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Northern Star (1837-1852), 21st July 1838, Edition 1 of 2, Page 3, Untitled Article

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    • IHE NORTHERN STAR. ; SATURDAY , JULY 21, 1838.
    • ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE. 1
    • TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR
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      Untitled Article

      "NEW POOR LAW IN TODMORDEN / . fe the Board of Guardmns of the Todmorden Union . G&TLsazSf— The events of the last week , have v pei of a kind altogether newin this hitherto peaceful Taller , &oi wDl be long remembered . These -rents , and the answers which 1 am informed you ijari 1 given to questions put to yon by the deputations of ih op-tpppere and others , -who thought it their duty to wait on you , have convinced me that to pertevere jcst xow in carrying into execution that , of which I , on behalf of my brothers and my !> elf , haye jtpeatedly given you notice , ironld hazard the lives of the innocent and unoffending ; and that it would we no effect in inducing you to yield to the en-^ ggg ^^ Mg ^ gM MMM-MI I ~ I IIIIII I — " XT ~ -TTTrTT-TT

      treaties of an immense majority of your fellow rate-payers , not to lend Yourselves to introduce the New Poor Law into this-District . To prevent , if possible , the shedding of inBoeent blood , and to ioinply vith the wishes of those who petition us , ire feel ourselves morally hound te postpone carrying out the measure implied in our notice , and we have re-opened our works this day . On& of your "board , a newly dubbed official , with the military at his call , on Monday last made this assertion , ' * that he thought the Old Poor Law better ( ban the New one , Mr . Fielden could not suppose , that they would be able to prevent the new law being putinto ' operation—that itwas the law of the land , and it would be put in force , or half the troops in the

      country weuidoeconcentratea nere to enect it . _ I p ity this gentleman if he has consented to be a tool to introduce this law , and with such a force ; he ihould not forget the efforts made by two near relatives of his , along ^ with others , to disunite the township in -which he and I live , and in which our forelathers have long lived , from other townships , not ret forty years ago ; and the general satisfaction that has always been expressed at those efforts haying been successful His assertion on Monday last , eonpled with the fact of a military force having been $ snt to Todmorden that day , and on Friday thf presence of the commanding officer of the district , ( who , accordine to the newiDnpers , was in London

      on Monday , ) would seem to imply that there were ether and higher authorities in the back gronnd . ready and Trilling to supply the force , and to introduce tbe Uw amongst us by slaughtering tie people , has been done in other parts . To oppose force to force , we are not yet prepared ; but if the people , of thii and the surrounding districts are to be driven to die alternative of either doing so , or surrenderine their local government into the bands of aimncoiisutntional board of law-makers , the time mav not be Jar distant when the experiment may be tried , and 1 would warn those who provoke the people tu such a combat , of the danger they are incarrin ? . Yon . Gentlemen , say this New Poor Law is " the

      law of the l&no—th&tyou are opposed to its principles sad details ; but , that asit is the law , it must be pnt in force , and you will be tue instruments to do it . Suppose a law to have been passed , requiring von to cat off the heads of all the poor people who " app lied for parish relief , —and such a law would have been a merciful one compared -with , that which starres them to death by metes;—mi ^ ht rou hoi have used the same argument for cutting off their heads ? And would you be justified in doing it r In support of this , I would refer yon to the letter of Mt . Baktox , the chsinnsn of the Board of Guardians of the Havant Union , addressed to the Editor of the Horning Chronicle , and recently pub-.

      ashed in that journal . In detailing the sufferings of the poor , nnder the New Poor Law Act , M ~ r Barton says , — " A singk case of destitution , close to our own doors , afivcts us more than a thousand such cases dispersed in distant country parishes ; soilless is our sensibility affecrsd . when the sufferings endured do not exhibit themselves in a visible form , as immediate consequences of a privation of the necessaries of life . If we heard that a whole farcilr iad been found dead in their beds from starvation , ire should be struck with horror ; but the sufferins is not less , or less real ( it is even greater , because more prolonged . ) if they are so debilitated , by a conniined privation of needful food and clotnin 1 ' . as

      paduallyto fall victims under the attacks of feter . consumption , or dropsy . I do not hesitate to express my conviction , that many hundreds , nav . thonsands of families in the agricultural districts , are bow suffering these protracted miseries . " Mr . Barton , it farther appears , is well acquainted with ihe _ practical working of the new law , and would praise it if he could ; his apology for addressing the pnbLc ear is thus stated : — " 11 is not till after having repeatedly and earnestlyrembnstrated with die Commissioners in private , till after having used mv best eadeavours to obtain a hearing before the Committee of the House of Commons , that I thus appeal to another tribunal But having failed in these endeatoths , I cannot in conscience suppress the painful spprehensions that I entertain on this snbiert : also .

      sa the dread that I feel of the effect of the measures of the ^ Commissioners , during the forthcomine linger . " 1 know myself , that many have been j mikras to give evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons , who deeply deplore the sufferings of the poor under this new law , but who hare not been allowed to do so ; while the Committee have admitted the supporters and workers of it , and prevented them answering questions which wonld have proved its cruel operation . Mr . Pearce chairman of tbe Board of Guardians of the Woburn Union , was thus protected when I weuldhave inquired into the case of the Widow Deacon , of Wo-Cum , whose relief had been gradually withdrawn . * sd who . in despair , from harsh treatment of the Guardian ? - , drowned herself in the moat of the clergyman , nnder the walls of Wobum Abbev

