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July 28, 1849. ... THE NORTHERN STAR. 7 ...
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imperial ilavltament. '
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SATURDAY, Jw-v 21. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—The...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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July 28, 1849. ... The Northern Star. 7 ...
July 28 , 1849 . ... THE NORTHERN STAR . 7 ¦ ¦¦ . ' ¦ . 3 - _ 5 j ** _- - _~_ m i : . / +. ' : - : .
Imperial Ilavltament. '
_imperial _ilavltament . '
Saturday, Jw-V 21. House Of Commons.—The...
SATURDAY , _Jw-v 21 . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —The House met at noon for receiving the report of the committee of "Ways and Means , when Mr . Osborse called attention to the Affairs of Hukgary . Thehon . gentleman rose to move , pursuant to notice , for any papers connected with the advance of the Russian troops into the kingdom of Hungary . It was generally supposed that Hungary was a province ofthe Austrian dominions , but the fact was that it was a free nid independent kingdom , and had _presented itself from tue earliest times as an oasis of liberty amid a desert of despotism . The perfidy of
the Anstrian court had never been fairly put Defore the people of England . In 1848 , Ferdinand II . guaranteed ths existence of Hung-iry as a separate kingdom ; bat hc broke that guarantee in 1849 . Female influence was at the bottom of this , and the Archduchess Sophia played just the same part which Henrietta Maria did in the time of Charles . He would not allude _fa-liier to the intrigues of this wretched camarilla ; buthe must say , hc thoughtthat they had seen the last ofthe Holy Alliance . They hadC however , witnessed its embers smouldering in another place—not where unfortunate spirits werehut another place not very distant from that Hou-e . They had heard the moans of an ex-Foreign _Secretarv . and the melancholy drone of a Scotch bagpipe
lamenting over the last glories cf " our ancient allv . " Surely we were bour . d to maintain our ancient alliance with Hnugaryi which formed two-fifths of the Austrian empire in size —( hear , hear)—and which was a much greater part of it , if considered in reference to her commercial advantages and her great military power , as much as with A _5 eitern 5 ch or the camarilla of "Austria . He contended ihat the _Emperor Francis Josepli was not King of Hungary . either de jam or ifc facto . "What was the third article of her ancient constitution ? "The King of _Huno-arv cannot be discharged from the duties of _soverei-nity without the cor . sent of the nation .- " Yet Ferdinand 11 . was shuffled off like a bag of dirty clothesand a hov not twenty was put on the throne ,
, the mere puppet of Count Stadwn and General _Weldon He mi s lit be Emperor of Austria , but lung of Bnn"arv he was not . The movement in Hungary "Was in iio way conn : cted with the movement which ¦ was going on in France , for it had been going on for the last thirty Tears , and -was entirely a national ¦ mov ement to resist tbe aggressions of Austria . The ¦ wh ole constitution of Hungary was eminently aristocratic , and the people there was as much attached to their aristocracy as tbe middle classes here were to the institutions of this country It was nothing therefore , but a love for their constitutional privileges and rights whkb had induced them to rise against Austrian tyranny , lion , gentlemenr might sav that this was a purely democratic increment
The fact was the popular party m Hungary was the aristocratic body , in the present sense , and which had always been celebrated for its attachment to liberal p rincnVes , to _thevlndleatioa jf the tights , and to the promotion ofthe best interests of the people ¦ witli whom thev were connected ( Hear , hear . ) In 1772 wlr > abo lished serfdom ia Hungary ? Who dd ibis bat the Hungarian aiistoeraey ? Who was it in 1 S 32 instigated the first great reforms in Hungary ? It va * toe-aristocracy of tbat kingdom . Who was it who first established the liberty ofthe press in Hungarv It was that man who will leave behind him a name which will never be forcotten , CTarum et venerdbilc nomen—be meant the President Kossuth . It should not be forgotten tbat that great man . for merelv _publldihi-j the debates in the chamber , was
imprisoned by the Austrians for four yeas . They all knewthaton his release , he was borne into power on the shoulders of thc Austrian people . In 184 S , under his government , tbe last _feudal privileges were abolished , and the tenure of all property was enfranchised from its former restrictions . The custom of the peasants having to give twelve days' labour in the year to the nobiiity was abolished , as well as all distinction of classes . The man who did this had been held up to the people of England as a wild and _despera _' e _robber ; but he now stood in as proud a situation as tliat of any man in Europe , and he , like _Washlngi-M * _. had been placed by the general voice at the head ofa great , a free , and a noble people , lie might be told that this was a war of _ra-es . "Nothing
of the kind . Hungary had a p pu ' ation of 14 , 000 000 , nearly the whole of which wasengagei in this cause ; and the Slo _va--k ia * taking e -nmion cause with the _ZU-igyar . Ni doubt a rortiou of the inhabitants of a territory annexed to Hungary had taken part witli the Ansbiaus . He allowed that tlie Croats , who were nothing more than aset of ha _* udittiandsavage _* s , had done so These robbers had been made use of to put down the liberties of the Hungarian people ( Hear hear ) lie was _soiit that the first Minister ofthe Crown , and he ( Mr . Osborne ) was s :: re it was amcreinadvcituicy , had afew nights ago made use of the word _i-surrection as applied to the people of Hunzary , for _iz mig ht be taken in an iuvidious « J ' lis _iras sure thenoble lord meant nothing of
the kind . Lord Johx Rcsseli . said , as he was then present lie perhaps might , at oace be allowed to state that when he used the word insurrection he _thought he had applied the proper term . He did not . however , mean to _assert tiiat by this term that tboU was an unjust and unprovoked insurrection . ( Hear , hear . ) He had used the term which he thought at the time was most applicable to the case- " ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . JL Osb- > bse . —The noble lord was q ite _l-Hit in one respect , for this was the _lcsithnate and _rish' - term in Hungary . If they looked into the recent message to the Diet , they would find lhe word " insurrection " had been used . In 1710 also , when the -whole population rose in a mas- , in favour
ofAIariaThiresa _. ihc same word was used , lhe cause for which Kossuth and lhe Hungarian nation were now contending was thc same as that in defence of which Hampden- died , and wliich cau-ed the revolution in 1 CSS , and was one with which every true En _«* li * _-hnian _niyst sympa hlsi * . ( Hear , hear . ) The government of Austria had been spoken of in another pl . _-ice as tlie patera-1 government ii our ancient ally . Why , what had been the conduct of this paternal government ? Need he refer to the a * rocitirs perpetrated in Galicia , where the peasant had been set _against the coble , and the noble against the peasant ? _N-. ed lis remind them that this pat rnal governm _ent had on the one hand bombarded Venice and _3 Iilan , and on the other Presburg and
