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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th February 1846, Edition 4 of 4, Page 7, The late Mcbdek in Crifflbgatk. —Last ev...

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      L ?™™M ?». . 1846, . _,„_ _ .. The Nortw...

      L _?™™ m _?» . . 1846 , . _ , _„_ _ .. THE _NORTWE RN S TA R 7

      ¦Tftei'p Ihobemcntsf

      ¦ tftei ' p _iHobemcntsf

      " "Andlwillwar . Atleaitinworuf, (J (And...

      " "Andlwillwar _. _atleaitinworuf , ( J ( And—should my chante so happen—deedt , _) With all who war with Thought I " '« 11 " 1 think I hear a little Oird , who sings ' Ihe The people by and by will be the stronger . "—Brae *

      REVELATIONS OF ROME _, so . I . 1 The last number of the Westminster Review contaii tains an article founded upon , two publications , _entitl titled , first , "The Christian Alliance ; " second , * 'i _"Apostolato Popolare . " The first of these may be tet termed the " Constitution" of an American Society , daf dating trom the 12 th of _Slay , 1813 , which has been est established "to promote religions freedom , and to dil diffuse useful and religious knowledge among the oa natives of Italy , and other Papal countries / ' _^ The aii aim of this association ia purely _theological ; it repu _pudiates political questions . Admitting that the oh . object of this society may be as good as the motives of of its members are undoubtedly pure , still the writer

      of of the article in the Westminster Review well argues Ud that" it is impossible to get atthe religious question ot otherwise than through the politicaL" The writer en emphatically adds : — " To be must precede to think ; st and Italy is not . " Again— "Ton may warehouse bi bibles , or copies of Mebxe d'Aubigxk and M'Cbie , at ei every point around Italy that may favour their disp < persion ; slowly , and m numbers imperceptible , they n may teach the hands of those who have no need of t ! them , of those whose srals are already freed ; hut the d mass * the i _^ y _unthinking peasantry' ofthe villages « of Italy , 'the mechanics and shopkeepers of her

      t _towns , __ will never hear of them . The gendarmes , t the priests , and the Custom-house form , between t them and the instruction yon seek to afford , a triple _? wall , insurmountable to individual agents of a transa Atlantic society . Every theory of education , then , i for the masses of Italy , resolves itself into a problem < _ofliberty . " _Tte"A _ nttolatQ Popolare ' 'is , we are informed by 4 the writer we have above quoted , a periodical publi-< cation in Italian , published in London , of which i twelve numbers hare made their appearance ; it i represents the opinions ef the National Italian Assoi elation , known as "Young Italy "

      On these two publications the writer in the _ITesttmruler Review grounds an article on the condition and prospects of the Italian people . lie commences with ( and in the present article confines himself to ) An . investigation of the condition of the Papal States . He complains most justly of the _^ disgraceful apathy which prevails in this country in reference to the Italian question , "the cause of a people to whom Europe owes its civilization . " He reminds the Englishi pubiie that "The map of Europe has to be re-modelled . The part of statesmen should , therefore , be to prepare for England a new political and commercial existence , by cultivating the germs of sympathy and alliance with the new Powers that will spring out of the crisis . " For ourselves , desirous of

      employing every available means to promote the great principle of Fraternity , and knowing that we could best do so by impartinjj to the working classes of England a knowledge _^ of their brethren of other lands , we saw the utility of _transferring to our columns at least the principal facts contained in the article in the Westminster Review we accordingly applied to the author of the article for permission to extract from his valuable composition , - which assent , we are happy to acknowledge , was kindly and promptly given . The extracts we have now to lay before oar readers cannot fall to deepl y interest them , and will , we doubt not , kindle in their breasts feelings ofthe wannest sympathy for unfortunate Italy , and corresponding indignation towards her cruel gaolers , and intolerant oppressors : —

      _aciHosm ot the _rotES—satolw _*—msvobation of "lEGrruuci" —1 SSESMCTMS OF 1831 . Our readers will recollect how the districts which now form the territories ofthe Pope accepted his authority in tho middle ages as a power protective of the spirit of democracy and of the municipal franchisei , againitthe despotic usurpation of _foreign emperors . Originally , it was a sort of synallagmatic contract , more or less explicit , by which there was conferred on the Pope a right of suaerainty and a . tribnte , reserving to themselves the _tmcontrolled administration of the finances , fhe choice oi magistrates , the power of making and dissolving alliances—all , in a word , that conititates bond fide independence . Afterwards , devotion to tiie Holy See , the splendour necessary to the centre of Christianity , the _neeessitie * of the Church , reforms to be accomplished , petty tyrants to be put down , furnished bo many bases for the profound and Hachiavelisn system of usurpation

      consummated by _Alexander the Sixth and Clement the Seventh . One by one , the popular liberties were swallowed up : those that were nominally spared were ren--dared nugatory . Thus , a council and a magistracy were left in the towns , possessing the right of voting on municipal matters ; hut the Sovereign reserved thepower of appointment to the Council , the choice of the heads , the fixing of the time when and the matters on which they were to deliberate . If local statutes were _conserved , taey were those which might tend to maintain division sad rivalry between city and city , and which , such as the difference of weights and measures , were bars to commerce and intercommunication . Deprived of liberty and political life , and under tiie thousand ills notorious as inherent to ecclesiastical gorernment , the Roman provinces had attained , at the time of the French Revolution , the wretched supremacy of Italy in misery and _misgoveraot-nt _.

      Voder Sapoleoa , the Marches and Legations formed part of the kingdom of Italy , as they had before been comprised in the Italian Republic , an enlightened public administration , thesabrexsion of everyfendal privilege , the abolition of the old law , and the substitution of codes more adapted to the times and manners , the equality of all in the eyes oftbe law , the diffusion of education , military rank open to all classes " of the youth , and , lastly , nationality beaming brightly before the eyes of all as possibly to be realised at no distant time , rapidly elevated these provinces from their sunken state . Home , and the -other portions of the estates of the Pope , which were united to the empire in 1810 , made less progress than the _JEarches and Legations . The inevitable consequences of foreign domination , obtrusive in all things , even to its language , neutralised the civil and legislative benefits that might otherwise bave resulted . However , these _provinces were also improving , when in 1814 one stroke ofthe pen annihilated all those elements of wealth , of life , of progress , so recently manifest .

      That epoch restored old authorities , but did not restore ancient rights . Promises were lavished , as at the _Iwginning of all restorations . The Napsleon Code was to be maintained , taxes were to be lowered , public education was to be confided to those whom public opinion esteemed the most capable . All these promises were violated . The canon law was resuscitated ; old forms ware revived . The taxes remained such as they had been under the exigencies of war ; with this difference , that 4 fcsir produce , of which a pan at least , under

      thekiiig--dom , had been appropriated to public works and mstitotisns _, was wholly swallowed np in pensions , in sinecures , and in support ofthe luxury and vicesof the high dignitaries of the Church ; thus , while the salary of the Prefect of Bologna was 12 , 000 francs annually , the Cardinal-Legate , discharging the same fractions , now re--ceives 64 , 000 francs . Education was no more mentioned ; but to possess and to exhibit talent was to give cause for suspicion and persecution . From all this , oombined with the _ever-presentidea of Italian nationality , sprang the insurrection of 1881 .

