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Northern Star (1837-1852), 19th September 1846, Edition 3 of 3, Page 4

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  • Departments (3)
    • NEW EVENING LONDON PAPE R-
    • LATEST FOREIGN NEWS
    • THE NORTHERN STAK SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1846.
  • Adverts (12)
  • Text (7)
  • Transcript

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      The Northern Star. September 19, : . ' :...

      THE NORTHERN STAR . September 19 , : . ' : ij - _ ; ' ¦ _iim — -- — _"" _—~»——<———d—i _^ . ...... r . ..... .-.-, ¦ -.. : .,.- - ¦ .-.. ¦ - » --- " - .- > .-.- -. tt-

      New Evening London Pape R-

      NEW EVENING LONDON PAPE _R-

      Ad00410

      FROM THE in OP SEPTEMBER , THE EXPRESS . miffi TRreMrittFC SUCCESStf the "Daily Hews" has ltd to _?^^^^ i ! _X _^ _X _^ m X -Bract-cable to _piMtsknn _-fcrem _. ig Edition , containing _Itoporfs of _- " * ff *{ ' ?_ _T _.-onrolv with the wish of tlie "Publish _tticeky of publication . Tlie Proprietors of the *• Daily Hews" have r < _*^ _S _^ ~ _jiW EXPRESS . The EXPRESS "but , W prevent confusion , tlie paper will appear under a different _name—*^ _^ HOME and FOREIGN INTELLIwill contain , in addition to tbe news in the Morning v S _^ _S-fi iniPSS -rill have the advantage of Foreign Expresses GESCE _* h _. cl . m 3 yam « oa the day of publication . _«*?^^?™ _to » 1 . But tlie full and carefully _prepared RE-1 Correspondence , and other costly characteristics ofa _Sioriun _R _^ " , h MARKETS will be the marking POUTS of the MOSEY , 11 AILWAY , PRODUCE , CORN , CATTLE , and _otner * uxu . i _*> eature . * -U- _* . - . . - _t . _« ,. _«? _n _*«*« sarily be limfeed to a Class , or a Locality , tbe Proprietors can-As , however , _«« interest in such * _W _**]^ . _- ? ' _% _^ s _. ex tensivcor remunerative as those of a Morning Paper . _^ SiSt _^ S _^^^ THS EX 1 > UESS - -, L _„ ... « . x _^ . _v _^ _nWenciw-acent _wUl transmit the new Journal , on receiving a Post-office The _Procters believe that _erery _^^ _" _^^ . _^ y difficul ty arise , all persons des irous of being supplied with _Pleet-street , London , who will transfer it to a respectable London Agent . THE EXrRESS wffl be published every Afternoon , at Four o ' clock , with the latest details of the _Marfcets _' . of

      Ad00411

      _yewreaoy . Price OneShilling . THE SBCOSD EDIT 10 JJ OF MY LIFE , OR OUR SOCIAL STATE , Par t I . a Poem , l > y ERNEST JOXES , Barrister at Law . ' We hope the author will be encouraged by tlie public to continaehis memoirs . —Literary Gazette , Published by ilr . Newby , 72 , Mo . _Timer-street , Cavendish-sqeare-Orders -received by all _booksellers . In the Press and shortly willbe published , MY LIFE , Part II . By the same Anthor THE WOOD SPIRIT ; An Historical Romance , in Two Yols .

      Ad00412

      POLAND'S _REGENERATION . Xow ready , Price One Penny . - The second ilontiily Keport of Occurrences in Poland , containing further accounts of the Massacres in _Gaiucia . the intrigues and cruelties of the Russian Ttbaxt _JJicHotAS . An account of the Russian Secret Police _^ t he torture by the _Knouts and other Revelations of Russia . Also an Address from tbe Polish Democrats , & c :, & c . Published by the Democratic Committee for Poland' s Regeneration . To be had of Julian Harney , "Northern Star" Office ; Mr . T . M . Wheeler , 83 , Dean Street , Soho ; ofthe members of the Chartist Executive Conunittee , and through all news-agents in the United Kingdom . * - * For two postage stamps sent to 6 . J . Harney , or T . M . Wheeler , a copy will be sent through the post ,

      Ad00413

      DAGUERREOTYPE PORTRAITS , HALF PRICE , at 148 , Fleet-street , opposite the late "League " office . —Mr . EGERTON begs to inform the public , that from the great improvements he has made in the art , he is now able to furnish exquisitely finished portraits at half the nsual price . Minature likenesses for broaches , rings , lockets , Jbc , and the reguisite gold mountings , furnished by Mr . E . equally low . —Pictures any description copied . — V The improved German and French Lenses , Apparatus , Chemicals , Plates , Cases , and all other requisites for the art to be had , as usual , at his depot , 1 . Temple-street , Whitefriars . A complete book of instruction of this art , 7 s . 6 d . — -Descriptive price lists sent gratis . —The art completely taught for £$ .

      Ad00414

      LITHOGRAPHIC _ENGRAYINGS OF THE DUNCOMBE TESTIMONIAL . MAY still be had at the Office of Messrs . M'Gowan and Ce ., IC , Great _WhidiiiHl Street , Haymarket , London ; tbrou _» h anv respectable bookseller in town or country * ; or at any ofthe agents of theJVoillerii Star . The engraving is on a large scale , is executed in the most finished style , is finely printed on tinted paper , and gives a minute ' description of the Testimonial , and has the Inscription , < fcc-. < " c < - _-, engraved _upnnit-PRtCE FOURPENCE .

