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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th March 1846, Edition 3 of 3, Page 4, IRELAND. "Wis have laboured zealously an...

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    • tianKs » BSTATBS TO BB SOLD.
    • : mk iSOKTHEfiN «TAK SATOttDAY, MAUCII 28 . 1S«.
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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      A . ^He Norfife ^ Star. ¦ *"• „_^ _. ......

      a . _^ HE _NORfifE _^ STAR . ¦ _* " _„_^ _ . ... _. .. _m— .. „ _^ - _^^ _aaitf _* i _» j _» ii _^* _. _^ _iM « _W i _» _i « i _wM _.. i ) wrCT _<» _yVt * : ' rtfOPB

      March 28 , 1846 . ¦ _« ' ' _—^^ _M _^^ awur . _-. '*

      Ad00410

      _i'iiv' _^ _Li '} _wOOx _^!* . * , ' I'j _& ii v « _-sii " tV . » is * * ' 3 wosss . To be had o ? John Cleave , and all hooksencrs . ( Price One Shi'iimj _. ) TWO ORATIONS AGAINST TAKING AWAY HUMAN LIFE . UNDE 11 any Circumstances ; aud iu explanation anil _ceicuce « f the misrepresented doctrine of "Sou "Resistance . " ( Diiv . _rtd in the Katior . al _llalL Holborn on tlie evenings of February 25 ihand March 1 th . ) " These orations , regarded merely as literary campositions , are < 5 _ef _erring of a careful perusal ; while , as _vspasstioas ofthe _poiitic-rt seiitjsiems ofa large part-on oi _iheueo- , ! _,- , tvery aolitician and friend of progressive reform sh . mhl read them , to see where such leaders oi tu . worMn -cI . _-iSEes as _Tlsomas Cuoper arc rig ht , au < l « n . _« . _wroiis . _"—LckcstiiShii-e Mercury . _Chapman , Brothers , 121 , _SwgatMtaet THE P \ JRGATQ $ Z OF SUICIDES . A JKson Rbvmc . In Ten Books . ( One Vol ., 7 s . Cd . ) _•• _Tli-Tnost _wonaeriCl _^ it _^^ t _^ cctual power i > _roaueed _-. vilhiutheIa-, _tCciiturj' . ,, - _^^ -: " _* ' - » _iw - ' 'lere we have a genuine poem springing out of the sisritof Uie times , and indeed out ofthe heart , and cseriiOCi . --. if one who haswresiled mth and suffered in it . It _isu » o : lu-r than a poem in ten hooks , by a Chartist , _nn-1 who ooMly sets his name and his profession ot Chat tisin on Uie title-page . It is plain that he glories in bis j'oliticai faith more than in his poetry ; nay , his verse bus tbe _vel- _'icle uf that fsitli . Ttt , _nevertheless , it is _w"s , ir 3 ns an * nust eflhaent vehicle . We must cordially

      Tianks » Bstatbs To Bb Sold.

      _tianKs _» BSTATBS TO BB SOLD .

      We Havo A.Ain To Express Our Hearty . O ...

      We havo a _. ain to _express our hearty . o _„ _. „ secretaries nnd friends who have transmitted _adu-rh , _* - _ments of estates to be sold , and to ask a cont . nui . uca of those favours . The «« t purchase must bo in Lancashire or Cheshire ; and on Friday next Mr . _O'Co . n . _nob purposes starting upon a tour of inspection . We beg for a continuance of those favours .

      : Mk Isokthefin «Tak Satottday, Maucii 28 . 1s«.

      : iSOKTHEfiN _« TAK SATOttDAY , MAUCII 28 . 1 S « .

      Ireland. "Wis Have Laboured Zealously An...

      IRELAND . "Wis have laboured zealously and incessantly to bring the real state of Ireland home to the _understanding of _Englishmen . Wc have not only appealed to their sense of justice , but we have appealed to their interest . We have shown that every twenty shillings paid in the labour market to the expatriated Irishman , whose labour , under a proper government , wouid be required at home , causes by competition the abstraction of thirty shillings and more from the English labour market . Wc confidently affirm , that if Ireland was properly governed , and that if the invitation of simple justice was held out to Irish _labourers , uon * competitors iu tie English ¦ _nat-ket , that not a single Irishman would remain in this

      country—that is , with the exception of those who from _iuti'i-inarriase or business are tied to the country by connexion or association . And , now that the Saxon rulers of Ireland have threatened to compel the Irish people to violate all the forms of hospitality—the brightest characteristic of the nation—by making it a transportable offence to give a night ' s lodging to a stranger ; now that the Peers of England and the Commons of England have proclaimed war agaiust Ireland by the enactment of another foul Coercion Bill—for to say and to commit acts of cruelty towards Ireland are one aud the same thing—it is time that the English mind should be calmly instructed as to the sevcr . il closes which lead to the perpetration of crime in Ireland .