      But how is it we have two Laws ? The New Law tss passed in 1 S 34 , and we have hitherto carried on our parochial affairs unoer the law which was in besg before 1 S 34 , and which is still in being . Yon . tken , who are but at best self-elected Guardians ^ have the choice either to allow us to continue to act under the Old Law . or to resign , and not brine aeracepayers under a law of which yon disapprove . The New Law is so far weak , at any rate , that it cannot be put in force without Guardians . No one can be compelled to be , or to remain u . Guardian : to be one is a voluntary act , and no penalty or

      pmishment attaches to refusal . 1 blame the Legistmre for passing such a law ; but on you rests the Mium , the r ^ ponsibQiry , and the consequences , of yutoag this law in force here ; and I am sure-all toe people in this neighborhood think the same lour saying that if yon do not put it in force , we fflall be united to other townships , is a mere subterfeee , and degrading to those who nse it . It amounts « Hy ' o this , that you will be tools to do us wrong , ten others should do so if you do not . What better is it than saying we ourselves will reduce the wages 01 the poor , and cause them to -perish of want . ninsr

      than suffer others to do it : On i par with « oi begging of the question , is your saying you will reaga rather than treat the poor unkindly . Recollect n yon get ihe relief of the poor into tout hands as bnardians nnder the New Law , you are to be subject 0 use rotes , orders , and regulations of the Poor Law commissioners , whatever they may be . Read your maracnons , and see how often this is repeated ; and ^ Jf , ^ instructions they sen t forth to other owfcof Guardians , in order that you may know » rat they nave already done , and how unsatisfac-= > rj tteir doings have been found to all humane "WWians . Recollect , too . that your office is not a permanent one ; that if you continue in office , you asm be re-elected . lfotherssucceedyou , youknownot * tot they will do ; bu : if yon be re-elected , and find ^^ -ase you cannot do what von « mr nrrmn < P ™

      ^ do , tou will then resign , —wnat wilf the state of ^ 3 t hvn be ? Will you not have placed us in a POauoa identical with having no Poor Law at all , -F s"tas confirm what Earl Fitzwilliam is reported « ej to have said in Ms place in theHouse of Lords , t&at , the wise view to take of tixe Poor Law ^ fflsndment Act , is to consider it as the stepping sacs to no Poor Laws at all . " If yon be sincere in Pa assertion , that you wish the poor to be better isast-ed . yon have now more power to effect this "by * re | ular " attendance at the parish board than von

      • tmkl have-when acting under the Cemmisioners " : — * sof your time too would be required , ro secure = «> rereHef to the poor . Trh en the New Poor Law j * been put into operation , however unsatisfactory Mjorkuiginay be , I see no way for you to return to ** old law . It would be unwise therefore , on , ocr par ^ t 0 1 ^ 3 OTer ^ p ^ j . ^^ ^ _ ^® s , against their wiH , to the Comnussioners of r ^^ et House , before you have secured those laments in the new law , which you say are v ^ v ^ ed . The new law was professedly given as a " 3 ^ the agricultural interest ; the boon was to ^^ ^ reduction of Tates ; and the Noble Lord 4 ¦ ** d n" 1 ^ T C ^^ iT rl ^ t ^ **^\ ^ ¦ > ' n ^ ^^* k «« 1 ¦ 1 1 Iiti ^ p «» . A- a _

      nums !^ ^ - Bm ^ ras Passing through-the Com-¦* t D . iioB ?^ P ^*^ , whose affairs -were managed " * 2 h "K ^ . 3 n 5 er apprehension of being interfered Boiiof ^ Commissioners . " The principal crite-^^^ good management , Mr . Power , one of their fce lownt ^ f v eTidence recently given , says , is ¦* m , X ^ 5 rates - ^ t Mr . Power then shew SnkttoS Can reduce the-xateB , and do what Sm cP ^ r ^ - ' before ? 0 VL Income his slaves , ^ tenninaft ^™? ? on ma 7 7 et reconsider your &rt iS ' reso ^ that yon wffl not be the J * uaDk 1 rl-v toTlolate Ae sound constitutional l ^ toSwP ^ 9 nires taxation and representa-5 «* £ * to ** tan ^_ wiS hing you may do this . ^«* rdL £ t ? f " Guardians , and thereby allay ^ o ^ satisiaction which you know prevails ,

      I am , Gentlemen , Yours , &c W ^ ., T JOHN HELDEN . ' ^ ade , July 16 , 1838 . p t . ^ ttoi ^ 1101 ^ P ^^ g ) as apointworOiv of ^ fi ^ S ^ T conad eration , that your real daffi-£ ^^ T ^^ ^ T ? ? * * xrnxeS ioa an ? » v ^ iP " bem ^ adminiftered by your ^ bererm ; ~ f ° ™ cera acting under it . SnppHes » od S ^^ 5 *« rates wfl ! have to be collected j , ^ = r navmg disregarded the entreaties ot your 1110 srte-payers , this may be much more difficult

      Untitled Article

      to accomplish than you expect , even with the threatened force at your back . You have hr ard that tithes could not be collected in Ireland , and if yon pers evere , 7 ° ti may have the tatisf action of knowing , that rates cannot be collected in England . ° "" """^ ** " T" * """"^ " ^