      This is not an occasion for going into the details of the movement , or for referring to the motives that locallied it in the Roman States motives , in our opinion , ¦ ari sing from the errors of the men whom accident placed at the head—but we will remind onr readers that the _insurrection spread over ten provinces in three or four -days , without the effusion of a single drop of blood , without a shadow of opposition , and that it succumbed only before the Austrian army , A ' capitnlatioa was signed at Ancona , oa the 26 th of March , betweea the Insurrection ary Government and Cardinal Benrenati : a fall and entire amnesty was guaranteed . This was shamefully

      broken . The document was sent to Some the same day , bat remained unanswered whilst the patriots were iu force . On the 3 rd of April , when all had been given up , arma and fortified places , and when Bandiera , the Austrian Bear-Admiral—the same whose two sons died , in July 1844 , forthe national cause—had arrested on the ¦ hi gh seas some of the most compromised , an edict of the Pope annulled the convention . Prosecutions commenced . Edicts of the 14 th and " 30 th of April declared guilty the authors , the accomplices , and favourers of the _insurrec- ' tion ; the poets who had celebrated it , the orators who had eulogised it , all those who bad in an ; manner _con--oorred in it . I

      In the meantime the local causes of insurrection _appeared so evident and so just to the eyes of other governments , that a memorandum was addressed to the Court -of Soma on the 21 st of Hay , 1831 , in the name of the five giowers , France , Austria , Prussia , Russia , and England , in which there was _vnfovced tbe necessity of introducing radical changes into the system of administration . - By a ¦ ci rcular oftbe 3 rd of June , _sddresssd to the Ministers of those powers , the Pope himself admitted this necessity , and he engaged himself to give such institutions as would , he said , open for hit reigaa ' _aew era . '' The edicts of the Sth of July , Stb and 31 st of October , and 5 th of _Xovembar , 1331 , made thtir appearance in discharge of these engagements .

      What land of constitution these edicts wave to the Papal government will appear farther on . We will here ! state that the people openly and angrily repudiated it . j The municipal bodies exclaimed against what they termed j * deception . Petitions circulated in town and conatry , aad were covered with signatures : there were some , as that of Forh , that boasted the same ofthe bishop ' s vicar tafflaelf . They were lmanhn _ousin demanding the _admission of fathers of families to the higher offices of the magistracy ; the election by the people of the Couocili for tha Cornaia , from which were _taksa the Provincial CouneSa , that were to fnrnuhin their turn the members of tha Council of State ; the publication ofthe revenue accounts ; publicity to the proceedings of courts of law ; ani the permanent establishment of the National Guard . Tbe essential defects in the edicts were pointed out in an argumentative memorial addressed to tha Pro-Legate Count _Grassi , by the corps of judges and advocates ot Bologna . A committee was formed at Bologna , on the

      " "Andlwillwar . Atleaitinworuf, (J (And...

      Sth « f January , 1832 , chosen , with ths assent of the Pro-Legates , by the heads of the -magistracy , who were charged to make known to the government the real wishes of the people . This committee was dissolved . The Pope persisted in exacting the precise and simple execution ofthe enactments ofthe Sth of July , and succeeding dates . On quitting the Legations , at the end of July , the _Anstriansbad intrusted the preservation of order to the Civic-Guard : the disbanding of this guard was decided upon , and on the 10 th of January , 1882 , Cardinal Bernetti announced that it would le replaced b y a re-organised regular soldiery . These soldiery , whose pay was forthcoming by the raising of a loan , were in great part composed of banditti and miscreants picKod from the _prisonsofCivita-Castellana , San Leoaud St . _Angelo ; the

      , officers were in general men known for their ferocity or for an ultra Sanfedism ; » their commander was Batbleri , who , in 1831 , had been with difficulty _savedfrom thefury of the populace . Foreseeing a frightful reaction , the _Bomagnese refused to receive them . Resistance was _however hopeless , for on the 12 th there came notes from the four Powers , approving the march of these troops , offering their assistance to the Pope to obtain him an immediate'and unconditional surrender , and informing the recusants tbat they bad not to expect justice . The Komagnese resolved that it became them . to evince their opinion to the world by a marked demonstration . The

      troops advanced , under tbe direction of Cardinal Albani : the Civic Guard resisted , then fell back , to weaken the enemy by compelling him to spread over tbe country . The Papal ruffians committed horrors which would b _» incredible were it not that there are living and _unexceptionable vritnesses ofthe facts . Cesena was given up to plunder : even the churches were not excepted ; in tliat of the Madonna del Monte , men suing for life , the crucifii in hand , were pitilessly massacred . AtForii , children , old men of eighty , and pregnant women , were among the mur . dered . These excesses would have driven tbe whole people to the direst reprisals , when the _Austrians made thtir appearance a second time , invoked by the Pope .

      We omit the French expedition to Ancona , which took place at the beginning of February . It had no bearing on the principal question , and was only undertaken to quiet the anxiety of France . But wa dwell with pleasure on the aoble language held at this time by Lord Seymour , who had been despatched to Borne by the English government . He alone of tbe envoys of tbe great powers plainly declared tbat the pretended reforms neither answered the requirements of the people nor even the guarded demands of the memorandum of the 21 st of Hay . He alone ¦ ¦ affirmed , in a _correspondence with Prince _Metternieb , tbat there could be no possible tranquility for ths Italian provices until justice was done . On his departure he bore with him the esteem of-the Italians , who were afflicted to perceive that , while _svery intervention for ill was tolerated in Europe , there was not a single government that deemed itself obliged to

      interfere effectively for good . The language of the other powers was mean , false , and designedly canting . They spoke of the imprescriptible rights of ths throne , and of legitimate authority ; they loaded with commendations the wisdom , of the court of Borne ; the King of Prussia declared his profound veneration for the sacred person of the Pontiff ; Nicholas laid his sincere regards at the feet of Gregory . France descended still lower , and even to calumny , in the person of 1 L de St . Aulaire , who asserted that the Civic Guard had praadered the public treasury . The Belgian question now absorbed attention ; Austria and the Pope remained masters of the ground ; tbe patriots commenced a more silent struggle ; but the Italian question had made one step in advance ; for the subjects of ths Pope , convinced tbat they had nothing henceforward to hope from without , drew closer their bonds with those who alone can work out their triumph , the twenty millions of their brethren .

      From this rapid survey , our readers will have deduced the unanimity of opinion that reigns in the Papal States respecting their gorernment : we shall " now show what that government is . ( Tote continued , j

      Five Persons Poisoned. Liverpool, Feb. 2...