      Whenever thu people of Ireland demand the most simple act of justice , they are mot with coercion as ihe necessary preliminary towards the administration of justice—the manifestation of a more kindly feeling , and ns the only means of inducing English capitalists to speculate iu Irish labour and Irish traffic Coercion is ever pa .-scd at railway speed , but the promised justice has never yet found its way to the land . For now full Rre-and-forty years has the country laboured under all the horrors of a political union , and during that long period we bare bad commission upon commission , committee after commit tee , reports that the youngest man could not read

      ia the longest life : each specific grievance has been described , aud familiarly exposed , until , at length , the whole category of complaint is brought under the _knowledge of the government in the report oi Lord Dkvox ' _s commission , upon which the Minister was pledged to act . That report has been long enough in existence lo have eusurcd the correction of at least some of the crying grievances therein described * bat up to this hour , with the exception of a Ministerial " feint" made by Lord Svaxluy in the Lords , there lias not been the slightest attempt to correct the brutality and depravity of the landlord class , the plunder and ferocity of the middlemen , or the cruelty and robberv of land and law-agents .

      The charge of every judge to the several grand juries of the several counties , for long before and long _subsequent to the Devon inquiry , all went tu confirm tbe existence of tltesought-for tranquillitythe tranquillity whicli alone was necessary to ensure the correction ef the manifold abuses complained of ; a tranquillity which was only broken by the despondency created by Ministerial indifference to the horrors under which the report showed the Irish people laboured . Can it be longer said that the government is now in ignorance of the cause of Irish crime , _*

      or will the most puling metaphysician dare to tell us that a people who assert justice that the law denies , with a fall knowledge of the cause of crime , posscs 3 cd by the Minister , are more culpable than those who perpetuate the cause , while they take savage _vengeance upon a people whom they have thus _insuitcd by _sei-Aing an exposure of their condition , to the end that tbey may remove complaint , and then give them coercion as a means of producing another seasen of tranquillity , that wc may have another crop of tender orouiisc 3 and violated pledges ?

      The grievances of Ireland have been represented to be want of tenure , dear law , the facility with which a landlord of straw can break a tenant of steel , the little inducement offered for the expenditure ol " capital _ujoh the erection of farm buildings or the improvement of the soil , absenteeism , and the inevitable consequence of substituting a tyrant irresponsible agent for Ihc responsible owner , who has duties to perform as well as rights to exercise . These

      have been enumerated as the principal grievances of Ireland , and their existence has been long known to the English cabinet . Why , then , is it that there ha- * not been even an advance in the road to correction ? It is because the Irish people are neither represented iu their own press , in _tli-. i pressof England , nor in the _il-mse of Commons . However , it is worth the trouble of recapitulation again to enumerate the Acver . il remedies that we have proposed for the pacification aud satisfaction of the Irish people .

      We h : ive proposed , both in and outof the IIouso of Ctnruicns , that the Irish landlords should be compelled to give their tenants lenses for ever at a corn _reut ; by which _arrangement the landlord would invariably receive the annual value of the land cstiiv . atvd by the annual produce , which is the only fair mode of calculation . A system which would at once develop - ; all the resources _i f the country , call forth its latent capital , and call i _' . s labour into action at an

      _kcreased value . A system that would do away with the complication of tenant rights , compensation , and all Ihc follies of what is called fixity of tenure . And in all _cas'rs where bind is now too dear , to estimate its value by _ilis finding of a respectable jury oi farmers , according to the principle adopted when _^ - . eminent or _cerpoiations require land or houses to be pulled down or surrendered for streets , railways , } _iOiii--3 ious 5 s , or other public works .

      To take away the power of distress , and to allow the landlord to recover the value of his land by the same _process of law that a _shopkeeper or any other _tr . -uicsumu is n-: w _eianpclcd to recover his debts—by _rtcir . 'n nt law . What can _bs more ridiculous than the idea thut ihe landlord , at twelve o ' clock on the 25 ih of M . ire ? i , or 29 th of September , is empowered by law io enter and distrain for the half-year ' s rent but ju _* _-t due . Moreover , it is a notorious fact , that an extensive Whig landlord in the West of Ireland enables } . h cottier tenants to pay their rents by putting _tlicin as keepers , at a shilling a day and a _shiiiing a nLjht , uuon the larger fanners .

      lo appoint _assistant barristers of known character ana integrity to preside at quarter sessions—not _O-s-i-3 Prof _«»< ants _selected for their polities , or bad Catholics chosen _Ibrlhtir subserviency , but men in wli t . * --. il _d-v _^ e * . will have faith and trust , and to i _^ ive tkm an ¦ quiiabic as well as a legal jurisdiction , from winch there shall be no appeal in all cases between _kni ' _lords mid _u-miuts . To _abuiL-h tithes . To allow the people of Ireland to elect t ' _leir otvn _ma-i _.-iraics , as the people of _Scotlan-. i now do . To levy a graduated tax , commencing _ke- 'vi ' y _t-pwi _-ibsen _' _-ees , and becoming less till it dtvoivco ; _:-j . h ' . « upou tho occupying farmer himself , as a fund for national agricultural aud labour

      premium . jo fc « i-, vw ten millions of mom y upon Exchequer b : _*' _st ; - iv , o per cent ., and lend it out upon proper M . _-1-ur : y : th- ? Irish _fiiriiicrs for improvements at six per . - ' _.- _>!? , w _^ '< - _' . , niter deducting a hundred thousand ;• - _jsr . i- in . - _i : u necessary _cx-ienscs , would leave a _pi-yiit of tine j hundred thousand per annum to be ex _:-i ; : id ; . d ou " inulic works in Ii eland .

      la _c-n ! -. - <> l : > . ' _ii-c ike several Stamp Acts inflicting fines upon _L-utdlords , who failed to give stamped receipts lor nli sums received from their tenants ; or this _provision might be dispense ! with , if an equitible jurisdiction was given to the Court of Quarter

      Ireland. "Wis Have Laboured Zealously An...