      Ad00415

      ROYAL MARYLEBONE THEATRE . PBOPBIETOB , MB . XOVEBUGE . I . ESSEE , Mil . JOHN DOUGLASS . A HIT ! A HIT !! A MOST TREMEXDOUS HIT !!! THE care-killing , mirth-exciting burlesque of "Jirs . JaneShore" every evening . Jane Shore , Mr . T . Lee , Alicia , Miss Martin . "BravoBarber ! "a Melodrama of intense and soul-harrowing interest , aided by scenery of the mostsplendid description , _displacing effects _striking , antique , and original ; tbe drama called " The Old Man ' s -B rides . " The highly popular and talented company of this theatre comprises Messrs . T . Lee , 3 . Rayner , Coirle , Harrington , Biddell , Gates Lickfold , Mrs . Campbell , Miss Martin , Miss _Hodse-n , and a host of favourites . On Monday , September 2 Isr _, and during the week , " The Old Man ' s " Bride" and "Mrs . Jane Sliore , "to conclude on Monday , Tuesday , and Saturday , with "Ruth Martin the PatalDreamer ; " on Wednesday , Thursday , and Friday , with - ' Bravo Barber ! " supported by Messrs . T . Lee , Gates , and Lickford , Miss Martin , and Miss Hodson . Bores * Js . ; Pit le . ; Gallery ( id . Doors open at half-past Six—Commence at Seven . Acting manager , Mr . T . Lee .

      Ad00416

      lUrOBTAST TO T . OUNG ASD HEALTHY HEN . UNITED PATRIARCHS BENEFIT SOCIETY . Patron : T . S . Ddscosbe , Esq ., M . P . London Society House : — "Round Table Tavern , St . Martin ' s Court , Leicester Square . John Calf , Treasurer . London Office : —13 , Tottenham Court , "Sew Road , St . Paneras . _Dasiel William Rcfit , General Secretary . An opportunity is offered for a short time to Healthy Men , Hnder Forty-Five years of age , to become members of this institution . It is Enrolled , and empowered by Act _« f Parliament to have Agents , Medical Attendants , Branches , and Branch Committees , with other important privileges , and to extend over the UniU d Kingdom . The Society is in divisions for the Members to receive benefits according to these payments in Sickness , from 16 s . to is . per wetk . Death of a Member from £ 20 to £ 2 10 s . Death ofa Wife or _"Nominee from half thebeforestated snms . In Superannuation from 4 s . to 6 s . per week , with various other Benefits . Monthly Payments from ls . Id . to 2 s . 7 d . per week for Sickness and Management . Admission Pree according to age . Blank Forms and all further information for tbe Admission of Country Members , appointing Agents , Medical Attendants , « _fcc-, < bc , can be obtained by letter , prepaid , enclosing postage stamps for return letter , or three postage stamps for forms , & c ., directed to D . "W . Huffy , Secretary , London Offiee , 13 , Tottenham Court , _. New Road , St . Paneras . The Committee meet every Monday _Evening at Eight o ' clock , at the Society House , to admit Members . Persons can enter any time at tbe Society House or Offiee . Xote . —Upwards of 50 ( 1 persons have become members in less than one year .

      Ad00417

      This Testimony to the Rules was given by T . S . Dcscombe , Esq ., M P ., who honoured the Society by taking the chair at its first anniversary , on Monday , July 6 th , 1816 : — The Chaikmas . —The nest sentiment I have to submit to you is the toast of the evening— " The United Fa . triots ' and Patriarchs'Benefit Societies : and prosperity to the branches . " I assure you it is a subject in which I feel a deep interest , having introduced a Bill into the House to remedy certain defects in the existing laws ; and 1 feel a peculiar interest in your so . iety , for on turning

      Ad00418

      TO TAILORS . LONDON and PARIS FASHIONS FOR AUTUMN AND WINTER , 1816-47 . By READ and Co ., 12 , Hart-street , Bloomsbnry square , London ; And G . Bergtr , Holywell-street , Strand ; May be had of all booksellers , wheresoever residing . NOW _BEADV , By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victoria , and his Royal Highness Prince Albert , a splendid print , richly coloured and exquisitely executed View of Hyde Park-Gardens , as seen from Hyde Park , London . With this beautiful Print will be sent Dress , Frock , and Biding Coat Patterns , the n west style Chesterfield , and the _3 ? ew Fashionable Double-breasted Waistcoat , with Skirts . The method of reducing and increasing them for all sizes , explained in the most simple manner , with Four extra Plates , and can be easily performed by any person . Manner of making up , and a full description of the Uniforms , as now to be worn in the Royal Navy , and « tfier information . —Prie-elOs . , or post-free 11 b .

      Ad00419

      THE TAILORS ; the History and the Bights and _PniviiicES of tlieir Trade . Being thc commencement of a Sebles of Articles on the vawow [ Teams . Every Saturday in DOUGLAS _PROM'S WEEKLY NEWSPAPER , containing also NUMEROUS ORIGINAL ARTICLES and Ail tie News of Hie week . Order o £ any 1 _SewF-men .

      Ad00420

      1 HFOBTANT TO PABENTS OF LIMITED INCOME . ALCOTT HOUSE ACADEMY , Ham Comhos , _kias Richmond , Subset . A Boarding School for tlie Industrious Class . ' It has long been an ungratified desire amongst the successful and thoughtful part of the parents in thc working community tbat tbey could send tbeir children to a suitable school , where their song and daughter * could find a genial sphere for their health , tbeir understanding , and their morals . This has always proved beyond their means , or _unsuitfd to their station or taste , and they have been obliged to put up with a day school . To meet this desire in full the above school is now open , conducted by Mr , Oldham , and appropriate assistants , devoted to the well being of those children committed to their care , tbat they may become the teachers of succeeding generations . A real practical education is given to prepare the pupils for actual life . Children of both sexes are taken , lrom 4 to 12 years of age , far a charge of Three or Four Pounds a Quarter , according to circum .