      FIVE PERSONS POISONED . Liverpool , Feb . 24 . —An inquest was held yesterday on the bodies of Jane Gilton , aged If ; her sister , Margaret Gilton , aged 16 ; and their brother , John Gilton , aged 12 years . Two others of the same family had died previously to the three deceased , namely , on the loth of the present month the youngest son , Edward Gilton , aged seven years , and on'the 17 tb , Mrs . Gilton , the mother , widow ofthe late Mr . Gilton , printing-ink and colour manufacturer . The business had for some years past been carried on in the premises in West Derby . The whole ofthe inmates ofthe house had been more or has ill for about three weeks ; the eldest and yet surviving son ( aged about twenty ) being the least affected , he not having

      been so constantly at home as ths other members of the family . The female servant and a nurse were also taken ill . The eldest son deposed to these facts , and stated that about three weeks ago he was ' employed in making green yerditer , an article used by paper-stainers , and in colouring walls . In this preparation there was a large quantity or arsenic . He put the ingredients into a boiler in a shed at some distance behind , and detached from the house . Between this shed and the house there is a long building , which appears to have been formerly a conservatory or greenhouse , bnt had been converted into what is now called "the colour-house . " In' one division or compartment of the colour-house— -that nearest to the shed—there was a well with a pump

      on one side of it . The well is about four yards deep , and contains about two yard ' s depth of water . This well has also a pipe communicating with a pump in the back kitchen , from which the water is taken for domestic purposes . It appeared that , after the eldest son had made that part of the preparation containing the arsenic , it had to be ladled into a bucket , carried into the colour-house , and there put into a tub to cool . This was carefully done by a labourer who was employed on the premises . After being cooled , and the other ingredients added , the liquid on the top required to be drawn off , which was done by a siphonpipe , letting it into a wooden spout which discharged its contents into , or near to , a sewer which is between the colour-house and the boiler-shed . The

      deposit from the liquid was all that was required ra the trade . There was no evidence that any of the liquid had been spilt in the transit , but it is not improbable that some of it has either found its way into the well by the top , which was only covered with a wooden lid level with the floor , or , it may be , that some of the pobonousliquid had oozed from the gough into the well , between which there is a distance of six or eight yards . The three deceased ( on whom the inquest was held ) were similarly affected during their illness with nausea and vomiting , and the mother had also a severe cough . __ Neither of the three deceased' were confined to their beds on Tuesday last . John died on Saturday afternoon at six o ' clock ; Jane about three _tonre afterwards ; and Margaret at half-past eleven on Sunday night .

      A postmortem examination of one of the bodies was made by Mr . Garton . He found all the internal _inflammation and appearances , such asledibim tothe decided opinion that the deceased had died from the effects of poison . He had analysed the water from the well , and found unequivocal traces of arsenic The Coroner suggested that the inquiry should be adjourned , in order that the well , the sewer , and the pipe should be taken up , and erery means used to discover in what manner the poison had got into the

      water . Adjourned accordingly . LrvBRPOOL , Feu . 25 .- ~ Thi 8 morning at ten o ' clock , the inquest on the bodies of John , Jane , and Margaret Gilton , was resumed before theconnty coroner at West Derby . The coroner , in summing up , said it must be satisfactory to all parties to know that the arsenic had accidentally communicated with the water . The jury accordingly found a verdict to the effect that the deceased parties had died in consequence of having drank a solution of arsenic , which had accidentally oozed from the drain into the well .

      The Late Mcbdek In Crifflbgatk. —Last Ev...

      The late Mcbdek in Crifflbgatk . —Last evening Mr . Wm . Payne held an inquest in St . Bartholomew ' s Hospital , on the body of Thomas Martin , aged thirty-seven , the man killed in Cripplegato , when thejury returned a verdict of "WuftuMurder " against John Facey _, who is already committed to Newgate to take biatrial for the offenc * . Dkstructivb Fise u tub Southwark Bridok Roab . —On Tuesday evening , shortly afterten o ' clock , a fire , that caused considerable alarm on the Surrey side ofthe river , broke out upon the premises of Mr . Martyn , starch and farina manufacturerat No 25 ,

      , , Little Guildford-street , Southwark Bridge-road . It commenced in the manufactory , a _. large building composed principally of timber , and adjoining the extensive candle-works of Messrs . W . and R . Brookes . Plenty of water being at hand , ' the engines were quickly set to work , and avast stream was d ' weharged upon the blazing building ; but it was nearly halfpast twelve o ' clock before the fire was _safelyextinguished , and not bafore the spacious premises in which it originated wcre almost entirely destroyed and the contents consumed . The origin of tho fire ia unknown .

      FoBOBBr . —At the Mansion House , on Monday , Louis Phillips [ not the royal knave Louis Philippe ] was brought up for final examination , charged with having forged _sereralacceptances , which were cashed by Messrs . Preseott and Grote , bankers , for Mr . Lyons Michael , a _eustomer of the house . He waa committed for trial . Law of _Settlembnt . —If a person , on the passing of this new hill into a law , has had an industrial residence for fire years in the place where he then resides , he will be entitled , immediately , to claim pariah relief from the parish or union in which he has so resided .

      Lira ra Austria . —The _SCecle publishes the following letter from Vienna of the 12 th inst .: — "Two days since ( being the fifth time within a Tery short space ) a sentinel fired upon , and severely wounded , a person who refused to remove a cigar from his mouth when peremptoril y ordered to do SO 6 ytfce sentinel . Itw not many weeks since a similar occurrence happened at Vienna , when , itwill be remembered , the unfortunate , trai » gce 9 * or was shot dead upon the spot . "" _" _**

      Th!Clwe™Rf^I^ M *£ To ** . "O'Y Faith) W...

      th ! clwe _™ rf _^ i _^ * _£ _** . " _o _' y faith ) were , like _ttiei , aIderariof the _h eapol tan States & _necret _associ _* tion opposed to the patriot *; *

      Imperial Sarlfemtitt

      _imperial _Sarlfemtitt

      House Of Lords-Mokoai , Fkb "^ Protectio...

      HOUSE OF _LORDS-Mokoai , Fkb " _^ PROTECTION OF LIFE ( IRELAND ) BILL . The Earl of St . Gbkmans moved the second reading of tha bill , of the necessity for passing which it became his duty to endeavour to satisfy the house . The object of the bill was to invest the executive « overnment in Ireland with powers with which it was not at presentarmed , ra consequence ofthe increased amount of crime , mnrder , and outrageous assaults in that country . The noble earl then proceeded , with the view of establishing the necessity for the measure , to read a mass of documentary evidence , proving the increase of crime in Ireland , particularly as regarded offences against property , hitherto of

      rare occurrence in that country , as compared with England , under the head of robberies . The total number of-all offences committed in Ireland against the person , against property , and against the public peace was , last year , 3 , 103 , and in the present 5 281 The noble earl then weHt on to say , that he was satisfied it would be in some degree consolatory to tlieir lordships to know , that in eighteen counties of Ireland crime had diminished , and in four others that it remained stationary . It was only in ten counties that it had increased viz ., Cavan , Fermanagh , King ' s Co ., Longford , Westmeath , Clare , Roscommon , Limerick , Tipperary , and Leitrim . The noble earl then proceeded to detail a variety of cases of outrage and violence of an appalling characterin the