      Sessions , where an uustampted document would be equally valid as a stamped document in a court of law . To impose a tax of at least two per cent , on all landlords who manage their estates by agents , and to prohibit the employment of attorneys in such service . To establish in each county a court of registration and deposit , where , in case of dispute between landlord and tenant , the tenant may lodge his rent , receiving a supersedeas from the officer to stay proceedings , until the case was heart ] before the assistant barrister .

      lo destroy the vexatious , whimsical , and expensive law of Replevin , wliich merely multiplies costs for thesbeiitf , and protracts proceedings , until the poor litigant is destroyed by delay . Now , if wc leave out tlie abolition of tithes , will any man tell us that wc have proposed one single change that it is not in the power of government to effect ? And , upon the other hand , will any one assert that a single alteration that we havo proposed w juld be an act of inj ustice , or even harshness , to the landlord who sought no more than a fair

      remuneration fairly rendered for his land ? Or will any one venture to assert , that under sueh an altered state of things , one single agrarian outrage would be annually committed in Ireland ? Or , upon the other hand , shall we be told that coercion is indispensable , to afford a fair trial to any measure _circulated to heal the wounds of Ireland ? Ou the contrary , coercion is always the proof of terror , and what is conceded to terror is ever followed up by the increase of outrage . If the English reader will carefully peruse the page of Irish history , he will find that every savage act committed in Ireland is a consequence of landlord

      tyranny , the law s oppression , or deterred justice . And although riots have arisen out of distraining conflicts , yet we defy proof that any landlord , who has done no more than attempt to exact the full amount covenanted to be paid iu the lease , has been injured or molested . It is only when the landlord violates his contract by ousting his tenant , who has paid up his rent iu the hope of letting his farm for a larger sum , and thus making profit of his

      labour and capital , that violence is offered to his person . But now that Ireland is about to be coerced , the red box is to be crammed with Irish atrocities ; and mere faction fights at fairs , where death ensues , whieh was not long since the rule , but is now the exception , are set doivn in the catalogue of Irish murders . And the Times , true to its savage calling , and bitter at the failure of its squabbling commissioner , is endeavouring to hound on Englsh malignity . _igainst Irish crime .

      We have no sympathy for the patriots who make merchandise of Ireland ' s every sorrow , but wc have _sympathy for the Irish ptople , who misplace their confidence , and are dupes to their own fervid imagination . While wc now write , our mind is turned to the sad horrors being this moment committed in unhappy Ireland , and wc call attention to the scenes that aro now being enacted , to the grievances that we are about to depict , and to remedy which , after fortyfive years of union , and after Lord _Devon ' s leport , Coercion is the government remedv .

      This is an awful day for Ireland . This is the 25 th of March , and called _Lady-day—one of the davs upon which "TYRANT LANDLORDS TURN TENANTS OUT . " No pen can describe , no artist can truly illustrate the appearance of Ireland upon Lady-day and upon the 29 th of September . Many and many a thousand labourers are at this moment walking over the threshold of tiie miserable mud hovel , whieh thoy themselves have erected , and of which tliey hare contrived to pay the rent

      punctually , bat from which they are now being ousted , in order that the " tyrant landlord , " middleman , or farmer may receive some few shillings more from some needy interloper . There is but little difference between the worst middleman and the worst farmer as rcg .-- . rd 3 the treatment of tenants and ' abourcrsthe poor labourer is the one solitary unprotected individual , who is bandied about the world at the whim or the caprice of both . And here is the picture of Ireland at this moment . The miserable cart with a

      miserable starved horse stands trembling at the door , while the peasant , his _weepin-f wife , ami tho oldest of his children are _dragging out the _threc-be-gcil pot , tue crcpeens ( three-legged stools ) , the spinning wheel , the dresser , the sop of straw , and a few black sticks dinged with smoke , and perchance a frame of an eld bedstead aud a family deal chest , while the younger children stand shivering around the door , and the following dialogue takes place : — " Wisha , mammy , what are you pulling out the things for ? Let us in , we ' re cowid . " "llowld your tongue , asthore , don ' t you see you can't go in , we ' re all going to 'flit . '" "Wisha , then , mammy , where are we going to ? " * "Augh you , my jewel , God is good , and he only knows . I suppose your daddy will make some shelter by the ditch side with the dresser aniline _ould

      chest . \ Vell , the fno is put out , the dog is ejected , the eat is in the arms of some of tho " grawls ; " as the ceremony of ejectment requires that no living thing bclongiug to the old occupants should be in tho house , and that every spark of fire should be put out . This ceremony being over , the beastly agent walks in , takes the possession , gives it to his "TRUSTY , " who remains inside until the miserable fragments are placed upon the cart , with the younger children aud cat on the sop of straw that served the night before for a bed , tho mother , perhaps , carrying the youngest in her arms ; and , thus arranged , the