Testh ? _Xeed he remind them that tins paternal government , had invited , the barbarian Cossack to _ravage Europe , and had countenanced the order of the Russia * . G-neral ( _Paskiewitst-h ) that all Hungarians _wc-irh-s the national colours should be publicly whipped ? IT need hc refer to the exce-ses of that modern Aitiia General llayrmU ? _Jseed he remind them of the villages which had been burnt down iu Huugarv by tliis _jaternal government ; or would they forget the paternal kindness whi . h flogged ladies of rank ( hear , h-ar , ) and shot prisoners of war ? ( U ear , hear . ) This was the conduct of the paternal government of our ancient allv , which met with such strong
sympathy in another place , lie would pass over tue commercial advantages which this country might derive from a reto _^ uilion of the fi ee and independen ' _kim-dom of Hungary , —for our ancient ally had alwavs impp-e 1 a _datv of sixty per cent , upon English merchandise 3 but there was another question which In his opinion was of much greater importance . This was _n- * t a _merest-ugglefor Hungarian independence Hc looked upon _tlnTstrugsle now going on in Europe as a conflict between the two principles of de-potism and constitutional government . ( Hear . ) It was a struggle which had commenced in Hungary , but God "knew where it would end . If tliis Cossack invasion
-was tolerated lhe last barrier _between Russia and Constantinople would be swept away , and Hungary would become a mere dependence of the Russian empire . He believed there were persons in another place who _wished to see Hungary become a llussian province , snd those persons had endeavoured to throw obloquv upon a Foreign _Minister ( Lord Palmerston ) of whom he ( 3 Ir- Osborne ) would say that he was the most independent and successful Foreign Minister who had ever held office in this countrv . ( Hear , hear . ) They had passed an alien bill against unfortunate -wretches who were going about the country spreading revo _' utionary doctrines , hut there were now here other aliens , ex-Ministers _, who were intriguing in the upper circles , aud who
had their tools aud agents in ihe other House to _mali- * n cue who had always shown the strongest _Iibe-^ tendencies . He _be'iered ihat if the noble l rd had pandered to Neapolitan tyranny and to Austrian de <* potis-ni , those parties would have bowed down before him and licked the dust at his feet He considered that the liberal party in this country were greatly mistaken in not giving their support to the present noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs . That noble lord deserved the support of the country , a _* . d the remarks which had heen applied to hira in another place did not express the feelings of the people . There was in tliat place no liberal party , and he would take upon himself to say that the p _3 ople of tbi * country reposed lull confidence in _ihenob _' _elajd , and riewed ' with satisfaction the course h _** had pursued . He would onlv add , that he felt satisfied the noble
lord would not say anything which could tend to throw obloquy upon a noble nalaon struggling for its rights . The hon . memtcr concluded by moving an address to thc Crown for any papers connected with the advance ot Russian troops into the kingdom of Hungary , and any communicationswhich had passed between the llritish government and any foreign _"overnmfnts on the ¦ subject . ° ifr . M . "MitNES , in seconding the resolution , said he conceived thc question they had to consider was whether the British Minister for Foreign Affairs had duly expressed the opinions of this country with _resard to the entrance of Russian armies into the "kingdom of Hungary . He would certainly be _unwiUin- ' to believe that that noble lord-who had _ScTvmthathe entertained snch large and expansive reWrd to the foreign affairs rf _Europe-, 7 _wv-iou _idhave seen without concern this
Saturday, Jw-V 21. House Of Commons.—The...
more important , and replete with far more fatal consequences , than any event which had occurred during the last two remarkable years ; for , notwithstanding the great confusion ana traults which had taken place in some states from attempts to _' ellange the territorial dispositions of the treaty of Vienna , nothing had occurred to lead to the expectation that any considerable change would be made in those territorial arrangements , except the single event to which the attention of the House was now called . That event -would render the future independence of Austria absolutely impossible ; and if Lord Palmerston were the enemy of Austria , as had been foolishly and vainly represented , it would be to him a matter of hi g h _gi-atifieation to see thc independence of the Austrian empire uttciiv submerged in
the waters of Russian absolutism . It was very easy to say that a province had revolted from Austria ; that the troops of the Emperor were en "aged elsewhere , and that it was therefore most convenient for hiin to seek the assistance of his _neighbour the Emperor of Russia to enable him to put _" down this slight insurrection . This was the di plomatic form in which the matter was represented , but the House would see on consideration how delusive and superficial that representation was , and how it really evaded the whole question at issue . What was this insurrection of Hungary against Austria f . Was it not a civil war ofthe most frightful and desperate character ? Two-fifths of the emp ire of Austria were ranged against the remaining portion of the empire . So Ions as thc ouestion remained that of
a civil war it bore a complete analogy to the great civil war in this country ; and thc parliamentary paradox then so famous , . .. " It is to serve His Majesty that we against him was perfectly carried out in Hungary . In the early part of the contest Hungary was considered the mostloval part of the empire ; and until the Emperor of Austria called in foreign aid not one word was uttered by thc Hungarians against himtheir complaintwas against liis ministers . But the armies which the Emperor of Russia had sent to subdue the kingdom of Hungary were so enormous that it was almost impossible that any effort of patriotism on the part of the Hungarian people could prevent the destruction of their independence , and
the consequence would be , that Hungary would become essentially and practically a llussian province . Ho might remind the Houso that before this Russian intervention no terms had been proposed to thc Hungarians by the Austrian government , and no attempt had been made to effect a satisfactory arrangement without calling in an immense alien force . He would be glad to hear that the noble Secretary for Foreign Anairs had either pressed upon the Austrian government the policy of attempting- to come to terms with the Hungarians , or that lie had , since the "Russian intervention , represented as strongly as he could the fatal consequences ofthat intervention to the independence ofthe Austrian empire . It had been truly said that this was not an aristocratic or a democratic question ; it was purely a national