      more disturbed districts , by bands of armed men at night , hymen who it was believed belonged to secret associations , bound together by oaths , and banded together for the purposes of violence , robbery , and intimidation . Out of 137 homicides and aggravated assaults , five only wcre committed on the persons of gentlemen , the rest being committed on small farmers and cottiers , persons , some of whom had lived many years on their holdings , and only were subjected to these acts of outrage because they were employed by persons obnoxious to these sanguinary _de-{ redators . As the law stood , the rich man , with his ouse well secured , and his servants well armed , was in a comparative- state of security , while the poor man had , at best , but a most inadequate and

      insufficient protection , although everything had been done that could be done by the government to afford it him under the existing law . He thought , therefore that he was justified in asking their lordships to pass a law for the protection of the lives and lands of all classes of her Majesty ' s subjects in Ireland . The principal provisions of the bill were the empowering of the Lord Lieutenant to declare , by proclamation , that any district in which offences should be committed required an additional police force , the expense of such addition thereupon to be borne by the district . The inhabitants of the district so proclaimed are to remain within their houses from sunset to sunrise . Another clanse empowers the executive to offer rewards for the apprehension of offenders .

      The next provision levies a fine on any district in which a murder occurs , for the benefit of the : surviving relatives . The rates for these purposes are to be levied on the poor-rate valuation , and no holding , however _smalhto be exempt . No persons are to be permitted to congregate in public-houses , or places where liquor is sold , between sunset and sunrise . The offence for so congregating is , by another clause , made a misdemeanor . Trial by jury is in all ca > es preserved . The intimidation or injuring of witnesses is , by another clause , declared a misdemeanor , which may be tried like the other misdemeanors , under this bill , either at quarter sessions or the assizes .

      The noble earl , after alluding to the fact that Parliament had , in the present sessions , already voted the sum of £ 443 , 000 for the purpose of public Works in Ireland , and that last year railway bills involving an expenditure of £ 9 , 000 , 000 in the same country passed the legislature , said that it was impossible these sums could produce the results expected trom their employment , unless by otner measures they could ensure security to the capitalist , and to the . labourer employed in carrying out these works , security for life and limb . He believed the measure he proposed would give that security , and , therefore , moved its second reading .

      The Marquis of _Laxsdowhjs did not rise to offer the slightest opposition to the second reading of the bill , which he had no doubt was intended , as it purported to be , for thc preservation , of the lives of her Majesty ' s subjects in many parts of Ireland . As things fttpresent stood , no man would be permitted the free uso ef his labour , in connection with the measures proposed by her Majesty ' s government , with out finding his industry or his enterprise liable to be arrested by the hand of the assassin . He fully admitted the justice ofthe proposition thatthe object ofthe bill was to afford protection to the poor ; at the same time he should reserve to himself the right of urging on her Majesty ' s government the necessity of endeavouring by some other methods to alleviate and improve , the condition of the Irish people .

      Lord _Bkouorau said their first duty was to make Ireland a habitable country . He . could have wished to have found a provision in the bill to change the venue , by having the trial and accusation take place in a part of thecountry where the parties prosecution and witnesses would not be subject to the shot or blow of the assassin . Lord Farxiuu gave a sketch ofthe disturbances in Cavan , wuich from being the most peaceful county in Ireland had become in fourteen months the seat of desperate outrages . The origin of these crimes might be traced to the Riband societies—associations

      of the most _dangerous description . The noble lord concluded by giring his most cordial support to the proposed measure . Ihe Marquis of _Claxricardk defended himself against the attacks of a portion of the Irish press which had assailed him for adhering to the proposed coercive measure , which seemed to him to stand alone , and to be unconnected with any other projects for the benefit of Ireland . He did not , however , eoncur in all the details of the bill , which he thought should be limited as to its duration , and which was defective in the degrees of punishment apportioned to certain offences .

      The Earl of Wicklow said the measure , so far as it went , had his support , but to make it effective , _additional clauses were required , which would ensure the bringing to justice of the perpetrator of crime . The bill , as it present stood , merely aimed at preventing its commission . The Earl of Clancartt objected to a clause in the bill , giving the Lord-Lieutenant power to send down into a disturbed district _^ any number of resident magistrates or any additional police force he might

      think proper , and recommended communication with the local magistracy aa likely tobe more efficient . Lord CAMrBwx protested against the proposition of Lord Brougham , that power should be given to the Executive to choose another place of trial . His noble and learned friend had said such a power was sanctioned by the law of England , but the house might rest _assured it was not , and that it would be an encroachment on the liberty of the subject . . After a few words in explanation from Lord Brougham ,

      Earl Ghet said , that though some of the provisions in the bill were repugnant to his feelings , he thought a case had been made out for arming the government with additional powers . He could not , however , consider the present measure as disconnected with other plans for the amelioration of Ireland , and he thought the 'house should record , by a solemn vote , its opinion of the necessity of _coupling this coercion bill with others of a more comprehensive and statesmanlike nature . So strong was his opinion on this point , that if no other noble lord came forward , he should feel it his duty to move , oh the third reading of this bill , a resolution for an address to her Majesty , pledging their lordships not to rest satisfied with this measure alone . After a few words from Lord Wsstsibath , the bill waa read a second time , and the house adjourned .

      HOUSE OF . COMMONS—Monday , _Fsb . 23 . THE WAR IN INDIA . Sir Robert Psel _; in reply to Sir Robert Inglis , announced that despatches had been received from the Governor-General of India conveying intelligence ofthe recent victory achieved by our troops orer the army of the Sikhs .

      THE FRANCHISE IN IRELAND . In reply to a question put by Mr . O'Connell , Sir Robert Peel stated that it was the intention of _governments introduce into Parliament , as soon as the commercial measures at present before the house had been completed , a bill to encourage the improvement of land in Ireland , by giving compensation to tenants for improvements whieh bad been effected during the period of their tenancy . Also a bill to amend the county registration , and the mode of holding elections in Ireland generally , the effect of which latter measure would be to produce an alteration in the county franchise . Government likewise proposed to bring in a bill for assimilating the municipal franchise in Ireland to that adopted in England .

      CASE OF BRYAN SEERY . In repl y to an application from Mr . O'Connell , Sir James Graham expressed his readiness to lay before the house the correspondence between Bishop Cantwell and the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , relating to the recent execution of Brvan Seery , at _Miilungar . He also stated that a deputation from tho county of _Westmeath , had applied to Lord Hey tesbury _tohaTethesentence ofthelaw , in this instance , rigidly earned into effect . The result had coincided with the petitioners' request , though his lordship ' s decision had been influenced by totally different considerations than anything those persons had advanced .