      _nwunlul cavalcade leaves , the miserable hue that the father had built , and that promised them shelter for life , the poor peasant leading the horse , and all nv . ving in the saddest melancholy . The mother _sobbing , the father brooding , the children howling , and the neighbours all stauding at their doors , _joining in the cry of sorrow . They go on till some sheltered spot _presents a chance habitation for the night , and there , if not routed by the ACTIVITY of the police , they spend their first night of misery ; for all , in

      comparison , was cheering , joyous , and comfortable . II * the miserable peasant is allowed to sojourn in this miserable spot untii his wife and children are seized with fever , or struck down from grief , should chance to meet their tyrant murderer , and not take oft * his hat , he is branded as a disaffected White Boy , and imiiloJ , till , iu the proud spirit of manly vengeance , he secures for himself that justice which the oppressm ' s law denied him . In mercy to the _feelings of our readers , we close the picture he-re .

      The Ten Hours' Bill. Is Our Article Of L...

      THE TEN HOURS' BILL . Is our article of last week upon the Ten Hours ' Bill , wc expressed to some of the friends of the measure our suspicion that it would be again shelved , : md our intention to apprise the country of tho fact , but were dissuaded by the assurance that such course might do injury to ihe cause . That we were correct , however , subsequent events have proved . Of course , we attach no blame whatever to Mr . Fikldbk , whose health , we as o aware , has been so indifferent of late as to make it impossible for him to undertake the labours of so arduous a task . We conscientiously believe that no working-man feels moro anxious upon the subject than Mr . Fikldk . v _, ami no one can , wc believe , be _possessed of more zeal upon the subject than iic i ' ,

      Our remarks , therefore , mu 3 t be t ;> . ken as altogether apart from Mr . _Fielok-v ' s compulsory postponement oi * the motion . The subject is one , however , upon which we feel sueh irrepressible emotions , that no tenderness to individuals or parties can or shallpreveut us lrom the rational and manly discharge of our duty . Westato with sorrow then , that , irrespective of the real cause ot the postponement of the question , Lord Ashley has been the man who has c . *\ st a blight

      upon ihe subject , lie has enqueued with the Short Time Committee , am ! the Short Time Committee have allowed themselves to be made ' mere machines iu his hands . They are net working men , and , therefore , cannot pesaibly have that lively interest in the success of the measure that is entertained bv the slaves for whose relief it is intended . Resolved , therefore , that the _conduct of the measure shall pass into the hands of tliose not likelv to be influenced bv GOVERNMENT CONVEN _lENCEoi-l'ERSONAL

      The Ten Hours' Bill. Is Our Article Of L...

      MOTIVES , we will not , in . the language" of Lord _AsfiWtf _. " UT GOD'S BLESSING , " longer tolerate party coquetry upon a great national subject . The Short Time Committee must either seek the _IMMEMAT . ** struggle , or they must give way to , and bo replaced by , such men as James Leach , Daniel Dosovan , and others , who work for thoir bread , and will have a fellow feeling for those who do likewise . We must have a Short Time Central _Committco of Wonraso Men adults , a Short Time Central

      Committee of working youths , mid a District Committee of adults , youths , and female operatives , in every district throughout the _kingdom . The people shall not longer bo gulled by lordly influence or political trickery—the government ' s weakness i » their _opportunity ; and not even to please him , will we be parties to relieving them from their _embarrassing or assisting him in his game of " _ciiucK-i _> EN . _Ni' . ' If the Short Time Committee were sincere and in em-nest , Richard Oastler would now be in the _Hous # of

      Commons , aud , in spite of implurings er _opposition , would stop the business of the nation , wliich meana the money-mongers , until tlte business ofthe English children was first performed . This causo requires as its leader the head that lias thought , the heart that has humanity _,-thc mind that has power , the tongue that has flippancy , and the arm that hasiicrve . And if we are obliged to stand alone with the working class party , wo will buckle the armour of strife upoii the children ' s champion , and place him in the arena uf dispute to fight their battles .

      Wo aro disgusted with the paltry trait-clung m infant blood , and wo care not whose tender feelings or lordly prejudices we offend . We tell ths people that they are _soid to ministerial convenience , and if they want to be released from thu house of bondage , they must do their own work . _Oasilku understands this question better than any other man living , and the people understand him , love him , confide in him , and will obey his word of command . This is a question second to none in importance , and we only hail the policy of Pi-el for tho chane * aid it promised ; and shall we , then , lo .-: e the opportunity that factious embarrassment has afforded , and shall we now retreat , when victory should be within our reach ? Never ! Our cry must be—ONWARD , AND WE CONQUER ! BACKWARD , AND WE PALL .

      *R-*Ss* F" , *Rrr~~4tfl^^~*""*' ********...