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      THE GREAT MEETING AT CARLISLE . We have received so many letters of disappointment at the omission in our last of the splendid speech of Mr . O'Connor , at Carlisle , that we feel it necessary notwithstanding a press of other matter , to insert it below . Mx . O ' Coxxor came forward , and was greeted with cheers and waving of hats for several minuted He said poor but honest , hard worked but badly p aid , men of Carlisle , 1 thank , you . He held in his hand a bill by which the meeting was convened , and by the concluding paragraph , he found that the committee had selected a subject for nim ; it was the dependency of labour upon capital . ( Cheers O Though he was a stranger , it appeared the committt"e

      were aware 01 nis opinion j lor of all the absurdities in the world , thegreatest was , « n endeavour our preseat system , to make labour independent of capital . ( Cheers . ) He knew enough of Carlisle to know that there were 800 Hand-loom Weavers , over 21 years of age , and that , out of that number , only 19 had votes , and consequently , those 19 were but -poor make-weights in the struggle with , the money-mongers for the complete dominion over their order . ( Great cheers . ) All , said Mr . O'Connor , tbe people know to what I am coming ; they are aware that if the 800 Hand-loom Weavers had votes , that the gTeat improvement in machinery , which displaces . them from their position , wonld be directed to tbe general comfort of man , and not to the

      advantage of those who trafficked upon labour , because they had the protection of the franchise . ( Cheers . ) Universal Suflrage , —( renewed cheering)—that , said Mr . O'Connor , is the one , the great , the only balm for all your sores , and that yon shall have , S ; ud he , or with you 1 shall die in procuring it . ( Uproar ions applause . ) Now , said he , the Tory Palriot and tie Wh % Journal will denounce this on Saturday as extravagant ; whereas , the one would laud him if he preached the importance of a town Councillor . ( Gieat laughter . ) What , said he , tien has the sop been thrown at one of your former Radical friends , andisbe now either silenced , or hired to denonnce him , Mr . O'Connor ? ( Cheers , and aye you ' re right ) These were th

      courted . i « j y prated the " \\ tugs in pulling tbe Tory linger out of the people ' s pockets , and , in return , they put in the whole V > hi g risk { Great cht-cring . ) "ft as it likely that if labour was in truth the only capital , that either Whigs or Tories would surrender any portion of that authority which turned labour to their advantage . ( Cheers . ) On Saturday , we shall hear that some few thousand raga-mufnns assembled to hear the destructive Feargus O'Connor , but if the Whig and Tory rubbish told the truth , and said that there was a strong sprinkling of soldiers cheering with the people , — ( immense cheerine , in -which the soldiers Joined ) If tile rubbish told thiv . it would staler those who relied upon what was called tbe discipline of the

      troops . ( Cheers . ) Look at them ( continued Mr . O'Connor ) are they not very like men , and very like yourselves ? May they " not have fathers and mothers , and cousins , and friends among you ? But should they not , are they not quite sure to have hear : s of freemen , in which neither red coat nor blue-coat can stop the free course of the free blood of the freemaa . ( Repeated cheers . ) No , no ; he was not afraid of the soldiers ; but no matto , he hoped the time never would arrive when the people and tbe soldiers would be opposed to each otherbut , if it did come , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) wonld fight upon th « side of the people . Many were the struggles which took place on that spot for a choice of evils ; and let the people , after all , think for a

      single moment that so general is corruption , and so rife is hypocrisy , that it makes no difference whether they sent a de \ il or an angel to the House of Commons . ( Cheers . ) What good is one white sheep among the black sheep ? And if they sent an angel , the ? rest would soon make a devil of him . ( Cheers . ) The very first familiar word , "And will you give me the honour of your company at dinner in Downing-street to-morrow . " ( Cheers and laughter . ) There was the rub ! The night is spent in breathless anxiety to know by what means the representative can best discount his constituents , and not only them , for the fools would deserve it , but how he can also discount your industry at the shrine of ambition . ( Cheers . ) Let us

      thereiore , said Mr . O Connor , give up , and for ever , the notion that a Whig is better or worse than a Tory , or that a Tory is better or worse than a . Whig , but that both are privileged , when in power , to appropriate all your money , and _ when out of power , betb are interested in preventing you , at all events , from having anv share in the distribution of your own wealth . ( Cheers . ) Now this meeting would puzzle them , for they were in hope that the coronation pantomine would have served for a prop during the recess ; but they are mistaken , as the people would take care to turn the holidays into field-days for" marshalling their forces . ( Immense cheering . ) Mr . O'Connor never did , never would condescend to address them upon any substantive wrong ; nor

      indeed could they expect themselves to aid in the redress of a single grievance , or in the formation of an entirely new constitution , —( cheers)—and for this Teason , the prt-sent _ system oppressed al ] , while the act of removing a single grievance might but benefit a small body of the community . ( Cheering . ) Then up like free ' men . and let us throw off the whole burden with one gigantic struggle . ( Uproarious applause . ) What have the people to expect from the Whigsr A tree is known by its fruit—( cheers)—and let us not judge of those farmers of our rights by one sample of legislation ; it would be unfair ; let us judge of them , as com buyers do , by tops and bottoms . ( Laughter . ) At the " top of the rank , then , -sre find the suspension of the Irish

      constitution , « uch _ asit was —( shame and cheers)—we find the coercion bill —( groans for them )—and at the bottom , we find the suspension of the constitution of Canada . ( Cheers . ) We learn that Lord Durham has taken into his own hands complete authority there , lest after consideration should attach odium to those acts which might be thought necessary .. ( Cheer * and langhter . ) Now , this he thought a most wise provision for indemnifying himself , but treason against the people . ( Cheers . ) But ( said Mr . O'Connor ) look to the press . The very journals who poured forth their execrations against die bloody Cumberland , for suspending the constitution of Hanover , laud the pigmy Durham to the skies for slaying the constitution in Canada .