      _^ . ADJOURNED DEBATE . The wearisome and protracted debate on the Corn and Customs Bill was then rcsumed ; but _asitisimpossible for even the most talented speakers to impart any degree of novelty to a question so thoroughly worn out , we shall not waste space , which can be more profitably employed , by giving at any length speeches - which seem made merely to spin out the debate and protract the final prostration of the Protective part / . Mr . E . Bullir was the first speaker . He _contratertedthe argument advanced by Mr , _D'lsraeli , that

      House Of Lords-Mokoai , Fkb "^ Protectio...

      free trade was inapplicable to any separate country , and could only be successfully , adopted under treaties of reciprocity . Turkey could not legitimately be cited as an instance of a country ruined by free trade , the institutions of that kingdom being wholly averse to the pursuits of commerce . The plea for protection derived from our future dependence upon foreign countries for corn , was neutralised bv the circumstance of our being at present , to a great extent , dependent upon such supplies . He should give the proposal of government his hearty support _, captam Batkson avowedthat as an Irish member

      , , he should . give hv » decided opposition to thehaz ; trdou » and _^ revolutionary scheme of the government . He availed himself of the opportunity to _accuao Mr . Bright , on the authority of Mr . Leonard Horner ' s Factory Report for 1845 , of dealing in professions of humanity , which were not genuine , and in declarations of liberality and philnnthropy towards the poor , which were at once spurious and hypocritical . The measure more immediately before the house , he contended , would destroy the export trade of Ireland , shut out from Great Britain its agricultural produee , and annihilate its linen trade . It would likewise

      give a premium to agitation , by enabling the Repealers to state , and unfortunately with truth , that Irishmen were treated in England no better than other foreigners . He treated as perfectly ridiculous the compensation which government proposed to give tothe landlords of Ireland for this most injurious measure . Four millions of waste land in Ireland would have been brought into cultivation under tbe fostering influence of protection ; but the heath would still continue to flourish on ' one part , and the bog to encroach upon the remaining part of them , under the system new proposed . For sueh a loss , what pecuniary grant could be a compensation ? Mr . Montague Gore avowed a _change of opinion with regard to the policy of maintaining the Corn Laws . The apprehensions of the agriculturists

      respecting foreign competition were groundless ; the expenses attending the transit of corn of other countries affording a sufficient protection to the native grower , and various circumstances concurring to prevent any superabundant supply from those sources . The success of our manufactures might be relied upon as a better security for the welfare ol British agriculture than could possibly be derived from any legislative protection . He read a variety of statistics to show that , free trade would be advantageous to every class of the community , whether _labouiars , tenants , farmers , landholders , shipowners , or manufacturers . Tliese arguments he reinforced by quotations from the speeches of many ot the most famous statesmen' of past and present times . He s ave his hearty support to the measure before the house .

      Mr . A . Fitzgerald approved the measure as a' prelude to a policy not merely advantageous to England , but also to every portion of the empire , and especially to Ireland . Captain Lockhart was favourable to moderate protection , and had supported the measure of 1812 on account of its conformity to ' this principle ; but the present proposal of government went the full extent of withdrawing it , and would thereby throw our inferior lands out of cultivation . Ho should therefore vote forthe amendment .

      Sir George Clerk , like Mr . Buller , principally occupied himself in replying to the speech of Mr . Benjamin _D'Israeli , and in controverting his statements . Mr . D'Israeli had alleged that the proposals of government were directed to a two-fold purpose ; first , to provide ibr a sudden casualty , and secondly , to construct a new system . He admitted the first , but denied the second inference . Government were carrying out a policy which , lor the last twenty years , had been _successively acted upon by every administration whieh had presided over publio affairs , lie then proceeded to defend tho measure now proposed b y the government , and to show that it would equalise prices , not by bringing English prices down to the continental level , but by _raisina

      continental prices to the English level . He likewise entered into a description of the agricultural resources of Germany , Poland , Russia , and America , for thc purpose of demonstrating that the apprehensions which had been once entertained , that so large an inundation of foreign corn would follow the repeal ofthe Corn Laws as would throw our arable land out of cultivation , were false and unfounded . In the last five years we had imported 10 . 000 , 000 quarters of corn or 2 , 000 , 000 annually . Ho did not think that any man would contend that the poople of England had been overfed in that timo ; and lie now asserted , that if in the next five years our importation should amount to 3 , 000 , 000 a-year , it would not be more thansufficientfor the rapid increase of our

      population , and would not throw a single British acre out of cultivation . He next referred to the speech of Mr . Hudson , and commencing upon his assertion that in the year 1337 he had imported foreign corn into England at 25 s . a quarter , _observed that no argument against the present measure was to be deduced from it , as there had been then four consecutive good harvests , and a glut existed in the corn markets both at home and abroad . But what happened the very next year ! The price of corn at Hamburgh , from the badness of the harvest , rose to GSs . 9 d ., and the freight to England rose from % . Od . and 3 s . Gd . to 8 s . and 9 s . That led to great fluctuations _. of price in the home market—fluctuations wliich would be avoided in future by the operations of tho

      _government measure . He then answered in detail the other arguments _advanced . by Messrs . D'Israeli , Hudson , _andaMunte with respect to tho injury inflicted onthe silk _traded the paper-hanging trade , and the zinc and spelter trade ,, by the relaxation of protective duties . lie replied to their _assertionsand arguments by the production of Custom-house and other public documents , proving that every one of these trades had deriTed the greatest benefits from the very measures which were said to have been so pernicious to them . He also accused Mr . D'Israeli of haying been guilty ofthe greatest unfairness in his " business speech , " as he had himself been pleased to call the speech which he had delivered on Friday evening . He showed tliat Mr . D'Israeli—in the comparison which

      he had drawn between the effects of protection and those of free trade—had never taken his comparison during an average of years , biit had always made his contrast between th « best year of protection , and the worst year of free trade . After stating that he could not congratulate the hon . member on his first appearance upon the stage as " a man of business , " for he shone much more as a joker of jokes , and a fabricator of pleasant sarcasms , he proceeded to notice his question , " Can you fight hostile tariff * by _frse imports ? " Now , to that question he replied , first , that this measure had not been introduced with any reference to foreign nations , but with reference to

      the interests ot the great mass of the community in the British islands ; and next , that Mr , D ' Israeli had grossly exaggerated the repugnance of foreign countries , and especially that of France , to a liberal system of commercial policy . Having grappled with all the alleged facts of Mr . D'Israeli , and having satisfied the house , he hoped , that in the statement of them all Mr . D'Israeli had been inaccurate , he next proceeded to comment upon Mr . D'Israeli ' s opinion that the house ought to give a preponderance to the agricultural interest . For one , ho ( Sir G . Clerk ) repudiated it _bothaa a member of Pauiaraent and as an individual landowner . If the influence of