      _* _r- _* _ss * f " * _rrr _~~ _4 _tfl _^^~* _"" * ' ********** BRITISH SYMPATHY FOR POLAND . Ii-m-dox has " _proi-ouaced "— tiie movement iiaa commenced , which , _** eome weal come woe , " shall , with the people ' s heip _, never be abandoned until Poland is independent and free _. We had purposed to have written at some length on the glorious demonstration at tlie Crown and Anchor , but we have not room—we must for tho present defer expressing our thoughts . Tlie very _lunythy report Me have given of the meeting will _sutticient-ly excuse our silence for this week . London has commenced the good work , let the country support the movement . Let Birmingham , Manchester , and Glasgow _iuoyo at once . Poland must bo redeemed .

      We direct the attention of our readers to two important documents emanating from the Polish democrats , which our readers will find below . British sympathy has been immediately responded to by Polish gratitude . Ilurrah for Poland ! Hurrah for the fraternity of nations ! _MURDERi

      HORRIBLE MURDER ! The abovo remarks wero already in type when the London morning papers of Friday brought us the following : — . LATEST FROM GERMANY . —SENTENCE ON TIIE _l'UISONEUS . The Courier ds Varsoeie contains the following : —The undermentioned is the result of the investigation set on foot owing to the events at _Sicdlee , aud the arrests of various porsons : — , 1 . That a conspiracy took place with ramifications in the Polish provinces . 2 . That thu head of the conspiracy , Bronislas Dombrowski , sent from Posen , was chosen leader of the conspiracy on the right bank o : the Vistula .

      3 . That the principal abettors were Pautaldon _Potoski , Stanislas Koi-iscliewski , Ladislas Zarski , Je ., n Lytiuski , Michel MiteaUi , and Antony Ucskur , Tha agents aud accomplices ot'DomhrowsUi were Stephen "Dobrytsch and Charles Rupi ' echt . All those individuals , brought be lbro a council of war , have been found guilty of rebellion andst-ditiou . . According to the powers intrusted by his Majesty the Emperor , the _Frinca-dovernor , after sentence of death was pronounced , has ordered _Fotozki , _Koeij . chew _» l ; i , and Zarski to be hung , the first at _Siedlee , the other two at Warsaw . As regards _UobrvUeh , and ltuprecht , their sentence is to he commuted on the

      scuiVuld to banishment to Siberia , with a loss of all their rights . Mirizki and DesUur are deprived of all thoir rights , and ihare the same fate as Dobrytschand ltuprecht . Lytiuski , who showed a tiue repentance , is equally banished to Siboria , with a _loisof all his ri ghts , after receiving 500 stripes . The law to cutor into full force , as reg \ mls the confiscation of their property , according to Art . US , book 1 st , of the military criminal code . As regard . * auy property falling ; to them by inhuritunce , it will be adjudged according to Polish law . This sentence was fulfilled ihe following dny at 10 am ., in front ofthe citadel , with ths exception of l'otozki . —Universal Prussian _Gazette ,

      Wo cannot comment on the above—we arc agitated , bewildered by our emotions . Good God ! is there iioithor bolt from heaven nor brand on earth to blast or smite these hellish tigers to the dust f Oh ! Lord Dcdley _Shjabt—oh ! Dr . Bowri . no , is it " not the right time" to declare war to tho death against _theso devils ? Alas ! that theso words ef ours must be mere words . A word , and only a word this week on the press . The Morning Advertiser ( of Thursday ) has nobly

      justified _tiuit applauded the Crown and Anchor meeting . The Sun ( of Tiiur _.-day evening ) admits that the meeting w : i 3 "precisely what it should have been , especially as being the rtpre : entative of the sentiments entertained in this vast metropolis . " The Times contains ( in its impression of Friday morning ) a most infamous attack upon the mooting . Wo have not room tiiis week to do justice to this archenemy of truth and right , but more next week . "We will merely notice the conclusion of the Times " loader : "—

      If tho Polish patriots aro wiso and honest , they will repudiate the officious friendship of the " National Charlist _Assouiation , " ami , by turning n deaf car to evil counsellors , vindicate the justice of her cause und the purity of their motives . Our answer shall be tbe addresses from the Polos themselves , following this article . Let the writer in the Times read those addresses , and ( as ho will do ) gnash his teeth with vexation .

      Let tho people do their duty . Let tho meeting on Monday evening next , ' at the South London Hall , Webber-street , Biackfriar ' _s-road , be an overflowing demonstration . Wc urge the active men of South London to immediately make the necessary arrange _, meads . ' THIS IS NOT ONLY THE TIME , BUT THE VERY TIME !"

      To The People Of Great Britain. Bkothi-H...

      TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN . Bkothi-hs , —In the name of our bleeding fatherland , we thank you for your sympathy towards our country . The people of London , in nobly lifting up their voices in behalf of our country , have hut done justice even to their own . They have acted wiselybecause history looks with a scrutinising eve on the deeds ol" eacn nation , and each step notes " down for ever as a good one , or bad- brands each nation with eteraal shame , or covers v . ith a radiant and

      _over-Idling glory The majority of the English press applauds all the misdeeds ofthe continental tyrants _, lhu English government invites and greets with enthusiastic cheers the blood-stained br _' _gands ol the continent , but the _people of London have nobly come forward to efface the slmne from tho British people . In the presence of the deputies , of all civilised nations , the people of London have declared that the _Uritislipeople sympathise with the oppressed nations , and repudiate every alliance with their onpressors . l

      thanks be to you , noble-minded brothers ! Persevere , and never despniv of the success of vour o hirta . Justice shall reign in this world , because He , who is our onlv Lord , is just , and Ue is Almighty ns well m this world as on the throne of liis " uianil lmlh a triple right to your sympathy . She was arrested in the _miiUt ol 1 cr elorious nands on Iter , bhe calls to all nations these s « ventv years or . _icl p and where is one so bise im m » t to

      To The People Of Great Britain. Bkothi-H...

      Three times' with her breast she covered the civilisation of Europe . In the shade of her mighty sword grew up everything Oi " what is great and noble in the civilised world , and with her fall there is but darkness and slavery to mankind . the banner she hoisted on the walls of Cracow you recognised for yow own—you read graven on it the feelings _« f your own hearts . If Poland is free and successful , you are all free , because liftinK up her sword she has sworn never to lay it aside until all her brothers are free , and you havo heard her own Yoice declaring that all men are her brothers . People of Great Britain ' . stand up , and act all as one man , asa great and noble-minded man , and the triumph shall be the reward of your gallant and generous exertions .

      Given in London this 2 Gth day of March , 1 S 1 C . Louis _Ohohski , Plenipotentiary of the Polish Exiles united under the National Banner . Zkso Swi « tostjAw ' bki , _Ciiamj-s _Stoizma _* , John Ivry . nski , Counsellors .

      TO THE DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE OF THE FRIENDS OF POLAND . BiwrnREtfJ—The manifestation of British sympathy so nobly evoked by you , in organising " the public meeting ait the Crown and Anchor Tavern , on the 25 th inst ., has touched the heart of every true Pole , and awakened feelings of the deepest gratitude towards yourselves , the speakers , _amJ the audience _. We , therefore , in the name of our fellow-countrymen resident in England , who hold the democratic faith , beg to send you these few words asa testimony of the sincerity of their grateful feelings towards you , and their warmest thanks for the sentiments you havo so nobly expressed in behalf ei" their beloved fatherland .

      We- arc , brethren , your 3 truly and faithfully , Louis _Obouski , Plenipotentiary of the Polish Exiles _united undo the National Banner , Zkko Swiktoslawski , John _Khyxski , ClIAKLEB SlOLZMAN , _, . , Counsellors . 1 , Upper John-street , Golden-square , Marcii 20 th , 1846 .

      Parliamentary Review. Nointxo Can Better...

      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . _NoinTxo can better illustrate the rule-of-thuisb system of legislation prevalent upon most important subjects , than the treatment of railways . Similar ignorance of first principles , and want of foresight as to tlie probable tendencies and expansion of new _societarian influences , are by no means scarce , but the recent birth aud development of this new element of our social state enables us to trace closely and consecutively , not only the course of this incoherent and contradictory policy , but to see at a glance its pernicious effects upon tiie nation .

      When TnoMAS Gbbs , of Leeds , some twenty years ago , published his plan of "Steam Land Carriage , " accompanied by maps , estimates , and details , exhibiting a bold and statesnnvnlikcgraspofthc whole subject , and a mastery ofthe principles upon which sin li lines of communication should be constructed , which lias not since been cqmvlled , no one listened to him . In vain did he set forth the immense , immediate , and prospective advantages wliich would flow from a systematic construction of these new roads , not only by one nation , but by Europe . He petitioned Parliament , memorialised the merchants , bankers , and manufacturers of our great cities , urging the im

      portance of his invention by every possible argument he could think of . But these " practical" men turned a deaf ear to the dreamer , lt was left to the Manchester and Liverpool Company to illustratethough most defectively , because on a small scalethe advantages and facilities of the new mode ef locomotion ; aud gradually the question assumed that important position which the growth of civilisation , and the multiplication at once of commodities , wants , and wealth naturally assigns to it . _Geougk Hudson , the draper of York , became a millionaire aud a railway king , with a dominion extending from the Atlantic Ocean to tho German Sea—from Bristol , at one end of the island , to Berwick , at the other .

      Thomas Gray , of Leeds , sunk into poverty , and _Iuomas Ubay , ot _Leeus , sunk into poverty , and hawks glass , as a commission agent , at Exeter ! The different fortunes of the original genius , who devised , and patiently , at great cost of time and money , worked out the details of a European net-work of railways , and of the mere lucky speculator , who , without an ounce of inventive talent , grew rich , and is to be presented with £ 20 , 000 _, by the worshippers of riches because ho did so , is no inapt individual type of the treatment of the subject generally . Everything goes by rule of thumb . It is a mere selfish scramble , in which the motto of all is" devil take the hindmost ; " and as to general results , these . may be useful , profitable , or otherwise , just as it happens" luck's ali "

      The mischief of this course has at last become apparent to men of all ranks of life . The enormous and unnecessary cost of obtaining an act for the construction of a line , begins to be seen iu the true light of a tax upon the community , for tho benefit if landlords who have to be bribed into acquiescence , and of the host of witnesses counsel , solicitors , aud surveyors engaged in railway contests before committees . Then , again , the constitution of these

      _commutces , and the manner in which the business comes before them , precludes anything like a chance of consistent decisions . All is haphazard ; and after a long sessional campaign , the only thing certain is , that some hundred railways are in possession of the field , of which , perhaps , one-half iviif . never be made ; another hundred dead , of which many were probably much needed ; and that barristers , solicitors , and surveyors have absorbed hundreds of thousands before " _*> spa *! e has been put in the earth on a single line .