one . Many most eminent individuals—and , amongst others , a valued friend of his own , Count Adrian Bathyany , the foreign minister ofthe Eungavian nation , ii man of the highest character , possessing a princely fortune , aud who had never been associated with political tumults and p lots—had risked not only their fortunes but their lives in the attempt to secure the independence of their country . If Austria had acted with anything like justice and moderation—if she had been willing in the first instance to admit Hungary into a federal relation with her , the demands of the Hungarian people would have been satisfied , and Hungary would have been rendered one ofthe most attached and loyal portions ofthe Austrian empire . The House would bear in mind that no republic had been proclaimed ill ± _iv / wi tfiiiuui
_xmiigaty , —Lua . v _jhjujih-u « j-iujjuuii ( -.-of government had at any time been put forward . The present political state of Hungary was a regency , at the head of which was that remarkable man " Kossuth , which was acknowledged by the Diet , and which was simply an interregnum of a provisional character , that might be put " an end to at any moment by a constitutional election to thc crown of Hungary . He did not believe it possible that the state of the continent could go back to what it had been , and he was satisfied there was no other permanent foundation for thc peace and order of Europe than the establishment ofthe principles of constitutional liberty . ( Hear , hear . ) He recognised the statesmanlike spirit of the noble Foreign Secretary in the circumstance that that noble lord , looking somewhat beyond ordinary politicians , had
years ago anticipated the awful changes which had recently occurred . "When others supposed that the state of Europe would remain unchanged / the noble lord saw the latent power working in the hearts of nations , and called upon the governors ofthe world to be prepared for the changes that were coming : — ( hear , hcav)—and thc noble lord had been accused of having brought about existing evils , simply because hc had anticipated them . It was an absurdity to suppose that any English minister would foment foreign disturbances for . the sake of producing tumult in the -world . ( Hear , hear . ) A foreign minister of England knew that his popularity depended upon maintaining peace ; and to suppose that he would risk disturbing the peace of Europe without
one national or commercial objoct was a delusion that could only arise from passion and prejudice . He ( "Mr . Mines ) believed that this was one of many questions ofa similar nature with which they would have to deal in future years , and he was convinced that to secure thc peace and order of Europe the principles of constitutional liberty must be generally established . The great principle of this country mast be non-intervention in the affairs , of foreign nations . Another eminent minister besides his noble friend had foreseen the evils which were approaching , for a Prussian diplomatist mentioned in a recently published work that Prince Jlottornieh had once remarked to him , "lean see the symptoms of disease in the state of Austria , and I know that they are fatal . "
Mv . Roebuck said that thc princi ple which his hon . friend wished thc House to sanction was thisthat with respect to thc internal regulation of a nation's affairs no external force ought to be emp loyed io alter the will ofthe people . This princi ple was violated by thc interference of Russia in the aii ' aire of Hungary ; but , unfortunately , the despot , as he was called , of Russia , was not the only power in Europe guilty of infringing the great principles of international morality and policy ; and , while thev directed their shaft against the great despot of
the " Xorth , let them not -forget that many-headed despot , the Republic of Franco , _vchicli was just now adding ridicule to injury ( the ridicule , however , attaching to itself ) by its attack upon the unfortunate people of Home , _f Hear , hear . ) However strong their indignation might be at these proceedings , their indignation would go for nothing unless it was aided by some practical proceeding on the part of the government ; for , under the despotism which existed , the expression of opinion in that House would never be allowed to reach tiie cars of
the Poles and Hungarians , and hardly of the French . Therefore , lie wanted to know whether it was not possible to interfere in some way practically in this question , and to give our aid in support of those great principles of international morality they were now endeavouring to enforce . ( Hear / hear . " ) He did not concur with the hon . member ( Mr . _Milnes ) in thinking that the Minister for Foreign Affairs was necessarily unpopular under whose administration England went to war ; for the people of England liked the Minister , and held him dear iu their hearts , who maintained the honour and dignity ofthe country —( hear , hear )—and he would not believe in any school of politicians who brought them down to such a low level of morality as bound up all their interests and feelings in the mere
interchange of commodities for profit . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed that there was something more in the souls of our people than that , and that they really had ( to use a phrase which was uttered the other night only to be disowned ) cosmopolitan feelings . They did desire to see good government spread over the world by the _efibct of reason , thought , and moral force - and they did w'sh to have thc great name of England employed as a means to stop tlie advance of barbarian despotism , whether under the banner of Russia or of France , for those who trampled upon the Boman people in their present unhappy weakness , using the mighty engine of an army to work out the purposes of a paltry intriguing spirit in Paris , were more despicable and more barbarous than the Russians . ( Hear , hear . ) AVhen the people
of Bel g ium rose in insurrection against iheir king , to whom had been guaranteed the possession of Belgium and Holland as a united kingdom , England and France interfered and did what was wise and benevolent on the occasion . They separated Relsium from Holland , and let the former choose a king of its own . Greece afforded another instance of our interference . There the people rose up against their ruler , whom he believed to be about our oldest aHy . ( "Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) England interfered , and now the people of Greece were indebted to England , if it were a subject of gratitude , fpr then- present king . Those were two marked cases of insurrection against lawful acknowledged sovereigns , and our old allies . ( Hear . ) If , then , the English government interfered in those cases , and with the consent of the people of this
country , why should not the government interfere now in a much greater case , for lie concurred in his hon . friend ' s statement as to the danger existing to the civilisation of Europe in consequence of the present uncalled-for inteifcrence on the part of Russia in the affairs of Hungary . ( Hear , hear . ) He wanted to see whether they could not make this a practical question , by some appeal on the part of _England to all the great nations of Europe to arrange and settle the disputes now going on . ne entreated tbe noble lord , the Foreign Secretary , to reflect on what consequences might flow to civilised Europe from what was now passing in Hungary . Let the noble lord consider , too , how this country mig ht be affected by it . Suppose that Russia , with Iter enormous army , were victorious , and crushed the Hungarian people , did she not thereby also such
Saturday, Jw-V 21. House Of Commons.—The...