      ( Great cheers . ) Here is even handed justice ; and this from a Radical leader . ( Laughter . ) From such leaders , good Lord deliver us . ( Cheers . ) Mr . O'Connor then informed the soldiers and the people of the attempt to disturb the meeting at Newcastle , and assured the soldiers , that had the hair of & man ' s head been hurt , the barracks and the town would have been in flames . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) He then addressed the well-dressed classes who skirted the meeting , and were , in the windows , and showed the utter folly of endeavouring to withold tbe rights of the people . He spoke at considerable length upon the Five Radical Principles , and the necessity of making a grand struggle out of the House , since the riehf of petition had been

      destroyed . He complimented tbe trades upon their junction with the people , and assured them , that the interests of the tradesman and that of the humble labourer was precisely the same . He read a most cntting lecture to the former Radical . who were silenced by a place in the council , and , above all , cautioned the _ people against reposing any confidence in the Municipal Reformers , wno would cut off the King ' s head when they wanted power , but who would cut off the people ' s heads rather than share the power thev baa secured for themselves . ( Great cheering . ) Here are thousands of hand-loom weavers , whose duty and allegiance , they are told , is to Tear God and honour the Queen , and all that are put in authority under her , while they find this

      allegiance and dnty consists in sanctioning the enormous sum of £ 15 , 000 a year being taken from the wretched weavers ^ nd given to the idle Archbishop of Canterbury , the key-stone of the law church . How many nt 2 s . 4 Jd . a week would that support ? Why , nearly 1 , 500 men and women and their children . ( Cheers . ) But he is pious , and loves God , because he partakes of the good things ; while you are called Infidels , because you do not believe that God created 1 , 500 men and 1 , 500 women paupers , to bring up thousands of little paupers , all of whom , every one , went to support one great Infidel , who believes in tithes , but does not believe in God , or he could not join in the oppression of his

      creatures . ( Repeated cheering . ) He could not conclnde -without expressing Ms great delight at having thus perfected the great chain between London and Edinburgh , and Glasgow . All the links were now perfect London , Birmingham , Sheffield , Manchester , Leeds , Newcastle , Carlisle } Glasgow , and Edinburgh , had now become forged asit were together , and although the wages of corruption were taken from the provinces to snpport the idle in the metropolis , yet a spirit was now growing up which nothing but justice conld put down . Night , he said , was now about to close the glorious scene ; and as he had not breakfasted , he ¦ would conclude with this one observation . All men

      who advocated Democracy were called spies and hired mercenaries ; there were many such : but as for himself , he had never travelled a mile , or eaten a . meal , at the expense of either Whig , Tory , or Radical ; nor would he , as p ledged to his constituents , ever accept place , pension , or emolument from any Government save that which was chosen by Univer sal Suffrage . ( Loud cheering . ) He was the reaflv unpaid , tindeviating , unpurchasable friend of liberty and servant of the people . Mr . O'Connor then retired amid waving of hats , and cheers that made ine * buildings tremble , and the soldiers were not backward in . their expression of gratification .

      Mr . O'Coxsor again presented himself to acknowledge the vote ol thanks whicbhad been so enthusiasti cally carried . He returned to bear Hanson congra-

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      SK ? J ? eIn uP 0 Q ^ "ar approach the Town Hall . SStoBa ^ Sfl hr f * : TJ * building , the SSTt oSfc bel 0 . & ed t <> them , and he hoped £ ? hL \ ¥ *> ^ Possession of the interior-( abeeKO-for m truth since tbe Whigs had got there ^^^ stfesra Words are but wind , Action * speak the mma . SJft fn ^ m 8 Q itejae&k to the word , and this night form an association , a Radical association O&eera , and Daniel o'Connell will put us downo This wmthe signal for Mr . O'Connor , who seized the opportunity , and turning to tbe man who made the observation , he saxd , will he ? He has run the length of his tether ; the force which he dared to ^ »>— - - - T II ||

      oppose has put him down-he kicked down the aSt ? I ? a ? he reached the summit- ( loud cheers ) and if he ( Mr . O'Connor ) stood alone , he would put him and his servile tail out ot joint , or make them do justice , real justice , to Ireland . Mr . O'Connor then entered at considerable length , by moonlight , into the question of Trades' Unions , fully justifnng their proceedings , and making it appear that afi other Unions were monopoly , forestalling , usurious , and unconstitutional ; while an Union to protect labour was a sacred duty , and -constitutional . - He drew a picture ef O'Connell sitting between Barny M'Ueary and the Lord Mayor , in . their battle against the Irish Unions , while Canada was mourning his absence , which drew tears from tae

      meeting . He followed O'Connell through his whole career , showing Mm to be the veriest hypocrite in existence , and closed the scene with a picture of Ireland—her sufferings and credulity , which never will be forgotten by the hearers . Mr . U Connor then gave a specimen of a Tory and of a n mg addressing a constituency at a contested election ; and drew the picture so near to life * as to convulse the whole meeting with laughter , so that it was impossible to give anything liKe a correct roport . He agam returned thanks , and concluded a speech which has given more than satisfaction , and , which is still better , has been the means of

      forming an Association of the unrepresented . The market-place was crowded to the last ; the most perfect order was observed , and Mr . O'Connor spoke in a tone of voice , capable of being heard at a distance beyond the meeting , from the stillness of the night . He came forward for another moment and said , working men , the press has been your bitterest foe . The senility of the press has made such demonstrations as the present necessary , and when I discovered this fact , I armed myself with its power , and to day I have not come alone . I was not fool enough to leave my address and your respoHse in the hands of either Whitr or Torv . so 1

      have brought a reporter at my own expense , and your meeting shall go to the wwrld through the medium of the Northern Star . Mr . O'Connor then retired amid cheers and blessings which followed him to his hotel . The most anxious admirer and critical reporter can givp but a faint idea , of the effect of Mr . O'Connor ' s address upon the meeting . It was one continuous and uninterrupted strain of eloquent invective , and argumentative denunciation against the _ opposers of free institutions ,: and what most astonished his hearers was , the correct knowledge which he seemed to possess of all local matters , even to the Barnes of the local parties and their former profpssions and present opinions .