      The companies to whom acts aro granted become , to a considerable extent , tho masters of the public . It has been urged that self-interest , and the dread ol competition , willalways prevent abuse cf their power ; but this is but slender protection . Let the system of amalgamation proceed , as it will naturally do , from a perception that centralisation produces more systematic and cconomioal results , and in a few years the country will be at the mercy of a few wealthy companies , who will have monopolised the then only means of conveyance for persons , books , or letters , and who , enjoying a revenue equal to that of the government , will be able to defy it .

      The Premier seems to bo aware of the errors committed by our past mode of dealing with this important matter , and , at the commencement of the session , announced the necessity of deciding upon some general principles for the guidance of railway legislation in future . It is true , that with his usual caution , or owing to a constitutional defect , which renders him unable to see a whole question at once , he confined his observations to what we consider but minor points , and such as were most pressing . But the committee , whicli was appointed in consequence of that speech , and from which such great things

      were expected , lias evidently been overpowered by the magnitude of tho subject . Instead of grappling with general principles , or looking at the present and prospective condition of the whole question , with a view to its permanent settlement on such a basis as would secure to the nation all tho _advantages desirable from tiiis source , they have set themselves to assort the crude schemes of railway projectors into bundles , for the consideration of other committees in detail . This red tape , and grouping from A to Z , could easily have been done by any of the clerks in the Board of Trade , and there was no necessity to appoint a select committee for such a purpose

      It was plain the matter was dropped , so far as the government was concerned , and Mi-. _Mosnnox the well known city merchant , took it up . He had previously written a pamphlet on the subject , in which he advocated the necessity of adopting the continental principle of letting the lines to companies who would work them on terminable leases , and pay to government a fair rent for the _privilege of

      doing so . On the first night appointed for the consideration of his motion in * the Commons , " no house" was made at four o ' clock ; another significant intimation of tho difficulty experienced by tho government . On a second night ( Thursday , 19 th ) , his proposition for a committee to consider the subject was acceded to , and he himself highly complimented by the Premier . Whether this course implies an intention of following the policy iudioatcd by

      Parliamentary Review. Nointxo Can Better...

      the member for Inverness ' , or was a mere adroit eva . sion of an important question , whiie another was under discussion , need not now be mooted . This much is certain , that the matter has grown into one of paramount interest , and will , in spite of the " canna lie fashed" inertness of officials , and the opposition of interested companies , demand a settlement at no distant date . The large amount of time occupied in committees and in the house ; the confessedly imperfect and contradictory manner in which the work is done ; and the vast advantages which might accrue to the nation from proper management of these new sources of wealth and convenience , al I conspire to make this one ofthe leading questions ofthe day .

      Years ago , when a correct system could have been easily adopted—when little would hare had to he mdone—we recommended that railways should be made national property , and worked for the national benefit . We looked forward to the time when they would become national highways , free to all , and when the same principle wliich Rowland Hill has applied to postage , should also be applied to persons . Ai an old book-stall the other day we stumbled

      on a number of the Quarterly Review dated 1839 , in which a writer ridiculed the notion of conveying a letter to Edinburgh for ths same price as to Barset , as being the most preposterous , absurd , and insane that could possibly be entertained . Yet this has been done . It is now a fact incorporated into the- 3 j _* stem of daily occurrences , , which excites no other wonder than tbat they should" have been so long in being adopted . Is it too presumptuous to look somewhere about _ISoi for a similar result in the

      other case ? The decorous and steady pace of tiie elderly gentlemen i * a the House of Lords is likely to be considerably accelerated by the presence of Earl Grex ( UowicK )' and Lord _Staxsbi this session ,. They are both fresh from the more active and stirring chan > ber—both eager to distinguish themselves _^ and unwilling to let their armour rust for want of use . The erratic and mobile ex-Chancellor , who has so long been the sole interrupter of the measured , stately , and slow movements of their lordships , will have somewhat of a struggle to maintain his ascendancy

      in the face of his youthiul competitors . Earl Grey gave their lordships a fillip en Monday night by the delivery of an essay on the state of Ireland , which wa 3 succeeded by a debate lasting till twelve o ' clock , and a division _, in which the principle of letting things alone was affirmed by a _nuvjoiityof nearly f _* 9 ur _ts one . Of course , upon a subject like Ireland , little of novelty could be expected , nor do we think that Earl Grey exhibited that depth and boldness which have marked some

      other of his spcechesv According to him the crowning grievance of Ireland is the Established Church . He devoted the greater part of his oration to the exposition of the evils arising from this source . Perhaps lordly legislators are incapacitated by their position and training from perceiving the real root of the evil . Bad as the existence of such a church as the Anglican Establishment in Ireland may be , and we admit that it is an enormous evil , there are deeperseated and worse diseases than that to be eradicated

      before Ireland can enjoy health or prosperity . Itis in Ireland , as everywhere else , a question of rich and poor—of the mode of holding property—of the distribution of wealth—and , if you moot it deeply at last a question of separate possessions , or private pro pcrty , especially in the hind , which , by the fiction of the law , belongs to the Crown for the benefit of the whole people , and which ought to be no fiction , but a reality .