Austria , for Austria was great onlv by the union of her manifold populations ? If Russia , then , crushed Hungary and Austria , what should keep "her from Constantinople . ? and , when there , who could say how soon she might interfere with our Indian empire ? This was no fantastic idea , for Egypt now connected England with her Indian dominions , our _highway to the latter lying through the Red Sea . If Russ ' ia were at Constantinople she would soon bo in Syria and Egypt ; and then we should have war on our hands under the most disadvantageous . circumstances . Therefore , he thought the people of En "land were directly interested in this matter ; an < _T it would net do " to shut one ' s eyes and say , " We are a peaceable peop le ; we do not want war ' , wc are afraid of war : wc want cotton-spinning ,
linen-spinning , and woollcn-spmning _. and tho profits thereof . " ( " Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) He knew they wanted all those things , but they should not have them unless they were a great and mighty people . ( Cheers . ) He was not to be deterred from expressing his views on this Hungarian question because he might he likened to those who advocated the repeal ofthe union between England and Ireland . He had been a repealer in the case of Greece , and in the case of Belgium , and hc mi ght be a repealer in the case of Sicily * but he was ndt a repealer in thc case of Ireland , simply because in the former cases there was great injustice , and he denied the injustice in the case of England and Ireland . He contended that the English were directl y interested in this question ; and he called upon the
noble lord , the Foreign Secretary , to apply his mind to the consideration of the means of employing the moral power of England in the settlement of these disputes . In his hon . friend ' s eulogium upon that noble lord he perfectly concurred . He did not wish it to be supposed that he was linked to the chariot wheels of the noble lord , for hc stood there in opposition rather than in support of the government with which the noble lord was connected ; but he must say that were lie to point to one part of the transactions of the government which more than another he approved of , or rather to the only part which he could perfectly approve of , it would be the proceedings of the noble lord . ( Hear , hear . ) It appeared to him that the noble lord had a purpose , and that he had the courage to effect that purpose ';
and if the noble lord ' s colleagues would act in thc same way , they would receive the same meed of approbation , not only from him ( Mr . Roebuck ) but from the whole country . The principle upon which the nohle lord had acted—ami itwas the duty ofthe Foreign Minister to act upon that principle— -had been to keep such a front to all forei gn _nri tions that , if disposed , they should fear to injure Great Britain . ( Hear ; hear . ) As far as the noble lord was concerned , his administration ofthe functions belongto his office deserved and received the approbation of the country . ( Hear , hear . ) Let not the noblo lord suppose that , because peace meetings were got up , the whole spirit of the country was with them ; and hc deprecated thc use of any expression in that nonsc which would lead foreign nations to fancy
that England was afraid of war ; for there were calamities more dreadful than war;—the subjugation , tor instance , ofa people to despotism , and tho extinction ofall their high and noble aspirations . England , in the place which she occupied among nations , was so great , so mighty , and so secure from danger , that she ofall others should take on herself the character of arbitrator , and say : — "Listen to me and to my suggestions ; and he who militates against the great principles of international morality and policy must not count on my support . " If that were known and felt by every power in Europe , from the Emperor of Russia to the smallest monarch in Ital y , this country would obtain submission , not to her arms , but to the suggestions which humanity made through her
means . ( Hear , hear . ) Colonel TnoMrsox represented a community composed of men of peace , and who abhorred the effusion of blood ; but they were not subject to the mean imputation of being insensible to the welfare of other nations , or to the interest this country had in thc progress of constitutional principles throughout Europe , ( near . ) He believed that England had now the same interest in supporting liberal principles in Europe as our forefathers considered they had , in other times , in upholding what was called tho Protestant interest in Europe . The spirit ofthe English people was with freedom everywhere . ( Hear , hear . ) First-born of liberty , she looked for nothing so earnestly as fol" the success of hor younger sisters in every clime . ( Hear , hear . )
He did not think that thc English people would be satisfied when they found the ultima ratio of European politicians consisting in thc bayonet of thc barbarian . ( Hear , hoar . ) The Russian empire was divided into two distinct populations , the northern and southern ; and it would be a great blessing for humanity if one set up against tlie other , both being thereb y neutralised , ( llcar , hear , and laughter . ) Russia had interfered where she had no right to interfere , and hc asked what our position would have been if an interference of the same kind had taken place in the days of our struggles for constitutional freedom ? ( Hear , hear . ) He believed that European liberty would and must progress ; and he thought that-by thc present- time liberal institutions would have been spread through
Europe if it had not been for mad political economy . However , that would blow over , and ha trusted that posterity would see Europe _fi-ce , and this country glorious for having aided in ctibcting so valuable an improvement , ( near . ) Mr . M'Gr . EGon disapproved ofthe interference of Russia in the affairs of Hungary . Thc government of Austria was called paternal ; * but it certainly wns not so with regard to Hungary , for Austria had for a long timo prevented the Hungarians from exercising their constitutional rights . Tho hon . member expressed his approval of the conduct of our government in regard to tho affairs of tho continent . He was glad the subject had been brought forward , but should ho sorry that any expressions should he used whicli might wound thc national feeling of other countries .
Lord C . IIamiltox protested against thc assumption that in this cause thc Hungarian people , as a people , were fighting for thoir privileges . Never were people more ground down to the earth by a privileged aristocracy than thc unfortunate peasants of Hungary had been . All the descendants of those who had been nobles were privileged , free "* from arrest , from toll , from military service , and tliey had thc power of inflicting corporal punishment upon the peasantry . They had also other privileges ; none but a magnate could sit in the lower house , * ov vote for a member of it ; and tho members for boroughs , though thoy niight speak , must not vote . He ( Lord C . Hamilton ) spoke now of the old constitution , which it was said Kossuth and the Hungarian people were fighting for . There had been
changes inthe last few years ; but it was astonishing that any reference to those changes could . be made without an allusion to a venerated Hungarian nobleman whose efforts to improve the condition of the people had been opposed by a party of magnates , of which Kossuth was now tiie head , and whose disappointment and despair , and the shock his mind received from the infamous conduct of this Kossuth , had deprived him of reason , * nnd now Kossuth was put forward as the author of all those improvements which his party had opposed . ( Hear , hear . ) The lower Magyar party had all along been the stumbling-block whicli prevented those obnoxious , distinctions being broken down . For years and years the government of Austria , being bound to respect this machinery of the constitution of Hungary , had never been able to wring any concession for thc country except by exchange : and therefore it was
that they were obliged to keep up the high frontier duties , in order to have something wherewith to buy for the peasantry of Hungary that liberty , of which their clamorous , liberal-talking , but not liberal-acting countrymen , wished to keep them deprived . ( Hear . ) The people—not indeed ' these Magyars , but thc real peasantry—were against this movement ; they had been forced into it , driven with cannon behind them . The privileged class constituted but a small minority ofthe population ; and the question was , whether that minority was to domiucer over a large but scattered people and treat them as serfs . Croatia and the other countries were to be more provinces under thc Diet . The great mass of the people , excluding these Magyars , did not desire the old and tyrannical constitution , and
would be glad to come to any terms that would allow tlieir magnificent country to develops its wealth . ( Hear . ) Let hon . gentlemen look for some better indication of the popular feeling than the statements of agents sent here to support a particular cause . ( Hear . ) Let there be some attempt to show that the constitution that was talked of gave liberty and freedom to the Hungarians . The truth was that it was the grossest engine of tyranny towards the lower orders . Let the House , before it gave any decision upon this subject , ascertain whether it might not be trying to fix on the Hun _^ rians the remains of a feudal constitution , wliM was the greatest curse of the . country . ( Hear ., ) _ Lord _Pjumeksto _*** said , —In tho few observations which I shall fool it my duty to make upon the motion of my hon . friend , and upon what has passed in debate , I wish to guard myself in the first place
against thc possibility that anything which I may say may expose me to the imputation of entertaining unfriendly feelings towards the government and empire of Austria . ( Hear , hear . ) I know well , that imputations have been cast upon her Majesty s government , and upon myself as the organ of that government in regard to our foreign relations—imputations df being guided and impelled in our intercourse with the powers of Europe by personal feelings of hatred to this power and to that . ( Hear , hear . ) Such imputations , let them come from where they may , and whether they be written or spoken —( hear)—if they be sincere , " aro the result of ignorance an d folly—( hear )—if they are insincere , 1 leave others to qualify them as they may . ( Hear . ) It is the grossest ignorance to suppose that the government of this country—that the man who may for the time be charged with thc conduct of its " 5 ? - veign relations , can be _influeuccd in the manage-
Saturday, Jw-V 21. House Of Commons.—The...