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      THE LONDON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION TO THE DEMOCRATS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . Fellow Citizens , —During the last few weeks , we have addressed you on subjects of momentous importance to yoursplves—of vital interest to the working classes generally . But before we can reasonabl y expect any generally response to these appeals , _ it is absolute necessary that you should be tully informed as to who and what we are ; our object * as an association , and the means whereby we purpose to achieve these objects . Br iefly , we state that we aie working men , who , having devotd the flower of our youth—the morning of our days to the sacred caase of our country ' s rigeneratiou , only , hitherto , to meet with

      disappointment , to see our brightest hopes blasted , and the visions of by-gone years vanish as the mist of the early dawn , have resolved to concentrate our energies into one great , united , unceasing effort for the attainment of our rights ; firmly resolving , ' that our Association , once established , shall be maintained through all future difficulties and dangers until the objects , for the attainment of which it has been founded , have been achieved , the tyrants of our country punished for their crimes , oppression for ever cast down , and the sovereignty ol the people established by the victorious triumph of the great principles of democracy . In accordance with these ourhoart-feltsentiments , we proclaim to our countrymen the following as bur objects , to obtain which , we are united heart and hand .

      First—The objects of the Democratic Association are , to avail itself of every opportunity in the progress of society , for practicall y establishing the princi ples of Social , Political , and Universal Equality . Second . —To this end , they desire to unite the unrepresented of all classes into oue bond of fraternity , for the attainment of Universal Suffrage : this Association being convinced that , until the proletarian classes are fully and faithfully r < presented , justice in legislation will never be rendered uuto them .

      Third . —To obtain , in addition to the extension of the Suffrage to every adult male : that the country be divided , according to the population , into equal electoral districts . That the elections of the Legislative Assembly be taken annually : the Legislators to receive wages of attendance : and the only qualification required , to be the confidence of the electors . In other words , to obtain an effectual . Reform of the Commons' House of Parliament , the the basis of which shall be Universal Suffrage ; equal Representation ; Annual Parliaments ; No Property Qualification ; and Payment of Members . Fourth . —To devise every possible means and to make every exertion to remove those oppressive , odious , and unjust enactments that prevent the free circulation of thought through the medium of an untaxed and honest press .

      Fifth . —To procure the total and unqualified repeal of ihe infamous New Poor Law Act , and a restoration of the spirit of " the 43 d of Elizabeth , with such improvements as the circumstances of the country may require . Six . —To promote an abridgement of the gouts of labour in factories and workshops , and the tothl abolition of infant labour altogether . Even in the present artificial state of society no adult person should be required to work more than eight hours per day , especially while so many thousands are without employment at all . Seven . —1 o support , as circumstances may determine , by all available means , every rational opposition made by working men against the combination and tyranny of capitalists , whenever the latter shall seek to reduce the wages of labour , extend the hours of toil , or institute proceedings against the labourer , the character of which proceedings in the estimation of the association shall be deemed vexatious and

      oppressive . Eight . —To promote public instruction and the diffusion of sound political knowledge . And finall y the great object , end , an < -l aim , of this association is the destruction of inequality and the establishment of general happiness . Feliow-Countrymen , these , our objects cannot fail to be well understood by all , and require no comment from us—except that as will be seen , we have chosen to adopt all that we considered to be wise and good in the objects of associations , formerly or at present in existence , rather than any new YfOrded list of our own having the same meaning . We reserve for another address the exposition of the means which we hope to obtain the objects here stated . Yours Fraternally , The Members of the London Democratic Association , ( Signed on their behalf . )

      JOSEPH FISHER , Chairman . GEORGE JULIAN HARNEY , Secretary Market Coffee Rooms , Smitnfield , > July 2 nd , 1838 . 5

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      EMANCIPATION OF THE PEOPLE . The first , and by far the greatest , difficulty in the way of emancipating the people , and setting on foot a society founded ou a truer basis , was the want of funds , but means have been found to overcome this obstacle by means of extending throughout the kingdom associations similar to that established at Wisbech , under the name of the United Advancement Society , the nature of which is as follows : — The organization and constitution of this Society contains the germ of that which by expansion and extension may emancipate the labouring classes every where from their present position .

      It consists in laying aside from their earnings sixpence per week to form a fund with which to purchase land , so that the working classes may become landowners , lords ot the soil , collectively if not individually . And by the contribution of the weekly deposits after thp ' . lasd is bougnt , to construcc for themselves spacious , health y , beautiful habitations , in lieu of the small , unhealthy , wretched cabins they at present inhabit , and thus to bring about a State of Society , that thos&by whose labour the food is produced , the habitations raised , and the clothing manufactnred , shall , themselves be well-fed , welllodged , and well-clad , and their children be welledncated . Now , although many of the labouring classes may be unable to set aside sixpence per week , the fact ,