      Ad00421

      A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . UBSDELL AND CO ., Tailors , are now making up a complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the very best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 21 s . j Liveries equally cheap—atthe Great "Western Emporium , Nos . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London . ; the noted house for rood blackcloths , _andpatentmade trousers . Gentlemen tan choose the colonr and quality of cloth from the largest stock inLondon . The at t of cutting taught .

      Latest Foreign News

      LATEST FOREIGN NEWS

      _Nohthehj * Stab Office , Saturday , September 19 . SPAIN . The Cortes was opened on Monday last . The Ministers notified to them the proposed marriage of the _Queen , and that of the Infanta . By telegraphic despatch from Paris we are informed of the ESCAPE OF DON CARLOS , His So . v ( the Count de _Montemolen ) , and Gbsxral Carbera . Tbe General left Rouen on Sunday evening , accompanied by a friend , and took a route towards the sea , where he , no doubt had a boat waitinp to take him to England , for Spain . The civil war , therefore , may be expectedly to re-commence immediately ; indeed the flag of insurrection has already been unfurled by the Carlists , in Catalonia . A progressists- revolt is hourly expected .

      The Northern Stak Saturday, September 19, 1846.

      THE NORTHERN STAK SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 19 , 1846 .

      "The Nation" And "The Charter." " We Hav...

      "THE NATION" AND "THE CHARTER . " " We have received a printed address from the Chartists of England to the Irish people , with a request that we should insert it in tlie " Nation . " We desire no fraternisation between the Irish people and the Chartists—not on account ofthe bugbear cf ' physical force , " but simpl y because some of their five points are io us an abomination , and the whole spirit and tone of their proceedings , though well enoug h for England , are so essentiall y English that their adoption in Ireland would neither be probable nor at all desirable . Between us and them there is a gulf fixed ; we desire not to bridge it over but to make it wider and deeper . " From the " Nation" of Aug . 15 , 1846 .

      ABOMINATION NO . III . —VOTE BY BALLOT . Pbrhaps of all the senseless " cries" assumed by faction as the type of liberality , that of the Ballot , to secure a class constituency from popular vigilance inthe discharge of a trust , was the most insolent ; and yet it was a bait with which popular confidence would have been caug ht , had not a timely exposure blown the bubble and exposed the triek . In all other exciting questions , the cause of the unrepresented was cunningly interwoven with class interest , until faction , flushed with its many triumphs over popular confidence , at length ventured upon a bit ol policy so selfish that ita life was as short as its exposure was complete .

      Did we require grounds upon which to establish the expediency of extended suffrage , we could rest the claim upon this self-accusation of corruption , weakness , and fraud , against the whole electoral body ; and if its demand by a more dependent class requires any apology or justification , it will be found in the fact , that those farther removed from temptation , intimidation , and aristocratic influence , sought it as THEIR protection .

      The People ' s Charter must now be accepted as one great whole , with the advantage and charm , however , that it not only secures right for all , but enables all to alter and amend it , when any of those causes which now render any of its points _indispen . sable , shall have ceased to exist . We shall , therefore , treat the Ballot as a necessary protection against undue interference with the exercise of a right , until time , and a new and a bettor

      system , shall have convinced man of the value of the suffrage , and when soeiety shall be prepared to protect him in its open and undisguised use . Indeed , if the necessity of harmony and kindly feeling in the lower aa well as in the higher circles , is concededwhich , we presume , few will deny—we may draw our conclusions of the value of the Ballot to the poor Parliamentary voter , from the fact , that in all elections for admission to Clubs , and all elections for officers , those who set a just value upon fellowship and unbroken harmony , bave recourse to this mode of voting as a guarantee against dissension and afterfeud .

      we have always made the proper distinction between the accomplishment of a measure and the first working of the measure . We know that in ten tions and princi ples are violated and altered to suit the change to factions knuckle , if the strictest and most jealous scrutiny ia not observed ; and we feci confident that a parliament , elected even by universal suffrage , under the present system , and without the protection of the ballot being extended to the poor and dependent voter , wtmld very speedily so damage the princi ple in its first working as to strip it of its antici pated charm . WeahMi has too much influence

      over poverty to safel y entrust our measure inthe hands of those who would b .-ibe , bully , coerce and intimidate to the extent that 4 'elf-interest prompted , while it is equally true that a new-born constituency would require much caution and some protection in the exercise of a newl y-acquired " ri ght . Cap ital would seize the soft moment , would profess obedience to the new measure and the popular -vill , and thus lure labour into the amiable weakness o . f confidence precisely as the tyrant coal kings , upon the eve ef a re-engagement , hold jubilees and play the equal , the pot-companion and patron , instead of thc tyrant , the oppressor , and the cheat ; but the moment the bond

      "The Nation" And "The Charter." " We Hav...

      is signed and the slave ' s _ilress is assumed , then docs conviviality , condescension and ' patronage throw off its disguise , and a new and more imperious rigour is assumed . We can well imagine the masters in a polling district agreeine upon a candidate , and entering into a compact to march in a body to the polling booth , each the commander of his legion of slaves , and the refractory , upon voting for thc man of his own . choice receiving , in return , a license to starve for his PRESUMPTION . Mr . O'Connor well designated the ballot witbout the vote as tho ladle without the soup , and the ballot with the vote as a necessary protection for the fearless exercise of i a right .