ment « those . _-ffiairs by any _otlnor feeling than his conception of wfiht is his dutv , according to his . political opinions , and according to his views ofthe interests of his countrv . and the general interests of the civilised world . ( Sear . ) Austria is a power towards which the government of this country ought upon many accounts to fool groat consideration . ( Hear , hear . ) We hare been told that Austria is our ancient ally . We have had the term " ally " and " allies" rung in our ears by those who either must be i gnoran t ofthe slip-slop expression they were using , or who , through what I must admit to have been its general acceptation , forgot that they were using a totally utiraoaning term . Why , what MM ally ! _An-, dl yfc _» _powwallied by treaty engagements m carry ing on some active operations
, political or otherwise . But to call a country an ally merel y because it is in a state of friendship with you is to use an expression that has no moaning whatever—( hoar , hear)—because it is applicable to every other power in the world with whom you may biippen not to be in a state of war . ( Hear , hoar . ) " fl a " 1 _- as beon 0 U 1 ' y We _havc ljeoa allied with Austria in most important European transactions ; and the remembrance of the alliance ought undoubtedl y to create in the breast of every Englishman who- hag a recollection of the history of his country feelings of respect towards a power with whom we have been in such alliance . ( Rear , hoar . ) It is perfectly true , that in the course of thoso rc-F _^„* 7 mce ? L ' Au _- , trla » not from any fault of ?' " i'T tho Pressure of irresistible necessity the
,.. _„ , y _^^ mi ( _ft comPol | ed to depart from _ni-Sftuni I ??\ tho on _^ gemcnts hy which she ii vM v * _TK t 0 U 5 ' _Wc did not' _repi-oooh' her with yielding to the necessity of thc moment , ami no generous mmd would think that those circumstances ought in any degree to diminish or weaken tlie tic which former transactions must create between the governments ofthe two countries . ( Hear , hoar . ) But there are higher and larger considerations , which ought to render thc maintenance ofth e Austrian empire an object of solicitude to every English statesman . Austria is a most important element in the balance of European pow _% u . ( Hear , hear . ) Austria stands in the centre of Europe , a barrier against encroachment on the one side , and against invasion on the other . The political
independence and liberties of Europe arc bound up , ' in my op inion , with the maintenance and integrity of Austria as a __ groat European power ; and therefore _ahjJthing whicli tends by direct , or even remote contingency , to weaken and to cripple Austria , but still more to reduce her from the position of a firstrate power to that of a secondary state , must be a great calamity to Europe , and one which every Englishman ought to deprecate , and to try to prevent . ( Hear , hear . ) However , ifc is perfectly true , as has been stated , that for a long course of time Austria haa not been a favourite with the Liberal party in Europe . Austria , by the course of policy which she has pursued , has , in tlio opinion ofa great part ofthe continent , been identified with obstruction to progress . ( Hear , hear . ) That
circumstance unlortunately lias made her proportionately a favourite in the eyes ' of some ; and when wo lio . iV such declamations in favour of Austria , I would warn the Austrian government not to trust too much to those protestations . ( Hear , hear . ) Itis not as the ancient ally of England _firing war—it is not as the * means of resistance in the centre ot Europe to any general disturbance of the balance of power—itis as the former ( _though I trust it is no longer so)—the former symbol' of resistance to improvement , political and social—( hear , hoar)—It is in that capacity that Austria has won the affections of some men in the _' eonduct of public affairs . ( Hear , hear . ) There are person ' s who see in the relations of countries nothing but the intercourse of cabinets , who value a country not for its political
weight , but for its political opinions , and who consider that the relations between countries are sufficiently intimate when the personal intercourse of their governments is placed on a complimentary footing . ; ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , there are mon who " , having passed their whole lives in adoring thc government of _Aui-tria , because they deemed it the great symbol of the opinions whicli they entertained , at last became fickle in their attachment , and transferred their allegiance to the government of France , because they thought that in that goi _* ernment they saw nil almost equal degree of leanin j to the arbitrary principle —( hear )—and because they , forsooth , suspected that government of designs hostile to the interests of freedom . ( Hoar . ) We have hoard of persons ofthat sort malting use of the expression
" old women . ( Hear , hear . ) Public men ought no ** , to deal in egotism , and I will not apply to them the expression that has fallen from thoir own iftouths . I will only say . that the conduct of such men is an example of antiquated _imbcciliti _* . ( Cheers and laughter . ) With regard'to thc present question , I am " sure that _everyboTly who has heard what has passed , everybody in this country who has given attention to the most important events that have taken place in Hungary , must fed that my hon . and gallant friend need have made no _apolotry for drawing the attention of thc parliament of England to transactions deeply affecting the political principles of Europe , and having a most important bearing upon the general balance of European power . ( Cheers . ) Thc House will uot expect me
to follow those who have spokon to-day by endeavouring to pass judgment either way ' between the Austrian government and the Hungarian nation . ( Hear , hear . ) I say the Hungarian nation , because , in spite of . what has fallen from the noble lord opposite ( Lord 0 , Hamilton ) , I do believe , from the information I have received—and I do not pretend I may not be mistaken—but I firmly believe that in this war between Austria and Hungary there is enlisted on the side of Hungary the hearts and souls of the whole people of that country . ( Choors . ) I believe that the other races , distinct from the Magyars , havo forgotten tho former feuds that existed between them and the Magyar population , and that the greater portion of the people have engaged in what they consider a great national contest .