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      Svto ^ y 1 * W . : wa « efiiily and injure ously to themselves a considerable sum in the purc ^ l ^ T r ^^ ' ^ -: . ^^ *> -it . tf-it' * ere shewn to ^ hem that by « o ^ 1 a * , 6 Uch Oenefi . ciaLxesulti would be accomplished . Then , can they be accomplished ?^ that is the question . I know many at a first glance , will say , the ^ meang are too small to accomplish the end ! Just let us see . Piye hundred persona forming * uch a society , and depositing sixpence per week , become possessed of six hundred and thirty pounds in the short space of' twelve months . Five thousand persons ^ cumulate between six and seven . thousand pounds in the , 8 ame time . Five hundred thousand persons , nearly seven hundred thousand pounds live million persons nearly seven million sterling „ , , ,

      per annum - and so in proportion with a larger or smaller number . Tbe constitution of the society is that of universal suffrage and vote b y ballot in the choice of its officers . Ihe security to the members consists in the appointment . . . of fiva or more Trustees , chosen by themselves , ^ wh ose name the money is vested on behalf of the society , which being enrolled under the law which regulates Friendl y Societies is protected by Act of Parliament . '¦ ¦ *¦ : . If from change of residence , want of employment , or any ^ otfcer cause ,, . a member wishes to withdraw he or she receives back the whole sum deposited by him or heF . When a purchase of land is made some modification of this rule may become necessary , but to effect an alteration a general meeting must be held , up to which time it is quite right there should be the power of withdrawal

      The Society in Wisbech having now been established a . few months , and having acquired property to the extent of nearl y Two Hundred Pounds are desirous of seeing the princi ple carried out . They therefore recommend their fellow labourers in other towns to form branch SociQties . It is thought wise that each town should choose its own Trustees , and thus have charge of its own funds . Nevertheless when , from the multiplication of societies , a large sum is accumulated , all , or several societies , may unite their funds for the purchase of one or more

      estates of magnitude , instead of several smaller ones , for the best members from each Society may be drafted out to be the first occupiers of the " Promised Land , " or the Land of the People , until , by the superiority ' of the arrangements , and continued accumulation , the , whole population may be placed in circumstances equally advantageous . —Star of the Ettnt .

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      TO THE EDITORS OK THE NORTHERN STAR . Gentlemen , —I was not a little surprised to find myself the object of fierce personal crimination in the Star of Saturday last * not being aware that I had committed any offence at all calculated "" to provoke this proof that you are capable and not unwilling to " return railing for railing . " I shall abstain from remarking on the moral character it indicate * , being free to believe that its symptoms were induced by transient and mistaken causes , Hnu which onl y need explanation to obtain from you a hill and lrank acknowledgment . I content myself , therefore ,, with most emphatically denying having employed any such language as that you attribute to me , anA which occasioned the article in question . The only reference which I made to the Star

      was in consequence of an assertion made by a Socialist to the effect that , in the course of " my lecture , I had denied principles which he bad obliged me to admit in public discussion at Leeds ; which admission , he affirmed , was inserted in the Star by Mr . Hob-jim , who wa < present on the occasion referred to . In rebutting this charge , I remarked that if any such statement had appeared in the-Star , it should be received with caution , inasmuch as Mr . Hobson is himself a Socialist ; and lor my own part , " } , . . particular , I regarded Hie Star as no authority . 1 his is positively the wkole amount of my " attack " upon your journal ; and I appeal to your candour , and to the candour of your readers , if it be sufficient to justify the serious assault which you have made against my personal character .

      If any such admission as the one referred to above ever found its way into your columns , I have no doubt that you inserted it as news ; and , therefore , 1 most cheerfully acquit you oi any intentional misrepresentation . Had I designated the writers in the Star as "Infidels" ' / nuhesltutinglij grant that I should have been consciously guilty of " base and malicious falsehood . " In reference to' thr Leeds Temperance Society , I beg to inform you , that the transactions to which you allude were of a strictly private nature , and that no&eof the parties most concerned ever accused me of the charge you wish to convey .

      I desire also to inform you that what I stand indebted to the Working . ¦ . Jviany Association is the fulfilment of a voluntary promise to contribute to its funds , which I shall have great pleasure in discharging so soon as circumstances will allow There are some Other remarks of an exceedingly uncharitable , impertinent , and puerile character , which I regard " as " the offspring of passing excitement , and therefore undeserving of reply . I may state , however , in conclusion , that when your correspondent charged ine with asserting that " the Owenite ' s" ought not to be permitted to go into community -without giving security for the public mornls , " he palmed upon you a base fabrication of his own fertile fancy . 1 most strongly deprecate all coercion in such matters ; let them be put down by fair argument or not at all .

      Relying upon your general candour and love of fair play lor the insertion of this communication , 1 remain yours respectfully , WILLIAM PALLISTER . Leeds , July 18 th , 1838 . [ We , have great pleasure in giving insertion to this letter , because we think every man should huve fair . play . The statement of Mr . Pallister's attack on us was made by several parties on whose veracity we placed the most implicit reliance . And as Mr . P . admits that if hi had made such an attack he

      must have been donscionsly guilty of "base find malicious falsehoods "—he cannot be surprised that ¦ we , believing the fact to be so , thought it necessary to shew the public that he who wa * capable of making such an attack , was unworthy of credit . Tin statement of our informant , and Mr . Pallister ' s denial , are now before the public ; and those who were at the lectures must decide on their relative accuracy . Fully desirous of injuring no' man unfairly , we think it right also to give the following letter received from a respectable Socialist , in Halifax , since the above was written . —Ed . Nokthern Stah . ]

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      Halifax , July } 8 th , 1838 . Gentlemen , —I feel bound in honourto state that the report conveyed to you respecting Mr Pullister and the Northern Star is not strictly trnc , whoever has been the reporter ; for I was present during the whole of the three lectureS fl . aud must have heart ! something of it had it boen such as it is represented to be . M r . Millington was more the aggressor a great deal than Mr . Pallister , for it was him who brought forward the two Leeds papers , as it respects the articles which have appeared in them wrote by Socialists as he stated , and which they lavishly declared to be Infidels ; but on the second night of meetingr , he came

      forward and stated expressly that he wished not to be misunderstood with respect to the remarks that he had made on the Leeds papers ; for he believed that neither the proprietors nor editors were Socialists or Infidels . The worst remark that 1 heard Mr . Pallister make was this , " why any body knows what the Northern Star is , " which was said at the spur of the moment , when his friends were doing their best to back him out ; had worse been said ! should have noticed it myself . The chastisement for all that , may perhaps do him good , for I must say that his impudence was unpardonable in some respects . 1 remain , Gentlemen , Your obedient Servant , R . T .