      The ballot would prevent all bribery and corruption and excitement before an election , as few would be found hardy enough to purchase a basket of BLIND NUTS , while it would effectuall y pre vent all the subsequent heartburnings which now require so much time to allay . Much would depend upon the machinery by which the principle was carried out . If secrecy is the object , it should be made complete , so that no breast but the voter should be cognizant of his act . Many imagine that the complication of the machinery would stand in the way of its fair working , but to our

      mind nothing can be more simple . The PariBh Reg ister , with the names of all above 21 years of age , alphabetically arranged , occupies an enclosed place , into whicli the voters enter by twelves , by twenties , or by hundreds , commencing with A , and so proceeding . To each voter he gives * ball representing the colour under which each candidate chooses to poll , supposing the colours to be black , white , scarlet , and green . The voters thus possessed of the balls , go singly through another passage , where four strangers appointed to act as poll clerks for the respective candidates preside , and with them the voter deposits the

      balls which he does not mean to use ; or , if this method would not secure secrecy , each may receive a small linen bag , in which he may deposit the rejected balls , and hand it to the poll clerks ; he then proceeds to the ballot box , which we will suppose to resemble a letter box at a post office , and there , unnoticed and uninterfered witb , he deposits his ball or balls as the case may be , two if there are two candi dates and he wishes to vote for both—and one , if there is only one . . The room in which the ballot box that receives the balls is placed , is locked ; the several candidates having appointed an officer each to stand

      at the door . When the time arrives for closing the election , the parish officer appointed for the purpose enters the room in the presence of the several poll clerks , counts the balls for each candidate , and then counts those which have not been used , and upon the following day at twelve o clock , the Sheriff or returning officer attends at a plaee appointed to receive the returns from the several parish officers , and makes his declaration accordingly . All voters should poll in their own parish , and in two places if the parish is inconveniently largo , and all the operations should be conducted by perfect strangers . We know of no more

      simple , expeditious , or satisfactory process than this and we have merely propounded the p lan as an answer to the ridiculous charge of complication and inconvenience . By these means the largest county could complete an election in two hours . We could furnish instances without number of the necessity of the ballot in our several municipal elections , which candidates secure more by bribery and corruption , than by popular regard or fitness . Unfortunately , popular disregard of privileges easy of acquirement , is but too well founded a charge , as we make little doubt that , even without thc ballot , thc

      democratic party , if unintimldated , could secure a majority of popular candidates at all municipa ' elections ; another convincing proof that it would be requisite to secure the purity of parliamentary elections ; and yet , strange to say , the very parties who call so loudly for the ballot as a protection for parliamentary electors , never have mooted the question as a protection for municipal electors . No ; they ask for protection for themselves which they would not extend to others . And , althoug h the ballot has been made the subject of great excitement and the last test of liberality , yet few can doubt that the middle-elass electors would mueh prefer the Charter without the ballot , to the Charter with the ballot , as a choice of evils . For these reasons , then , we look

      upon the ballot as a necessary part of the great dove-tailed whole , as _necessary to secure dependent poverty from the terror and coercion of interested wealth , lest our Charter may be damaged , as the Reform Bill was , in its first working : as a means of preventing bribery , corruption and speculation ; as a means of f . rcventing those social and family feuds now so unfo _* -tunately engendered and so unhappily perpetrated by the heat , the anger and excitement of elections ; and as the means of securing tbe unbiassed exercise of a trust . The ballot with a limited suffrage would be an unfair protection against popular scrutiny ; the ballot with the suffrage would be a requisite protection against unjust interference with the exercise of a right .

      The Past , The Present, And Tiie Future....

      THE PAST , THE PRESENT , AND TIIE FUTURE . It ig impossible to read Mr . O'Connor ' s Review of the past Thirteen Years and a-Ilalf of our History , and which will be found in our first page , without being struck with awe at the perils we have escaped , and with wonder at the progress that a principle contending against such frightful odds , has made . Political incidents , when taken singly , make but slight impression at the moment , and especially those incidents which occur in exciting times , * while ,

      taken as a whole , and bound up as one volume , tliey constitute a record not more curious and startling , than they are instructive and valuable . Authority , and especially that weak and doubtful authority consequent upon the change , the whim , thc caprice , or nervousness of sectional op inion , is always undecided and hesitating—is ever jealous of popular regard , and is rather averse , than otherwise , to provoke popular resistance , or awaken popular suspicion .

      Authority is but the type of party ascendancy for tlie time being , and is but permitted to exercise its delegated power for the benefit of those from whom it emanates , * and that power , whether limited or extensive , must be taken as the generally accepted representation of the country . The very existence of an authority , thus delegated , is of itself proof of its fitness to rule ; and whether England be governed by a Tory administration , or a Whig administration , or a Free Trade administration , its very existence is , prima facie , proof of popular approval ; and for this simple reason , because the complaining class

      have it in their power , at any given moment , to wrest authority from the hands of the satisfied few , with scarcely the appearance of struggle , as the union of the masses would render sectional resistance inoperative , ridiculous , and futile . The most ignorant must arrive at this conclusion , from the facts adduced by Mr . O'Connor , in his analysis of the Chartist movement , wherein he traces failure and defeat to their proper causes—the struggle of leaders to live witbout labour , and the consequent necessity

      of promoting unnatural and dangerous enthusiasm , and the cunning device of professing liberals , to divide the popular strength , when it becomes too powerful for open resistance . Hence we find the popular cause suffering for the last thirteen years and a half , more from the treachery of O'Connell , the folly of _Attwo-id , the imbecility of Sturge , thc necessities of the idle , and thc seasonable liberality of the professing- liberals , than from popular apathy .

      Nothing can be more natural , reasonable , or pardonable than that amiable simplicity by which sections of the weak-minded and confiding arc lured by tive promise of more speedy redress than they have season to anticipate from the realization of their own principles , * nor can we marvel at the starving artizan or famishing operative preferring the large loaf within easy reach , to the Charter in the distant perspective . If , however , we may reasonably entertain fresh hopes and suffi _** ' ourselves to be

      The Past , The Present, And Tiie Future....

      inspired with fresh courage , it is as much from the signal failure ofall premised blessings , as from the cheering _conviction , that the spit WITH THE LEG OF MUTTON upon it , will be a more sue cessful recruiting serjeant than the bare spit , warmed by the glowing fire of a fervid imagination . Moreover , the failure of prophecy and the consequent dis " appointment oi the masses , in short , the total inadequacy of all the promised measures of relief , so long as rampant capital rules the labour market without law , and the mental market witb coercion , g ives fresh hope in Chartist courage and Chartist wisdom .