( Cheers . ) It is true as my hon . and gallant friend has said , that Hungary has for centuries been a state which , though united with Austria by the link of the Crown , has nevertheless boon separate and distinct from Austria by its own complete constitution . ( Hear , hear . ) That constitution has many defects , but somo of those defects were , I believe , remedied not long ago —( hear , hear)—and it is not the only ancient constitution on the continent that was susceptible of great improvement . ( Hoar . ) Thero were moans probably within'the force and resources of the constitution itself to reform it , and it might havo been hoped that thoso improvements would have been carried into effect . ( Hear , hear . ) But , so far as I understand the matter , I take tho present state of the case"to bo this : —Without going into the details of mutual complaints as to circumstances whicli have taken place within the last year or vear and a half , I take the question that is " now
to be fought for on tho plains of Hungary to be this —whether Hungary shall continue to maintain its separate nationality as a distinct kingdom , and with a constitution of its own , or whether it is to bo incorporated move or less in the aggregate constitution that is to be given to tlio Austrian empire ? ( Cheers . ) It is a most painful sight to sec such forces as arc now arrayed against Hungary proceeding to a war fraught with such tremendous consequences on a question that it mi ght have been hoped would be settled peacefully . ( Hear , hear . ) It is of the utmost importance to Europe that Austria should remain great and powerful ; but it is impossible to disguise from ourselves that , if the war is to be fought out , Au > tria must thereby be weakened —( hear , hear );—because , on thc one hand , if the Hungarians should be successful , and their success should end in the entire separation of Hungary from Austria , it will be impossible not to sec that this will be such a dismemberment of the Austrian
empire as will prevent Austria from continuing to occupy the great position she has hitherto held among European powers . ( Hear , ) If , on thc other hand , thc war being fought out to the uttermost , Hungary should by superior forces be entirely crushed , Austria in that battle will have crushed her own rig ht arm . ( Cheers . ) Every field that is laid waste is an Austrian resource destroyed—every man that perishes upon thc field among the Hunsariah ranks is an Austrian soldier deducted from tiie defensive forces ofthe empire . ( Cheers . ) Laying aside those other most obvious considerations that have been touched upon as to tho result of a successful war , the success of whicli is brought about by foreign aid , —laying that wholly aside , it is obvious that even the success of Austria , if it is simply a
success ot torce , will inflict a deep wound on the fabric and frame of the Austrian empire . ( Cheers . ) It is therefore much to be desired , not simply on thc principle of general humanity , but on the principle of sound European policy , and from thc most friendly regard to the Austrian empire itself , —it is , I say , devoutedl y to be wished that this great contest may be brought to a termination by some amicable arrangement between the contending parties , which shall on tho one hand satisfy tho national feelings of the Hungarians , and on tho other hand , not leave to Austria another and a larger Poland within her empire . ( Cheers . ) Her Majesty ' s government have not , in thc present state of the matter , thought that any opportunity has , as yet , presented itself that could enable thorn with any
prospect of advantage to make any official communication of those opinions which they entertain on this subject . I say official , as contradistinguished from opinions expressed in a more private and confidential manner but undoubtedly , if any occasion were to occur that should lead them to think the expressi on of such opinions would' tend to a favourable result , ifc would be the duty ofthe government not to let such an opportunity pass by . ( Cheers . ) Upon the' general question , and in regard to the conduct which it ought generally to bo the duty of this government to pursue in its relations to foreign powers , I have heard with great satisfaction much that has fallen' frorii the gentlemen who have taken a part in this debate . I think the record o ' the sentiments that have been expressed will bo of great utility , ( Hear . ) It is most desirablo that
Saturday, Jw-V 21. House Of Commons.—The...
forei gn nations should know that on the one hand England is sffiecrely desirous to preserve and maintain pojico—( hoar );—that no entertain no feelings of hostility towards any nation in the world —( cheers );—that wc wish to be on the most friendly footing with all , —that Wehave a- - . deep-interest in the preservation of peace , because wo are desirous to carry on with advantage those innocent and peaceful relations of commerce tliat wo know must bo injured b y the interruption of our friendly relations with other countries ; but , on the other hand , itis also essential for the attainment of that object , and even essential for the protection of that commerce to which we attach so much importance , that it should be known and well _imdei-atood by CVCiy nation on the face of the earth that wc are not
disposed to submit to wrong —( cheers ) , —and that the maintenance of pence on our part is , _ubj-. 'ct to the indispensable condition that all eo :, _^ tJ-, a shall res - pect our honour and our dignity , _anii shall not inflict any injury upon our interests . ( Cheers . ) Sir , I do not think that the preservation of peace is in any degree endangered by the expression of opinion with regard to the transactions in Hungary or other countries . ( Hear . ) I agree with those who think —and I know there are many in this country who entertain the opinion—that there are two objects which England ought peculiarl y to aim at . One is to maintain peace , —the other i 6 to count for something in transactions of the world—( cheers );—tliat it is not fitting that a country occupying such a proud position as England—that a country having
sueh various and extensive interests , should lock herself up in a simple regard to hor own internal affairs , and should be a passive and mute spectator of everything that is going on around . ( Hear , hear . ) It is quite true that it may ba said , " Your opinions are but opinions , and you express them against our opinions , who have nfc our command large armies to back them—what are opinions against armies ? " Sir , my answer is , opinions are stronger than armies . ( Cheers . ) Opinions , if thoy are founded in truth and justice , will in tho end prevail against tho bayonets of infantry , tho fire of artillery , and tho charges of cavalry .. ( Loud cheers ) __ There fore I say , that , armed by opinion , if that opinion is pronounced with truth ami justice , we are indeed strong , and in the end likely to make
our opinions prevail ; and I think that what -is happening on the whole surface of the continent of _Eul'opo is n . proof that- this expression of minds a truth . ( Hear , hear . ) Why , for a great niany years the governments of Europe imagined thoy could keep down opinion by force of arms , and that by obstructing , progressive improvement they would prevent that extremity of revolution which was the object of their constant dread . ( Hear , hear . ) IVo gave an opinion to the contrary effect , and wc have been blamed for it . ( Hear , hear . ) Wc have been accused of meddling with matters that did not concern us , and of affronting nations and _sovcrnments by giving our opinion as to what was likely to happen ; but the result has . proved that if onr opinions had boen acted upon groat calamities would have been avoided .