      the agricultural interest depended on the continuance of the Corn Laws , ho for one should tremble for it . Mr . D'Israeli ' s argument , on that point , was the most dangerous one that could be used , and had hitherto been always disclaimed by the landowners ; for translated into plain English , it meant nothing else , than that the Corn Laws must be maintained to keep up the landlords' rents . Mr . Muntz entered into an explanation of his arguments respecting the zinc and spelter trade , whioli was at last cut short by the interference of the Speaker . Mr . LinoELLsaid that Sir G . Clerk had made one or two of the boldest assertions in his speech which it had ever been his fortune to hear , even from tho Treasury benches . Sir G . Clerk had told the op ponents of the present measure that they ought to look out for some arguments against it . They had not occasion to look far ; for they had only to turn to Sir George ' s own past speeches against the Corn Laws to

      find plenty of arguments against it . He condemned the proposals of government as , in the matter of timber , placing in jeopardy the welfare of the shipping interest , and in opposition to the policy upon which the . Navigation-laws had been constructed , postponing our national security to merely chimerical commercial , advantages . Another _consequent of the present measure would be to damage our own colonies by ruining lands hithertounder corn _cultivation . It _contained , however , one redeeming feature . He approved the proposed change in tho law of settlement as a great boon to the agricultural interest , and an act of justice to the labouring artisan ; but concluded by claiming for the shipowner and the agriculturist the protection which they had lon _*» enjoyed , and by declaring that so long as he had a seat in the House of Commons , he would endeavour to maintain that protection , and would oppose all such hazardous experiments _ub the present .

      Mr . Hurr had marked the gradual development of Sir Robert Peel ' s creed , until it had eventuated in the complete enunciation of free-trade principles ; simultaneously he had watched the Protectionist party giving the minister their support to pass the Canada Corn Bill , the tariffs of 1812 and _lcMS , and he could imagine no grosser inconsistency than their repudiating that policy on the present occasion . He cordially supported the proposal of government . Captain _Fnziunms repeated the trite invectives of his party against Sir II . Peel's inconsistency on the subject of . the Corn Laws . He condemned the present propositions of the government , and regretted that we were about to lose our place among the nations of Europe , in order to become a great shop forthe benefit of the whole world .

      Mr . M . Milnes was not inclined to take the harsh view of Sir . R . Peel's conduct which had been taken by , many of his friends , when he recollected how many great men had modi tied tlieir opinions upon the subject of the Corn Laws , Looking , howerer , at the past commercial measures of Sir R . Peel and his government , he could not consider tho present projeet j _»^ legitimato deduction , from them . It was

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      not . thereforo , from any feeling of confidence iii either Sir R . Peel or his government thai ho gave his support to it , but because he felt that it was ti , only course which he could pursue consistently with the opinions which he had formerly held , and whicli he still continued to hold on the subject ot the Corn Laws . The question , then , before the house was not whether it would be satisfied with a modified protection , but whether it would adhere to the principle o ! protection in all the force of the Central Association in Bond-street ? To that principle lie could n » t assent , and theiefore ho must vote for the original motion . On the motion of Lord Inoestre the debate _wn . _* _* . again adjourned . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned at " twenty minutes to one o ' clock .

      IIOUSE OF LORDS-Tuesoay , Feb . 2-1 . The business this evening presented no feature oi importance or novelty . The only measure _deserviiisi of . notice in this journal was a bill introduced by Lord Dacre for the purpose of preventing dealings between poachers and licensed dealers for the sale of game , by compelling the dealer to keep a book of _hia purchases , with the name of the seller , when , if it appeared the latter was not a person possessed ot land , it might be concluded that he had obtained it illegally . A qualification of ten or fifteen acres might be deemed sufficient fora seller . He also proposed

      a remedy , by way of compensation , against preservers of game ; _incasie of damage to the neighbourim ; land _> upon which the Duke of Richmond and Lord Hatlierton said they had long caused thc hares and rabbits on their estates to be shot as mere vermin , and had found the practice conducive both to the welfare of the landlord , the tenant , and the labourer , whom the preservation of game merely tempted to poaching . Lord _AsuiiUKlos suggested that taking hares out of the class of game would meet the popular complaints against the GamejLaws , and he would propose a clause to that effect in the committee on the bill .

      The bill was then read a second time , and tho house adjourned . IIOUSE OF _COMMONS—Tcebdat _, Feb . 24 . The house met at four o ' clock . FROST , WILLIAMS , JONES , AND ELLIS . Petitions , praying for a remission of the sentences on Frost , Williams , and Jones , were presented by Mr . S . Crawford , from Rochdale and Dalkeith ; by Mr . Bain , from Greenock ; by Mr . Williams , from Coventrv , signed by 2300 inhabitants ; by Sir J . Guest , from Merthyr Tydvil , and one from Southwark .

      Sir G . _Sthicklaud presented a petition from a place in the West Riding of . Yorkshire , praying for the remission of the sentence passed on Ellis . He wa » convioted of setting lire to some houses , but since his transportation circumstances had occurred wliich left _, little doubt that he was innocent . The petitioner * prayed that a full inquiry might be instituted into all the particulars of his case .

      THE ADJOURNED DEBATE . ; Mr . M . J . O'Connell resumed the adjourned debate on the Corn Laws . He supported the ministerial measure . The other speakers in its favour were Messrs . Packe , Trelawney , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer , who contradicted the rumour of his being opposed to tho measure before the house , and yielding , it a reluctant support to preserve his party in power . He gave a history of the part he had taken at the time of the ministerial crisis , and then plunged into a sea of statistics for the purpo . se of answering the statistics adduced by Protectionist speakers . , Agricultural alarmists were not a modern race ; they had existed at least as early as the time of Charles II ., and in that reign the Protectionistsheaded by the Duke of Buckingham—had vaticinated most mournfully of the danger of the admission of Irish cattle into this country . Their

      apprehensions were entirely disproved , according tothe testimony of Sir Wm . Temple . The agriculturists must necessarily be benefitted by the impulse which a free commercial intercourse with other countries would afford to our native manufactures . The consistency of public men had been a topic prominently introduced into this discussion , but theterm " consistency " meant something different from a blind adhesion to a particular law , at all times and under all circumstances . The Protectionist party were not consistent , if unanimity upon the Corn Law were to be taken as . the test , some proposing its continuance for a longer period than others . He might be charged with political cowardice , but he was afraid to retain party connection at the expense of great public _interests ; and if he was guilty of political tergiversation , it had been to shield his friends from thc consequences of their own want of foresight at this important crisis .