      Our enemies , though not in the ascendant , have had the advantage of middle class toleration and favour and of Parliamentary representation , while the popular party has been compelled to struggle on without either and opposed by both . What we require , then , is an accession of strength in theBe two departments , Parliament and the middle class—not that sympathy , strength , and co-operation , which is charitably extended to weakness , but that

      adhesion which is surrendered to expedieney and increasing power , a co-operation which will bo cheerfully offered , when Chartist favour and support lead to Parliamentary honour and distinction . There is now an easy and virtuous road opened for the Chartist party . If England , Scotland , and Wales , will but exercise their legitimate power over their trustees they cannot fail ; in securing twelve trustworthy Parliamentary-representatives at the next general election ; and if this is not worth the nation ' s con .

      sideration , the government delegated by the middle classes is perfectly justified in ruling for their especial benefit . In a former article , we called attention to the great influence possessed by the non-electors—the legitimate right of spending their money with those only , who in return would protect tbeir labour . The erroroftheChartistmovement , however , hasbeen , that action comes too late , * the powerful weapon EXCLUSIVE DEALING is resorted to after , instead of before the struggle ; whereas , if the Chartist party in their several districts would divide themselves into

      classes , and deal with none save those who would _pledgethemselves in writingto support a Chartist candidate OF THE CHARTIST CHOICE , at the next election , the power of the non-elective influence would be cheerfully recognized and anxiously courted , while its influence in the House of Commons would tend to soften the asperity of the suspicious , and to dispel the misconception of the ignorant . Much as Mr . Duncombe has done , great and _compreliensiveas is his grasping mind , and willing as his service , yet it is impossible for any one individual to discharge the onerous duty of , atthe same time

      illustrating a principle , and defending its supporters from ministerial fabrication , party fraud , class insolence , and united opposition . We can scarcely picture to our own imagination the instantaneous and astounding effect that even twelve real Chartist representatives would have upon the deliberations of the collective wisdom : twelve men , selected for their knowledge of the labour question , and their devotion to labour ' s accepted principle—the People ' s Charter . The great demand upon our space this week compels us to

      withhold for the present much that we desired to say upon this subject ; however , as it should now be the all absorbing thought with the Chartist party , we shall renew it again and again , as a record of the past in future times , to be used in commendation or censure of present action , or present apath y . The thing is easy , most easy of accomplishment ; let the nation , therefore , secure one FIFTY-FIFTH part of national representation , and the nation ' s hope is rea iized .

      "THE WORLD" AND "TIIE STAR . " We are overwhelmed with remorse at the PHYSICAL FORCE declaration to which our MORAL FORCE article has driven our contemporary , with whom we had fondly hoped to live " in the same EARTH , " upon terms of perfect equality and unbroken harmony _. We meant our reply to the World ' s notice ef our insertion of Mr . Oastler ' s letter , without editorial comment , as THE RETORT COURTEOUS , and we are met with the CUT D [ RECT . It has always _s'l-uck us , that as long as a combatant has the best of the fig ht , he will not abandon the field of contest , and yet wc shall not crow at being left in peaceful , though contemptible , possession ofthe ring .

      Our very able contemporary is angered to exasperation and threat of recourse to amis , upon no greater provocation than the exercise of that right to which he lays such bold claim himself . Surely we are not to be held responsible for the several letters and matters of communication published in our journal ; such a liability would go far to limit the usefulness and narrow the efficiency of the press . Knowled ge is not confined to class , jand we had always

      understood thc chief duty of the press tobe thc fearless circulation of that valuable commodity . Indeed _. the pr i nci pal cause _ofcomplaint against the press generally is , that it circumscribes the field of _knowledge within the narrow limits of party expediency , _publishing all friendly versionsofitsownpeculiarpolicv and rejecting all adverse doctrines , and denying even the right , or at least the means , of stricture cr re " monstrance . The World

      says—The Northern Star has , however , been an exception to the cordial understanding whioh subsist * between the generality of newspaper writers and ourselves , and bas , of late , displayed a disposition for tilting with us , as if it had resolved our sword should not rest in its peaceful scabbard . Now , we beg to assure our cotemporary , that we entertain no feeling of danger or contempt , while we are at a loss to discover any sufficient provocation to induce him to DRAW HIS SWORD FROM TIIE PEACEFUL SCABBARD . Our correspondence commenced with a flattering notice of our friend '' ability , wliich in all sincerity wc beg to assure him was not intended as CENSURE IN DISGUISE .

      However , we had much preferred an answer to our observations to a stricture upon our natural philosophy , or a taunt for having contributed our mite to the lt peal movement , not with the intent of testifying our approval of the policy of the Liberator , but for the purpose of exposing his delinquency , which none but members have thc power to do , and which confirms the prudent policy of rejecting all who are likely . Our cotemporary labours bard to convince us ofhis devotion to the cause of Ireland , and especially to the Repeal of thc Legislative Union , while he is compelled to admit the only disqualification , wliich the Liberator prescribed as the test by wliich repealers were to be judged , whether members of Parliament , Protestants , Catholics , professing friends ,

      or open enemies

      HE WHO IS NOT FOR US , IS AGAINST US , QUOTH THE LIBERATOR , AND NONE ARE FOR US , EXCEPT THOSE WHO ARE MEMBERS OF TIIE ASSOCIATION . Now then , rejecting all thc common-placo , vulgar distinctions and bad ges , by which political adherence is ascertainable , wc ask our cotemporary how he will get over { the want ofthe Liberator ' s own prescribed qualification ? For he says ,

      " We have NOT ENROLLED OURSELVES AS MEMBERS OF CONCILIATION HALL , and during the year 1813 it will NOW be admitted , we were excusable in NOT having done so . " We have no wish to stri p our cotemporary of the power of prophecy , laid claim to in tiie above ; and as he quarrels with our parallel of the Bad ger and the Fox we shall conclude with a more apt and more senti mental one . The other day we asked a great admirer of the Land plan , why he had not become a memb r while in good employment ? Ile rep lied , I am a member , Sir . How much have you paid ? Oh , NOTHING , r have not joined yet .