( Hear , hear . ) Ihose very governments that used to say , " The man wo hate , the man wo havo to fear , is the moderate Reformer ; we care not for your violent Radical , who proposes such violent extremes that nobody is likely to join with him—the enemy we are most afraid of is tho moderate Reformer , because he is such a plausible main that it is difficult to persuade people that his counsels would lead to extreme consequences—therefore let us keep off , of all men , tho moderate Reformer , and let us prevent the first stop of improvement , because that improvement might lead to extremities and innovation "—( hear , hear)—those governments , those po . vers of Europe , have at lust learned rhc truth of the opinion expressed by Mr . Canning , " That those who have checked improvement because it is
innovation , will ono day or other bo compelled to accept innovation when it has ceased to be improvement . " ( Cheers . ) I say , then , that it is our dutv not to remain passive spectators of events that in their immediate consequences affect other countries , hut which in their remote and certain consequences aro sure to come back with disastrous effect upon us - that , so far as the courtesies of international intercourse may permit us to do so , it is our duty , especially when our opinion is asked , as it has b ' cen on many occasions on wliich wc havo been blamed for giving it , to stato our opinions , founded on tho experience of this country , —an experience that might have been , and ought to have been , an example to loss fortunate countries . ( Hear , hear . ) At tho same time I am quite ready to admit that interference
ought not to be carried to the extent of endangering our relations with other , countries . There are cases like that which is now the subject of our discussion , of one power having in tho oxerciso of its own sovereign rights invited the assistance of .-mother power ; and however we may lament that circumstance , however we may be apprehensive that therefrom consequences of great danger and evil may How , still wc are not entitled to interpose in any manner that will commit this country to embark in those hostilities . ( Hear , hear . ) All we can justly do is to take advantage of any opportunities that may present themselves in which tlie counsels of friendship and peace may bo offered to the contending parties . ( Hear , hear . ) We havo on several occasions that Ikwc happened of lato in Europe been invited to
** intormeddlo , " a 3 it is called , in the . affairs of other * countries , although it has been said of this country , that it stands so low in public opinion in Europe that wc arc treated with contempt both hy governments and by nations . Certainly the way in which that want of respect has been shown is singular , when from the north to the south , in cases of difficulty , not only between nations but internally between governments nnd their own subjects , wo ' h _.-ive been asked and invited to interpose our friendl y mediation in their afiairs . ( Cheers . ) Wo have on those occasions done our best to accomplish tho object which wo wore called upon to fulfil ; find , in one case at least , wo have now nearly succeeded . ( Hear , hoar . ) Wo have heard a great * deal , in the course ofthe session , of " sham mediations" in the
contest between Denmark and Germany , but that " sham mediation" has ended in a real preliminary treaty —( hear , hoar)—and I hope that preliminary treaty will soon bo followed by a permanant pacification . ( Hear , hear , ) Sir , to suppose that any government of England can wish to excite revolutionary movements in any part of the world—to suppose that any government of England can have any other wish or desire than to coiiurm and maintain peace between nations and tranquillity and harmony hot ween governments and subjects , shows really a degree of ignorance and folly which I never supposed any public man could have boon guilty oi —( hear , hear)—wliich may do very well for a newspaper article , but which ifc astonishes me to find is made the subject ofa speech in _liarliamcnt . ( Loud
and continued cheering . ) Lord H . _Stuaht looked upon tho speech whieh had been delivered by the hon . member for Middlesex , followed as it- had been by the lion , member for Sheffield , and by tho noblc ' lord the Secretary for Foreign Afiairs , as one of tlie most important events of the session . ( Hear . ) Ifc was impossible to overestimate the importance of the struggle now going on in Europe . In Hungary _transnctioiis similar to thoso which dismembered Poland wore now to be witnessed , but hc hoped that that gallant people would be able to resist all tho _effortsof their enemies . The noble lord opposite ( Lord C . Hamilton ) had spoken of the constitution of Hungary in a speech full of the most violent epithets , but exceedingly weak in argument . "Now , that- constitution
more resembled our own than any other to be found in _history ; nnd the man who was called thc " infamous Kossuth , " and the other Hungarian patriots , had done much to improve it . They improved it just as we did our constitution in 1832 , and hence the attempts now making to put them clown . ( Hear , hear . ) If William the Fourth , when the Reform Bill was passed , had' brought over Hanoverian troops ' -tb prevent that great change being carried into effect , ifc would , have been a case perfectly analogous to that now witnessed in Hungary by tho invasion oftho Russian troops . ( Hear , hear . ) He maintained , in opposition to tho statement of the noble lord ( Lord . 0 . Hamilton ) , that the people of Hungary were in favour of the present movement . He rejoiced at the speech of his nohle friend the
Secretary of State for Foreum Affairs . ( Cheers . ) Itwas a speech whicli did lum great honour , and nothing would contribute so largely to confirm that popularity in the country whicli he was happy to see his noble friend enjoy . ( Renewed cheers . ) IHs noble friend had spoken of tho necessity of having Austria strong arid potent , in order to maintain a balance of power in Europe . That too had been his ( Lord D . Stuart ' s ) opinion so long as ho saw the chance of Austria fulfilling that part * , but Austria as a power was now effete . Having called in Russia to her aid she by that act , as his noble friend had well shown , had destroyed herself for ever as one of the gren b European powers . Whatever henceforth she might acquire would serve only to aggrandise the power of Russia . This alone made it moro important than over that tho independence of Hungary should be maintained . The real and true balance of power would have boon to re-establish Poland , nor did he now think that Europe would
ever be in a satisfactory state until they saw Poland and Hungary established as two great constitutional countries . Nothing would contribute more to the peace of tho world or to the commercial advantage of this country than that those two powerful and constitutional governments should be established in that part of Europe . ( Hear , hear . ) Ho was glad to hear his noble friend declare that he would lose no opportunity of remonstrating against any attempt to put down Hungary in her righteous struggle ' for liberty and independence , and he felt thc greatest satisfaction at the occurrence of this debate , because he believed it would have the effect of enlightening the public mind upon the real state of things , and would at the same time show to the world the great interest which thc House of Commons , as well as the country at large , felt in the struggle which was now going on to establish the cause of liberty in the oast of Europe . ( Hoar . ) Mr , Wyjj _) said , after tho almost unanimous ex-
Saturday, Jw-V 21. House Of Commons.—The...
pression of opinion that had boen exhibited during this debate , lie would only say a very few words . HO _wnShi'd _i-iM _' _eK- io draw attention to the fact , that Russia wa . * .- steadily advancing her power ,-aiid that according as lier influence extended to territory after territory , the sale * of British manufactures _l'C * - coded . ( Hear , hear . ) This was the case with tho trade of this country with Moldavia and Wallaehia , and the present events in Hungary would , if Russian influence succeeded , shut out England from one of hcv most important markets . There was an opportunity of sending goods to the value of sixteen millions a year to the Hungarian market , and at a time when British commerce received so many blows , ho hoped thc noble lord would so protect the interests of this country that they would not suffer in any new arrangements that might be entered into by Russia with regard to the Austrian territories .
Mr . Cisco ** - **** said , that as tlie noble lord had intimated that thore wero no official papers to produce , he would , of course , not press his motion . ( Rear , hear . ) The amendment \ _ras accordingly withdrawn , and the report on ways and means was brought up and agreed to . " Several bills were advanced a stage , and the House adjourned at a quarter past four o ' clock . MONDAY , July 23 . HOUSE OF LORDS _.-State of HuwAO T _.-Lord _Buocoha :. * , after referring to the debate in tho Commons on Saturday hist on tho subject of Hungary , and to the constitution cf that country , repeated a similar question to that hc had put a ' shorfc time since , whether there had been since that time any recognition of Kossuth and thc Hungarian insurgents by her Majesty ' s government . The Marquis of Laxsdowxe had only to say that there had been no alteration in the _circumstances
in which England stood with regard to Hungary since he had answered his noble and learned friend's former question , therefore thero could be no such recognition as that referred to . Earl Nelson , on behalf of the Bishop of Oxford , presented tho report of the committee ou the African Slave Trade . The Stock in Trade Bill , after a short discussion , in the course of which the Earl of Malmesbuky . urged the adoption of a national rate for tho relief of the poor , was read a second time . A discussion onsuod on tho subject of army and navy medals , at the instance of the * Duke ofRicnmoxd , in which Earl Grey , the Duke of _AVellixoton , and Lord Colchester took part , after wliich The Titlca of Religious Congregations Scotland Bill passed through committee , and Lord Campbell moved that it be read a third time on Tuesday .
