let tbem give to ua as citizen * We now represent the thought of the Nation in exile , as formerly in Rome and in Venice . And tha day will come when every one of our notes will he a document of merit and a title of honour to tbe Italian , wbo before that day shall have become » purchaser of them .

      But there is another object in addition to the first ; the moral object . A loan raised by simpte citizens for the National cause , and taken up while the Papal and tbe Austrian Loans do not succeed , or succeed only by _compulaion , raises the _NatiooM par t * loan undeniable power in Europe ; constitutes it an element influencing peoples and government * * who are no * , from a _wmt of no « - -ve know _^ _g * _respecting"Italr _^ M t lofcewarm fnemb- and , > W « hPvon * _drif _ttf _$ k _PT ' ?' _, IT l * 7 infi im / m _^ ml _^ _&' lha * e " ndar " takiH _# _^ _e" _^ x i ° 8 a new , , iMit - •* _' *¦ - out _ifdfelelMtllSf _^ _iOTains ; w th u 9 all to * _sui _** * * ; k ' _rt-litntrajBeB !¦«

      _. ; . . y . meabh W _$ _$ _&& _Wf £ _? R 0 nal party ' Up 0 D tte ItaliSn _dp _OQ-rttcy _^ upoff i « P > o desire its triumph , for " _Otfufotie _^ l ' _IifS _^ piY _^ in the name of Gwl , _; Ci * 7 _* _'' > -. j _7-v ZJ _& j iS d _MSs _^ M

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 16, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_16111850/page/7/