      MoitAL . —We were not aware that the Liberator recruits for sentimental support for Repeal—wc were tinder the erroneous impression that his type was brass . We close with our cotemporary ' s heading _ " ALL IN THE WRONG . "

      Progress Of Free Trade. "High Wages And ...

      PROGRESS OF FREE TRADE . "HIGH WAGES AND PLENTY TO DO . " When in the prosecution ol" their fraudulent _t ' e , signs , the League orators demanded popular support under the pretext that Corn Law Repeal would be a national blessing , the working men ' s share of whicli would be " cheap bread ; ' high _waaes _, and plenty to do , " we constantly warned the people that even supposing bread would be cheapened by " Repeal , " so long as a surplus of labour was to be found inthe market , as provisions fell in price , would the wages oflabour be beaten down by irresponsible and tyrannical capitalists . That under present arrangements ' there will always be a surplus of labour is certain . Any increase of trade , no matter how extensive will be more than met by an increase of machinery .

      So long as labour is dependent only and wholly for existence upon the " slavery of wages , " this state of things must continue . As the New York Tribune has well said " the remedy for the evils afflicting the English working class is not free trade , but a FREE SOIL ;" to which may be added the principle of " " CO-OPERATION" applied to thu uniting of skill , labour , and capital by the workmen for themselves ; a thing as practicable as the formation of any mere " Benefit Society , " if the working men only will it . " The Chartist Co operative Land Society" will lead the people to the obtainment of a Free Soil ; and the " United Trades Association for the Employment of Labour , " will organize the people for the establishment of their own workshops , independent of master tyranny .

      There are two other associations commanding the suffrages ofthe working classes , namely , the " Association of United Trades for the Protection of Industry , " and the " National Charter As : ociation . " If the combers aud weavers ot Keighly had been members of the first of these associations , they would have had a power at their back , which would have made the millocrats of that town pause in their tyranny , or , if rushing headlong to destruction they had insolentl y presumed to dare that power , they would have been assured tbe punishment of defeat . While the present state of things last , until such time as " the people ' s own land , " and the '* workmen s own shops , " can offer a refuge to all the

      oppressed , the United Trades Association isa great necessity for the protection of the slaves of wages against the tyrants of capital , If the National Charter Association was established in its full strength , the return ofthe TWELVE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PEOPLE demanded by Mr . _O'Cosson , would be an easy task , and with those twelve supporting a Duncombe , what tyrant would dire to trample on his fellow men , or what tyranny could be perpetrated that would not be proclaimed in the senate , and echoed over Europe ? If the " National Charter Association" was supported by thepeople , theCharter itself would be won , and a FREE SOIL and FREE LABOUR , not slowly and sectionally _, but immediate ! j and nationally , would be its fruits .

      It is not our purpose to dilate upon the several subjects mooted above , we intend these remarks merely as an introduction to the article below . The revelations contained therein of the doings of the Keighly millocracy , presents a picture ot the entire class—a class of greedy hypocrites and insolent tyrants . We wish the Keighley men success , and ii in their struggle they require help , we trust that that hel p , promp t and efficient , will be rendered by the country at large .

      FREE TRADE DOINGS IN KEIGHLEY . From our Correspondent . " The manufacturers of Keighley are realizing thc prop hecies of the Chartists to the very letter , by their rabid efforts to swallow up the small remains of the labourer ' s wages . Scarcel y had the alteration in the Corn and Provision Laws taken place before thev began their game of plunder . The first direct attempt was made by a fellow at Bingley , of the name of Sharp , who boldly told his combers and weavers that " as ; they would be able by and by to live upon rather less , they might do with rather less wages ;" he holding , no doubt , that thc benefit of all alterations should be swallowed up by himself and brother

      manufacturers . Being a man of extraordinary face , he commenced operations by attempting a reduction of about ninepencc per week from his combers , and a shilling per week from his weavers , althoug h it was admitted he wns previousl y something under his neig hbour ' s . The result was aturnoutof the majority of his hands , who , after a seven weeks struggle , succeeded in binding him down to wages something like those given by _otlu rs . ¦ _¦'¦*¦ ¦ No sooner was this affair settled tnan a firm in Kei ghley , of the name of Craven , commenced the same game- This firm , though not quite so brazenfaced as the man of Bingley , was nevertheless equally bent upon attaining the same object . Being rathet

      extensive manufacturers , and mnking a great quantity of different kinds of goods , they took their weavers seriatim , and cli pped and cut them down in sections , till they had gone through the whole department , then becinning . over again with a further reduction . They had carried on this process so effectually , and had [ puzzled tlieir weavers _« o thoroughly , that their wages , like the colour of the camelion , were undcfinable , being scarcely two weeks together alike . One thing they knew , that they were seriously diminishing , and that , _although thev were making finer go _..-ds than others , and should have been averaging higher wages , tbey were in reality making less than those working at coarser work . After nibbling down their wages in this manner , till in some cases there was scarcely any thin " left , they issued an order for the ycneral reduction

      ot nearly all kinds , which exasperated the weavers so far- as to cause a strike of the whole body , amounting to betwixt 500 and GOO . After a struggle of about a week _. this affair was also terminated bv au agreement to give a rate of wages the same as given a mon th previous , and to pay them for certain over lengths . The weavers , however , soon found after returning to work that manufacturers promises are onlv made to be broken , and they now find themselves in nearly thc same condition as they were in before the strike . Another turn out of thc weavers of Mr . G . Hattersley took place immediately after , through that employer giving still less than others , which also ended in about a week by a promise that they should receive at the rate of others . In both cases the proraises have been partly broken , and some of the weavers turned off through "having taken an active part in the affair .