Lord Redesoaie submitted an amendment that the bill bo read a third time that day three months , and , on a division , the amendment was carried by a majority of six—the numbers 23 to 17 . Lord _CAMPni- _'LL having moved the second reading of the Small Debts Bill , Lord Stanley complained that , when parliament was within a week of being prorogued , important bills wore brought up from the other House , for the duo consideration of which no time was allowed _^ There were no less a number than twenty-threo important orders on tho paper , and hc must protest against such a svstem of leslslation .
Lord _Campbell agreed in the justice of the noblo lord ' s complaints : but thc hill was read a second time . On the reception of the report of the Poor Relief ( Ireland ) Bill , on the motion of the Earl of Wicklow , clause 8 , providing that , rcnt charges by way of annuity nnd jointure should be made liable to poor rates , was struck out . After which clauses proposed by Lord Mo . nteagi . _i * , tho Earl of Luca . v , and the Marquis of Salisbury were added to the bill , and the report was agreed to . Various other bills pas-sod their stages , and the Ilouse adjourned at half-past ton o ' clock .
HOUSE OF COMMOXS . —The House mot at noon . As English " Razzia ' . "—Sir E . Buxto . v put a question to thc Under-Secretary for the Colonies respecting a sanguinary attack lately made , under the orders of thc Governor of thc Gambia , upon thc savage tribes in the neighbourhood of that colonv . It appeared that the Governor , Mr . _JfacdouncII , received some real or supposed insult from a native king in the vicinity , and that he applied to the authorities of Sierra Leono for troops , nnd to the naval authorities for . "ships , in order to punish the offender . It seems that assistance from Sierra Leone was refused , but the Governor collected a force , went up thc Gambia , attacked a native town ,
and utterly destroyed it . The attack was Urns described : — ¦ The town was burnt in all directions , and our enemy had to bolt for it , when immense numbers were killed , both from the grape discharged from tho battery and the fire and bayonets ofthe skirmishers . Wc reduced tlio town to a heap of ashes , destroying every portion of the stockade and houses . " The next day another town was attacked , and as far as possible destroyed , lie wished to ask whether this proceeding , which was apparently of a most extraordinary nature , had been adopted with the sanction of thc - \ utliovitks at home - , and also whether the government-had any objection to lay upon the tablo any correspondence
which had passed between Earl Grey and the Governor of the Gambia respecting the expedition . Mr , Hawes ansivcrcd that the government iiad received no other official information than that which was contained in a despatch from thc Governor , and whatever had been done had been dono entirely upon his responsibility . Hc was not at present prepared to lay the despatch on tlie table , but undoubtedly at a future period , not only tbat despatch , but the correspondence consequent upon it , must be laid before parliament ; hut he might add that the governor had undoubtedly entered upon the expedition not altogether without provocation . The amendments of the Clergy Relief Bill were en _nsidernd .
On the order of the day for the second reading of thc Sum-ay _Trading ( Metropolis ) Bill , Sir G . Grey suggested to Mr . Hindley , who had charge of the bill , whether , in tho last week of tho session , when there was so little chance of his passing the bill , and so much business was before the House , ho would not do better to withdraw it . He did not object to the principle of the measure , but the whole difficulty of a bill of this kind consisted in its details . Mr . _lli . VDLEY declined to adopt this suggestion , but , after some time lost in conversation , and a division upon a motion to adjourn tho debate , the bill was in _otleet withdrawn .
'ihe House then went into committee upon the Cruelty to Animals Bill , the enactments of which underwent great consideration , a new clause , proposed by Mr . Henry , to put down _stccplc-ciiasing , being negatived on a division by a small majority . The House then went into a committee ( in progress ) upon tho Protection of Women Bill , which was likewise very fully considered , and in some parts amended . On the next order , the consideration of the Marriage Bill , as amended . Mr . _Ooulockn declared his determination io oppose thc bill , if persevered in , at thc next stage , whereupon
Mr . S . Wortley said , it was impossible to hope , under the circumstances , in thc face of such a declaration , that hc could pass the bill this session ; but thc subject could not by possibility sloop , and unless ifc was taken up in tho other Ilouse , or b y some other member in this , hc should introduce another bill at the earliest possible period next session . Thc bill was then ordered to be read a third time that day three months so that it is lost . __ A great many bills were advanced their respective stages , and it was notuntil half-past six o ' clock that that business was suspended until ei ght o ' clock .
State or * Irf . uxd .-Mv , Horsman moved an address , praying her Majesty to take into _eons ' _uler ? - tion the unhappy state of Ireland , representing that a wise legislation might lay the foundation ofprc-s _petity iu that country , accusing past legislation for Ireland , 'special and permanent , of deficiency , and praying her Majesty to direct the attention of thc government to the evidence laid before parliament , which furnished ample materials for a solid , profound , and regenerative legislation , Commencing with a description of the state of Ireland , he procecdedto investigate the causes . The famine , he observed , was not the cause of one-tenth of the ovil ; bad and careless and criminal legislation was the real causo of all , and especially the poor lawa rotten poor law from thc first—whicli was made to boar a burden beyond the capability of sueh a law to sustain . He then came to the essential question , What was to be done ? Taking thc union
of Ballina as a sample , he showed that thc evils were of a permanent character , to be remedied gradually by the infusion of fresh capital ami proprietors , - that the general destitution was mainl y promoted by bad agriculture and dependence upon the potato—the social curso of Ireland : and that the redundant population must be diminished b y emigration—thc one thing needful for Ireland , since securitv of property could not co-exist with unlimited ' destitution , the effect of over-population . This measure must bo accompanied by a well-regu lated poor law , with a limited liability , and reduced area of taxation , and thc workhouse test . He had not framed his motion , and he did not mean it , as a censure upon ministers ; tho measures which had failed had been introduced by the past as well as the present government , and for those which this session had been unequal to tho crisis parliament wero responsible . . '¦; ..
Sir W . . Somerville expressed . his surprise that ' Mr . __ Horsman should have asserted that parliament during the present session had manifested position to attond to Irish ... affairs ,-House had listened with , tho utmost every proposition relating to Ireland plained , too , of his superseding the Irish members , and , without knowing
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 28, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_28071849/page/7/
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