      The debate on the second reading of the Corn Bill has mainly occupied the Commons during the week up to the time at whicli we write , and is ex . pected to close at latest on "Friday night . The Protectionists boldly movtd that " the bill be read tbi 3 day six months ; " and thereupon ensued a debate o the ordinary stamp . The same dreary wilderness of fallacy and half-truth has been traversed by both parties , without disclosing a single new flower or plant worth the culling . Everybody is tired of the eternal iteration of tho stereotyped topics and phrases on both sides , which have filled the columns of the

      papers for the last two months . Toujours perdrisone _sickess even of partridges when served every day—what , then , of this everlasting drivel ? People who read the debates , at a distance , may imagine to themselves an august assembly of the socators of the nation .. They should witness the reality . A thin sprinklisg of members garnishing the almost empty benches , and some prosy orator speaking to a dozing or inattentive auditory . Several times have we counted less than thirty members in the house ; but it is understood that it is to last a certain time ,

      and , therefore , like a wounded snake , it is suffered to drag its slow length along . Even the reporters throw down their pencils in disgust at the idea of repeating the thousand times told tale ; and the morning prints convey but a meagre idea of the enormous quantity of nonsense spouted nightly , until " the sma' hours , " and the fear of Joseph _Broiukrton , c ' . ose the dull farce . By the way , we wish that unpaid functionary ot the house would resume his ancient activity . There is more need than ever for his putting the naughty boys to bed early .

      On another important topic , the postponement of the Ten Hours' Bill , we refer our readers to another column . _Saturday Morsisg . After a four nights' debato , the second reading of the Corn Bill wns carried by 302 to 214 , leaving a majority of eighty-eight . This is a smaller number than that by which the first stage of the bill was afHrmed _,-but a comparison of the numbers on each division shows nearly the same proportion of vote * to the total numbers who voted on each occasion On the 23 th Feb . the . numbers were 33 t to 210 . Thus , In a house of 577 , the majority was 97—in a house of 510 , it is SS . But though the bill has thus far progressed , it is evident , from the tone and the

      threats ofthe Protectionist party , that every inch ef ground will be disputed . The great object at which they now aim is to delay the third reading until after Easter , intending , no doubt , to take advantage ofthe recess for agitating the country , and for influencing a few ofthe largo number of" waiters upon Providence " who have not voted upon this bill . They are not to "be put down" by any mancouvro of their opponents ; even tho leavina of nothing but empty opposition benches to waste their eloquence upon does not stop the flow of their oratory and even now it is by no means certain that they may not achieve their great object of a dissolution , and an appeal to the constituencies upon tbe whole question . Next week will determine whether they are to have tho Easter recess for agitation or . not .

      Co Jfteatorsf & Conts-Pontitnts.

      Co _jfteatorsf & _Conts-pontitnts .

      Duncombe _Testimonial . —We understand that it is tho intention of the central committee to cause this splendid memento of working-class gratitude to ths hon . member for Finsbury to be on view , ' at the Parthanium , 72 , St . _Martin'sJane , during the whole of next week , commencing on Monday _moruins next , Marcii 80 th , at ten o ' clock precisely , and will contiuuo until nine o ' clock in the evening each dav . A handsome lithographic engraving of tho " Testimonial" ha » been taken , wliich csn he had at the Partlienium , and of all _rcspBCtnble booksellers . Ma . Hsnrv Hunting , Department Du Gnrd , _Mesfenges _, France . —We have many subscribers in France , who uniformly remit through a London hanker . He mis ' do the same or in like manner as he has remitted to the Veteran Putriots * and Exiles' Widows and Children '** [ Fund .

      J . Hogg , Hawick . —We don ' t know what has become oi Samuel Kydd . late of 6 _la * . gow . _DuHcoinm Testimonial . —We aro requested to state that a large lithographic engraving ( printed on tinted paper ) of this splendid memento of workinir-i'lass ? r . iti tude is published by Messrs . M'Gowan and Co ., h _* > Groat Windmill-street , Haymarkct , and may be had of any respectable bookseller in the United Kingiluni , price sixpence . Tue Lite J . II . Brahwicii . — We are sorry that an «• traorJiimry presj of matter compels us to postpou Mr . Cooper ' s interesting memoir of the Leicester

      Chartist Post . It shall appear . II . Olives , Hisnor Auckland . —His advice toyoung m _^ anxious to list is _rery good , and wa recommeud l _' " ' l ' orc * his opinions upon all you . ug men .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 28, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_28031846/page/4/