      While these matters were passing in rapid succession amongst the power-loom weavers , the woolcombers , who constitute by far the largest body of workmen in this part of the country , had been com-• tlaining severely about their miserabl y low wages . These poor fellows , who number many hundreds if not some thousands , have been _onuluaJly reduced till they can now scarcely roalise 10 s . per week , by working fifteen hours per day . Thev verv natural ! v made bold to ask for a small advance " , thinking , that as markets were improving , and the Corn Laws in process of repeal , it could not be well refused . The manufacturers have frequently told them , wlien complaining , that they knew their condition was verv

      bad , and that they earned vastl y too little , that however it was as much as the trade would afford , but should they be fortunate enough to » ain the alteration in the Corn Laws , they mi ght expect a veryconsiderable rise in their wages . The combers innocentl thinking that these promises were made in sincerity , applied to them about seven weeks a » o . but were informed that they were rather too soon . They again waited upon them ahout four weeks since with a request that they would advance their _traces one halfpenny per pound upon all wool under

      fourpence , and to three farthings upon all wool betwixt fourpence and sixpence . Three of the manufacturers agreed to advance their wages a farthing upon the first description , and a halfpenny upon the second with a promise , that they might give a still further advance if the remainder of the manufacturers would follow the example they were then setting . The other manufacturers refused to give them any advance at all , even the solitary farthing given by the others , whieh would only amount to about ninepei . ee per week .

      The combers saw they should lose even the little they had got from the three unless they usrd some kind of means to make the others comply . They accordingly drew out the men working for Mr . Robert Clough , of Groves Mill , ntimberin *' ahout 120 with the intention of suppqrting them from thc funds of the society till thev gave the advance . Scarcely had they taken this step before the remainder of thc manufacturers , big and little came to the resolution of turning off the whole of their combers , for the double purpose of breaking up the union , and of preventing them from contributin " relief of

      towards the Clough ' s combers who were depending upon them for support . This dastardly and mean combination to lay the poor fellows prostrate at their feet , was carried into effect by each manufacturer ordering his combers to carry m their combs when they had wroug ht up the wool they had on hand This act of petty tyranny , which has seldom been equalled , so far from intimidating the men was obeyed with the greatest cheerfulness . Thev in deed , appeared gratified at the _opportunity of show ing their i ndependence of , and disgust at , men no

      Progress Of Free Trade. "High Wages And ...

      longer deserving their labour , and the declaration of war against their liberty and means of existence was met in a manly and becoming spirit . To show the manufacturers that they were quite alive to their reasons for advocatin g a repeal ofthe Corn Laws , and paying so handsomely into the League Fund , the combers and others who supported their cause , to the number of some thousands , walked in procession , headed by a band of music . In the procession was a cart , containing the representation ofa working man with a wife and four children surrounding a large pole , with that insignia of Free Trade , "a large l oa f , " tied at tbe top of it . A great deal of merriment was caused by the efforts of the man to climb the pole and secure the loaf , but without

      effect . After each attempt , the man regaled his _starving family on raw turnips , and then , as if thinking that fortune might be more favourable , he continued to try again with the same want of success . On arriving at the market-place , this laughable and true representation of the working ' man s share ofthe Free Trade loaf was terminated by the father and mother cutting the pole in two and devouring the loaf amongst themselves and family . A number of the working men then addressed the meeting , showing up the conduct of the employers in their first attempt to carry out the principles of Free Trade in bread and wages . Since then the combers have met almost daily , to publish their wrongs , and devise plans for their future conduct .

      The manufacturers have thuB turned off abont fifteen hundred men , who have been the principal means of making , them what they are , with the bare-faced intention of breaking up a union which was their only protection from actual starvation , and of preventing a paltry advance of nine-pence per week in their wages . The conduct of the manufacturers has had the effect of making the men equally determined that they shall not succeed in their base attempt . For this purpose many ef them are searching for emp loyment in other quarters , while hundreds are getting their names enrolled in the parish boi ks , and the manufacturers will thus have the p leasure of paying an advance in rates , if they will not _jxiy one in wages !

      The conduct of the manufacturers has had the effect of opening the eyes of the public to their real character ; they now begin to view them , not as tho honourable employers of Britain , devoting capital to the commerce and prosperity of the country , but as a band of money-hunting fellowB , combining toeether for the purpose of accumulating fortunes by the oppression of their work-people . Thia disposition is now so grossly apparent , that the workmen will be driven , through necessity , into a NATIONAL UNION for the protection of their labour , having for its object the combination of labour ami capital for their own benefit . To give the public another instance of the manufacturing and Free Trade spirit in this

      neighbourhood , we shall conclude with the following fact , which occurred last week : —The firm of Mr . Robert Clough , of Groves Mill , in consequence of the stoppage of the woolcombers _, began to run short ef tops to spin into yarn for the weavers . To meet this deficiency he commenced running his factory three days per week instead of six . To make this alteration as disagreeable as possible to his power loom weavers—amounting to nearly two hundred—he decreed tbat they should commence work at six o ' clock —the usual time—each mornine :, and fini _s h at twelve at noon ; and so on , through every day of the week . The weavers justly complained , that , as they had only three days work in tne week , it would answer the same end , and be much more convenient , if . he would either allow thera to work three full days

      successively , or otherwise let them work during the afternoon , as many ofthem had to come from a considerable distance , and thought it bard to get up b y five o ' clock in the morning to perform half-a-day ' g work . But as the inconvenience , and not the convenience , of his workpeople , was the object of this great man ; he _insisted upon them appearing at six o ' clock in the morning , and subjecting , them to the usual pains and penalties , "in that case made and provided , " for coming too late . On finding that he was equally deaf to reason , common sense , and humanity , the weavers came to the determination of applying their last argument—namelv , tha'of leaving the factory altogether . They accordingl y turned out . and the factories , combing shops , and concern at large , are now as silent as they are during church time on a Sunday .