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      ' ¦ !¦» - ¦ " -r- " TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD BROUGHAM AND VAUX . Mv Lord , —Inreading one of the public journals the other day , I perceived that your Lordships have been engaged in a review of the conduct and expressJ ° ns ° J Joseph Rayner Stephens , in reference to that abomination of . desolation , jelept , the Poor Law Amendment Bill . You , my ^ Lord , asIts ft&her , ^ hlu L protect your own oflspring , even should that offspring be a personification of the devil , are said to have stood forward . conspicuously . But what I have to call your Lordship ' s attention to moreparticularly on that occasion , is an assertion maWbv in

      you , reiereuce to your own language , used while canvassing for the representation of the county of York , lou are there made to say , that you never did give utterance to ; the following expression , 7 ? " ^ r Y " 7 hat the kea ' OT Kings would , a ^ one day , become playthings for little boys to kick along the streets ! " in proof of which , you declared , that , you never stayed at that place , except to change horses . This is all very tine , my ^ Lord , and strikingly depicts the powers of quibbling in that class of men amongst whom you rank so high , whose trade is based on traud , tergiversation , and falsehood . Were you aware ,

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      o ^ r ^ or ^ " ^ " " was ^ W . the county H * . * ° ™ . « or had you any recollection of havintf UhpH S ^ mS x ^^^ aa-isist ™ TS * V mdif J » " » . ^ Stotfe * 'S 5 iS i-pps ^^^ afe Archbishop Cramner , in avowing the change yon oh that occasion are said to have appealed to their lordships to know if that was voiir ^ onftral mn ^ nf . v .

      pressing yourself , and it is there stated that the answer you received was 0 Imtgh . What a comfortable manner noble lords appear to have of answeringveryimportant questions . This alone is proof sufficient that you have emerged out of one atmosphere into another , as you used to be WOnt to compel answers from those you appealed to . But , ™ 7 * l ord > yQur W F esents one continued scene of shuttling and change . Did you not in 1814 , when a V n ? cy was lilcel Jo take-place in the representation ot Westminster , in consequence of Cochrane ' s impeachment , declare to Major Cartwright , that you were an advocate for Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments , and Vote by Ballot ? and did you not immediatel y afterwards , when that question was oeiore

      o . ougui the House by Lord Cochrune , give your opposition to it ? and did his lordship produce your own hand writing to prove your advocacy of the principles in question ? Did you not then change and endeavour to quibble away the meaning of your own document ? but passing over a great portion of your Lordship s public life , did you not , after your return for this county declare , in the House of Commons , that you had arrived at the summit of your wishes , as representative for the great county of J orkr and did you not , in the same place , a short tm , e afterwards , declare , that you were rea . ly atany time , tosacrineeyour life in defence of the " Aristocracy of your country ; and were you not , almost immediately , elevated to the peerage ? Did you uotin

      , your taraous speech on the Reform Bill ,- —I mean , famous on account of its length , —declare , that the man whose house was not worth a shillin " had _ an equal right to a voice in the representation , with a , man whose house was worth a thousand pounds ? Did you not in die same speech , in reference to the Ballot , make use of the following words ? "Who has ever conceded less to the mob or the rabble , or the populace , than I have done ; ' Have not I shawn them the delusion of their favourite Ballot ? " And in the same speech , did not you say , "I now come to speak of the people , not the mob , or the rabble , qr the populace , but the respectable ten pound renters ? " Thus drawing —Mt . ^ * miWA ciuaiuiiuuii

      -- - , . _ u--- Lurougn int ? great body or the people . These , my Lord , are a few of your Lordship s own expressions , which fully carryout the idea that men are given to change . I new : come to one of your Lordship ' s tricks ot more recent date , reported in the public press of last week , where you are made to say , that so convinced were you ot the baneihl influence of the beer-Aops , and the encouragement they afforded to vice of every description , that you would present to the House a bill to repeal that Beer Act , and concluded by laying your bill on the table , which , if carried into etlect , would put an end to the operation of the Beer Act after the 1 st of April next . Your ally , the Dnke of Wellington , is next reDortal to Wp

      risen changed , like your Lordship , by disowning his own child—the Beer Act—and standing godfather , £ u y 0 Ur Lor ( lsui p ' s bill for starving the people . ); hat a ^ strange being this noble Duke must be ! When he has not the privilege of shooting the people , he is determined to assist you to starve them . You , my Lord , have now both agreed to join in the cry of " Blood , blood , blood ! " Beware , my Lord , lest you engender thi « s cry in the people . V on may goad them on to the sticking point ; but mark , it you do , there will be terrible work ; and perhaps your Lo rdship would not be able to escape to your nice villa on the Continent . But , to the subject . You are reported to have said in reply , that you have listened with great delieht to the