      Mr . Fbrband made one of those slashing and outspoken speeches whieh have given him audi a celebrity in the country , and which are so rare iu the house . He commenced by repeating his assertion , the other night , with reference to the petition presented by Lord Morpeth from tho West Riding , that the signatures were obtained by the compulsion of the League masters . The house would remember that in the year 1813 he had produced evidence in the _houise that the Anti-Corn Law League had purchased signatures in tho West Riding of _Xorkuhire at the rate of a shilling a hundred . ( Loud laughter and cheers . ) He was well aware , when tho noble lord ( Lord Morpeth ) presented these petitions , that however much he ( Lord Morpeth ) might believe that

      they were the honest and the independent acts ofthe parties who had attached their _signatures to them , that was not the fact . He ( Mr . Ferrand ) was prepared to prove before a committee of the House the truth of his statement , that the working people were compelled by the master manufacturers , who favoured the Anti-Corn Law League , to attach their signatures to the petitions , however much they might be opposed to them in principle . . ( Hear , hear . ) And if the men dared to refuse to attach their signatures to the petitions , they would hare to sacrifice their daily bread . ( Hear . ) He was indebted to the hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . Hume ) for having , several years ago , exposed in the house the intimidation and oppression which was practised by the master

      manufacturers towards their men in the north ot Scotland , He ( Mr . Hume ) had stated to the house that there existed a regular system in the north of Scotland , by which any man who threw up hia employment was prevented from obtaining employment elsewhere from the master manufacturers—keeping a register of such men , and communicating their names to thc othor manufacturers in the neighbourhood . The hon . member for Montrose had said that that was an odious combination . That combination had now been introduced into the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire ; and he repeated , that no working man who was employed by an Anti-Corn Law League manufacturer dared to refuse to attach his signature to a petition when it was presented to

      him . ( Hear , hear . ) Notwithstanding the number of these petitions presented by members on the opposite side , they had never bepn referred to in the debate , a proof that tliey were considered petitions even by themselves . Ho was prepared to prove on evidence , before a committee of the houso if they liked , that one man attached 14 , 000 signatures—( loud laughter)—to one of those petitions , without ever having left his house or asked a single person to affix his name to it . That was a specimen of the style in which these documents were manufactured , and then palmed upon the country as the opinions of the working men . Mr . Ferrand then gave a graphic account of the proceedings of the late West Riding election . He denied the statement of

      Mr . Ward , that £ 2000 had been subscribed to enable him ( Mr . Ferrand ) to tight the battle , and offered to give Mr . Ward 20 per cent , if he could get the money . ( Loud laughter . ) If Mr . _Lascelles or Mr . Lane Fox had either of them stood , Lord Morpeth would not now have been in that house as the member for the West Riding . Mr . Ward had styled his ( Mr . Ferrand ' s ) letter a very able one . He begun to think it was so , for it had never been answered by the League . He repudiated the accusation that he had endeavoured , and succeeded in his peculiar mission , of creating hostile feelings between the masters and their ' men . He ( Mr . Ferrand ) denied that _charso , and every statement made by that hon . member . It was true that he had exposed to public

      gaze , and brought under the notice ofthe house , the cruelties and oppression whicli had been for years practised by the master _manufacturers towards the men ; but the hon . member for Sheffield , in continuing his speech , had said that his ( Mr . Ferrand ' s ) own friends absolutely repudiated his doctrines . Ho ( Mr . Ferrand ) would wish to know how it was , then , that Ue hail been so successful in sowing hostile feelings ? He thought that that was a contradiction of itself . ( Hear , hear . ) But to show to the hon . niember that the working men did not repudiate his doctrines , he would tell him that he had stood on the hustings at the election , and he had heard a friend ofthe noble lord ( Lord Morpeth ) twice during the proceedings propose to the good working mon who

      had been taken ' down to Wakefield by the League manufacturers , that they should give three groans for him ( Mr . Ferrand ) , and twice thoy had refused to do so . ( Hear , hear . ) Surely , if they had repudiated his doctrines they would havo answered to the call , and would have given him ( Mr . Ferrand ) three groans . ( Hear , hear . ) Was the lion , member for _Sheffiald aware that when he ( Mr . Ferrand ) was down in the West Riding of Yorkshire , he had challenged every member of tho Anti-Corn Law League who was a member of the house to meet him in public , and discuss the question of free trade beforo the working men ? ( Hear . ) He had made that challenge

      at Leeds , at Bradford , and at Huddersfield , and he now repeated the challenge in that house , and dared them to accept it , and appear openly to discuss the question before the working men of the West Riding of Yorkshire ; and in order that no doubt might remain , he had made the same challenge to them in the house that he had given in tho West Riding of Yorkshire . The same challenge that was refused then was again refused there to-night . Mr . Ferrand then proceeded to review the circumstances which caused the last general election , and the state of public feeling at that time , together with the speeches mado by several members who were returned ou piotcc ' ave principles , and hud , during the

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      present debate , avowed tlieir intention to vote contrary to thoir recorded p ledges on the _husiings . Among tho _> c who came in for a . 'hare of the _caseation administered bv the honourable member , were Mr . Beckett , . Mr . E . _vrott , Mr . Cripps , Mr . Sidney llerbrrt , and others . Wc must , how over , make room for a specimen of tho manner in which it whs administered . Havim ; in each case asserted that the personal honour ofthe members named was at stake , he continued : —Ho ( Mr . Ferrand ) had heard the right hon . baronet , the member for Stamford . Sir G . Clerk , argue last night the great brass c ; ise with _cmisidcrable ability on _behalf of tho ri ght hon . gentleman , tiie First Lord ofthe Treasury , but he had failed in

      impressing the house with tho truth ' of his arguments . But he would suggest that whilst the righthon . baronet was attacking ihe Protectionist " , lie knew all the while that amongst iho other contents of his official red-box that inv upon the table , there was an address from liis constituents calling upon him to rc * igu iiis seat for having drserted his principles . ( Hear ) lie ( Mr Ferrand ) had looked the rig ht hon . bait , m tha face whils t he wiw speaking , and he thouul . t-iio , he would not say wh at he thougliMa ai . yh ) -but he was imag ining what his ( Sir George Oleik s « _ituents would think of him . ( A _lamjh . ) Mr . _l _* errand ' s nex t onslaught was upon Sir James braham . 1 am glad to see the right hon . bart . He Secretary ot State for the Home Department , in his place . He ,

      too , went before im constituents when he accepted office , and how stands he pledged to the electors of Dorchester f I tell him , too , that his pei > on _* ilhonour is at stake . ( Loud cheors from thc Jfrotection benches . ) He may dispose of his changes of opinion by one n _wg of his arm ; but he will not dispose of his constituents in that manner . ( Hear , hear . ) He is bound to redeem his pledge * on the hustings ; and if his politieal opinions have _changed , ! toll him that he is bound as a man of honour to resign his place into their hands or . ee more , in order to enable _Uiem tube freely and honourably represented . I have read the speech which tlie right _hoiu bavonet delivered to his constituents on that occasion , and was delighted with its talent and ability ; and I think the best thing thc Protectionists

      could do would be to print it in a cheap form , and circulate it throu _*; h the country , as the _First Lord of the Treasury used to do with his speeches when in opposition to the Whigs . ( Laughter . ) I was then one of the rank and file of the Conservative party , and I used to receive large packages of Sir R . Feel ' s speeches on the Corn Law . « , which were sold at one penny each . ( Laughter . ) Who sent them to me I never found out , but I suspect that tlie right hon . baronet- had heard that I was a warm and earnest supporter of his principles , and therefore favoured me with packages of his _speeches , carriago paid , which I circulated among the people in my i _e-glibourhood , and I rejoice to say they made many proselytes , and were the chief cause ofthe return of Air .