      Whether the manufacturers of Keighley are a specimen of the class throughout the kingdom , or not we cannot tell . One thing we know , that they hare nearly all sprung from the ranks of thc labourin * class ; that they have accumulated a very cons ' ilerable portion of capital by that class , and now appear determined to employ it for the aecumulati .. n of more , and the grinding down of all who may be unfortunately within their grasp . " We may append to this " show up , " of League rascality and millocrat rapacity the following quotation from our contemporary the Sussex Agricultural Express : —

      " In the last week ' s Manchester Courier we read that the master roller-turners of that town and the neighbourhood have given tbeir workpeople a fortnight ' s notice that they will reduce their wages five percent . ! Said we not that the reduction of wages _. not the importing of cheap bread to the working man was the end and aim of League agitation ? Poor weavers of Lancashire and Yorkshire behold your gods ! Several other branches of mill-workers are also threatened witb a reduction , and the workmen are reported to be forming themselves into unions to rc .-ist thc oppression of their employers . When their peop le remonstrated against this injustice , the masters insultingly answered that since the repeal ot the Corn Laws , "food is now much cheaper , and vou

      can therefore afford to work for less . " We know not from personal knowledge whether food is cheaper or not at Manchester and Salford , but the reports of the market acquaint us with the fact that it is not cheaper in London . Perhaps these masters , making "haste to be rich "—a haste which Solomon has pronounced to be incompatible with innocencejud ged of the reduction of food from the fall of prices of British grown corn in Mark Lane ; but their workpeople bave to deal with the baker who keeps up his price of bread , and net with tho farmer who has been compelled to reduce his price of wheat . But have tbe masters wbo promised to sell so cheap , if the Corn Laws were abolished , reduced their own profits as well as their men ' s _waiies ? Knowing the spirit of a Manchester manufacturer as < ve do . we

      should blush did we personally propound such a question to any of our readers . Nut they , we , the consumers , the wearers of cotton and wool , have to pay as hi gh as ever . Down with the wages , up with the profits , is the Manufacturing _Leaguer ' s cry . This per cent , of whioh these hard-hearted worshippers cf Mammom purpose to mulct their your serf ' s , will add probably ten per cent , to their own profits , tor the public will not get their goods a farthing in the pound cheaper . Wages constitute the value of the coat upon a gentleman ' s back , and swell the price he has to pay lor his wife ' s gown , be its fabric silk , muslm or calico . The value of the material is originally trifling ; what constitutes the value

      ultimately to be paid for it by tne purchaser is the accumulation of wages from tho primary raw material to he putting on of the apparel . The masters , we could if we pleased , publish their names , but that in the present state of tbe Jaw of libel might subject ourselves to inconvenience without helping our _arguroent-the pinching masters who have been most lot-ward m proposing this reduction ot wages arc among those who were the most active partisans of the League , a clear demonstration revealed almost sooner than we , wiih all our belief in the effrontery oi Manchester impudence expected that the cheap loaf which they _ostentatiousl y promised meant really low wages and high profit ' s , and nothing else . The poor telling men , bv the sweat of

      whose brows the manufacturers are clothed in splendour and fare sumptuously every day , have now , or shortly will , lose five per cent , of then / earnings ; that is , if a journeyman gained 20 s . a week , he will be presently reduced to Ilk ; but on the other hand if the master ' s profits were before 25 per cent , they hie now advanced to 35 percent . ; whereas , if the agricultural consumer paid before a shilling per _vanffor Manchester goods , he must pay a shiUingstilUthere is no five per cent , reduction for bim . Is it fair ih ? t the master manufacturers should reduce their wage ' s and still keep up their prices to the public ? I * it _DtiJd „• _ftV urm ? :. u , d W » labourers should he ruined , win st grain factors , millers , and bakers _, keep up their price of bread as high as it ever was * PROGRESS _OFjniE WAR IN KEIGHLEY

      _L-NGLAND TO THE RESCUE . ' Since the above _articles put into tvpe , we have received the following additional communication from our well-informed and indefatigable correspondent . The detail of the atrocious acts of these ruffianly Free Traders of Keighley will make our readers ' blood boil in their veins . The mere indig . nation which all must feel will , however , not sufiice . The millocrats have entered into an infernal league to starve their unhappy slaves into submission . This must not be . We appeal to the working men of Iluddersfield , Bradford , Halifax , and the other towns where thc delegates now are soliciting aid , to give , that aid immediately and bountifull y . We trust , too , that sympath y for our brethren will not be confined to Yorkshire , but that England will to the rescue . One thing we | rejoice to learn , that , at the conclusion of this struggle , the Keighley eomUrs will unite with the grand army of the United Trades .. Let them do so , and they will be invincible : —

      In reporting the progress of the combination of the Free Traders of Keighley , we have to state that the combers appear more firm and determined thata ever , while the manul ' acterers are resorting to every trick and contrivance to starve them into submis-

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 19, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_19091846/page/4/