      Stuart Wortley as a Protectionist . ( Hear . ) But ; to _^ return to tlie right hon . baronet , the Secretary of State forthe Home Department ; hesaid , "A friend of mine said , and what about tho Corn Laws ? I conceive the true principle to be , that a protective duty should be substituted for absolute prohibition ; and I think that , as a general rule , _itshould be the smallest amount which , on a careful revision , would be found to sire to native industry fair play in its competition with foreign countries , the circumstances attending our relatiou to those countries lieiug duly considered . " Then he went on to quote what poor Lord Melbourne said on the Corn Laws . " Wiiat did Lord Melbourne say in the House of Lords when the _prcposal to alter the Corn Laws was mooted in that

      house ? He declared that it would he absolute n _> _-idness in any one to make auch a proposition . " T : ie right hon . baronet then proceeded to say— " I no . er have and never will shrink from public opinion . " Then , why don't he go down to his constituents ? ( Cheers . ) I am delighted to see the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) in his place . The right lion _, baronet thus spoke of the noble lord and his party : — "The late government is fallen to rise no more . The question now at issue is this—shall the Conso _.-t _rstire or Democratic priiiciplo prevail ? Shall _Alessr-. Roebuck , Warburton , O'ConneU , and liowring sway the destinies of this great empire , or shall Sir R .

      Peel continue Prime Minister ? " ( Laughter . ) Let me ask tho First Lord of the Treasury who have been his supporters of late ? ( Loud cheers . ) Where has been the "democratic Roebuck ? " Where has been the "democratic'Warburton V * Where has been the " democratic O'Connell , " who was only a short time ago a " convicted conspirator ! " ( Applause . ) The right hon . baronet continued his address to his constituents as follows : — " My opinion is , that a further prevalence of the doinocratic principle would provo most _destruc-ive to the institution * and great interests of the country . Should that unfortunate day ever dawn upon the political horizon when the principles of democracy will be paramount , degraded indeed will bs our fate , —

      Tha day when thou , imperial Troy ! must bend , And see thy warriors fall , thy glories end . But I will add—May I ha cold before that _diea-lM day , Pressed witli a'loud of _monumental clay . " ( The mock-heroic tono in which tlie hon . member read this extract threw the house into convulsions of laughter . ) After this poetical fervour , the right hon . baronet concluded his speech thus— "It now only remains for you to decide whether I shall return to tbe House of Commons as your representative . ( The right hon . baronet then a _^ t down amidst most vehement and long-continued shouts of applause . As no other candidate presented himself , Sir J . Graham was pronounced _dul _/ elecwd , and was _artenvariia

      chaired throu » h the town with the usual honuurs . He then took up Sir R . Feci , and after quoting from his speeches at Tamworth , continued : Now , sir , the right hon . baronet is pledged in the face of his constituents—he pledged himself of his own free willto stand by his principles and the pledges he gave on that occasion ; and 1 call on him , not as Prime Minister of this country , not as once the leader of a great party , but as au honest member of this house , to resign his seat , and go down to his constituents for their approval or disapproval . ( Hear . ) I said this should be the last quotation ; but perhaps you will allow me , as a make-weight , to throw in a remark of his hon . colleague ( Captaiii A'Court ) when he contested the borough of Tamworth . ( Laughter . )

      His colleague said , " lie was certain that the prosperity of Tamworth depended mainly on the prosperity ofthe agriculturists , and if thoy were permanently depressed , every farmer , shopkeeper , and labourer in it would be involved in one common ruin . ( Cheers . ) With that feeling he would never consent to take from the British farmer such fair protection as would enable him to compete on equal terms -vita the foreign corn-grower , nor consent to reduce the English labourer to the same condition as the ill-fed and ill-paid labourer of the continent . " Great laughter . ) What a figure to . cut before his constituents ! ( Laughter . ) Can you ( uointing to the Treasury bench ) look these hon . gentlemenhonourable by the courtesy of this house , and

      honourable by character in their political principles—can you look them in the faco at this present moment , and say you are conducting yourselves with common honesty ? ( Loud cries of " Hear . " ) Do not tell me you wore bound to re-accept office , and carry those measures iu this house . ( Hear , hear . ) I tell you , you were not bound to do so ; but that the moment you found yourselves unable to carry out tho principl es of protection , you were bound , as honourable men , at once to appeal to thu country-Cloud cheers from the Protection benches)—and ask the constituencies of England for their approval of your conduct . ( Cheers . ) Now , I believe ii the right hon . baronet had pursued that course at hist , he miglit have rallied around him a great party in tho

      country ; but I must tell him that the people of Great Britain and Ireland view with unmitigated disgust his contemptible apostasy and tergiversation . ( Cries of "Order , " and "Hear , hear . " ) From these personal matters Mr . Ferrand proceeded to an examination ofthe physical , social , and moral effects of our manufacturing system , for the promotion and extension of which it was now proposed to sacrifice tha agricultural interest . In support of his statements as to the injurious effects of the factory system , ha adduced the authority and statements of the hvte Sir Robert Peel , Mr . R . H . Gregg , Dr . _Shuttleworth Kiy , Dr . Shaw , and others . As a general specimen of the nature of this testimony , we give an extract from Dr . Cooke Taylor . He says , speaking of the

      manufacturing population : — " 1 have seen misery in many forms ; I have been iu thu huts and hovels of Ireland , when my native land was visited with the scourge ofthe cholera ; I havo visited the cellars of Liverpool , where existence assumes an aspect that ceases to be human ; I liave penetrated into the _wynds and venals of Glasgow ( localities that would try to the utmost the hardest of hearts and the strongest of stomachs ); but nowhere have I seen misery which so agonised my _yery soul , as that which I have witnessed in the manufacturing districts of Lancashire ? And why ? Because the extreme of wretchedness was there , and there only ; combined with a high tone of moral dignity , and a marked sense of propriety—a decency , cleanliness , and order , the elements which produced the vast wealth I have described , and which do notmerit the intense suffering I have witnessed , I was beholding the gradual immolation of tho noblest mid most valuable

      population that ever existed in this country , or any other under heaven . " Yes , I say they aro murdered by the factory system , in order that a few may grow rich . Are we to be told , that with the manufacturing population iu such a frightful state as this , we—the agricultural party in this house—are to consent to hand over tho agricultural labourers , who have looked up to us and to our aneostois for centuries for succour and support , to your tender mercies —( cheers from the Protection benches)—and allow them , iu the _language of Dr . Cooke Taylor , to be immolated , that a few cotton lords may got rich ? ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Ferrand then contradicted the statement of the Home Secretary as to tho diminution of ; crime , on the authority of a charge of Judge Cohiridge , _delivered at a winter assize in York , on the 29 th November , 1844 , and added , that the West Riding Gaol at _Wakoholdwas never so full of prisoners as at thu moment . The hon . member next took up the _question of machinery , and the opinions prevalent

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 28, 1846, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_28021846/page/7/