      observations of the noble Duke , and that you considered that the sentence of death had gone forth against the beer-shops , that it was only respited for forms which must be complied with before it could be finally executed . Really , ray Lord , after this I shall certainly be led to question your saiiitv . The mandate has gone forth from the Duke of Yv ' ellington , against one of the laws of England , and it is virtually repealed . Why , really my Lord , I can scarcely believe that your lordship did make use of trie words , but if you did the people can require no stroriKw proof of your madness , and , therefore , I should recommend your relations to remove you to some place of security . Yes , my Lord , when you declare the people of Ens ; land , to be under a military

      despotism—that the laws of this country only require the sanction of that military despot , ( with whom you appear to have formed an alliance , ) for their repeal , is one of the most strange assertions ever made in any legislative assembly . Now , my Lord , you have been and still continue a great stickler for vested interests , this being the case , I want to know from your Lordship , invested intends are not granted and protected by Act of Parliament ? If they are , and we have no other protection be careful how you begin to play with vested interests . You , my Lord , may reply and say tliatyou always take care when the vested interests of the rich are in any degree availed by the voice of the people ; that j-ou make a provision for the loss .

      by an enactment granting compensation . The £ 20 , 000 , 000 to wit , granted to the aristocratic slave holders , but the beer-seller * are a set of plebeians . This , certainly makes a great difference , but let me ask your Lordship and other Noble Lords , if you possess property in this country , do your Lordships ever play with each other ' s property by making Acts of Parliament to render it valueless ? No , my Lord , you are a privileged order , which appears to to give you a license to induce men to embark their property in a line of business , after which you exercise such licenseby defrauding them of the property so invested , and which you pledge yowrsriws by act

      or rarnament to protect . Do you think my Lord , that the people of this country will submissively continue to be mocked , insulted , bullied , and robbed , by an irresponsible faction for ever ? I tell you no ; and should your robbery bill pass into a law , thousands in this country will make it an act of kindness , by still continuing the business and saving the expense of Licenses .. Your present correspondent being one of the number engaged in the trade , thus informs your Lordship that he for one will , if you rob him of liis property by law , continue the sale of the articles in which he deals contrary to law . 1 remain with all the respect I possibly can have for your Lordship , Your Lordship ' s humble servant , PETER BUSSEY . Bridge-street , Bradford , Jul y 10 th , 1838 .

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      MEETING OF THE NORTHERN UNION AT LEEDS . The progress which the Northern Union is making in this focus 0 / fl'lii ggery is indicative of the speedy overthrow of that system of delusion , for which the town ot Leeds has been so long distinguished . The working classes have too long been led astray by a knot of pious , long-faced , canting political charlatans , who , in saint-like slang , spoke of their attachment to the cause of reform , while Uiey would not as much as lift one of their fingers to remove the least particle of that onerous load of oppression

      wliicli . sinks honest industry to the dust . But this cheating is now become top notorious to succeed in future . Such pseudo-reformers never come forth to aid the operatives in the attainment of their rights , —for aught these creatures care , the operatives inay be ground to powder , and their children murdered with impunity in Moloch ' s cursed dens , —all this , and more , the working men know , and they are acting wisely in casting faction and its agents aside , and in determining to do their own work themselves . —this they must , if they would have it done well .

      At ameetiug of the Union , held on Monday evening last , at Mr . Standing ' s Temperance Coffee-house , a little above Kirkgate-end , Bfiggate , the following resolutions were proposed by W . Rider ; seconded by Mr . John Peacock ; and carried unanimously . I . —That the members of this Union are resolved , steadily and zealously , to persevere in their endeavour to obtain their natural and imprescriptible r ights ; and are determined not to become the panders of party , nor b « the willing tools of any ambitious political adventurer ; yet , they will , at all times , cooperate with every man , or number of men , whose objectis to effectuate such a change in the laws , and the administration thereof , as shall secure , to every man , ' m _ the British dominions , the full enjoyment of those rights which nature , reason , and justice , declare to belong alike to all .

      2 . —That the numbers of this Union , contend that Annual Parliaments are essentially necessary for the maintenance ^ of an honest House of Commons —that as all men are born equal in respect of their rights , and as that which is the right of one individual , as a man , must be the right of another , this meeting is , therefore , of opinion that Universal . Suffrage is the only foundation on which government ought to stand ; and it is the only ' one on which good government can stand—that "Voting by Ballot is necessary to preventcorruption at elections , and to protect the humble voter from the unjust influence of those on whom he may be dependant and ti 1 at . vir . tu 9 and talent are more requisite qualifications in Members of Parliament , than the possession of wealth . This meetings therefore , demand the adoption of those principles , and declare their determination never to rest satisfied with any less extensive measures of Rtfbrm . 3 . —That this Union being convinced that the miscalled Poor Law Amendment (!) Act , " is a

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      direct and wholesale robbery of the Poor ; that it it un « onstitutional , inhuman , unchristian , and insulting to the Author of our Being ; how declare that they will , ( in conjunction with their fellow-country men , ) oppose ev » ry attempt to enforce its provisions ; and if our tyranis assay to enforce it by the point of the bayonet , we 1 will resist it with the same . The . meeting haying been prolonged to a late Hour , it w asj > roposed by Mr . Jones , and seconded "br a person- whose name wag not ascertained , " That tbepnnciples contained in the resolutions should in ^ wWrfS ?? the next weekly meet proceedings will commence at th £ £ roedfief (« gato ' cTock ) , the members are renSsteTto bi punctual in their attendance , re 1 uesiea to be

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      FA 1 SE ALARM . —On Saturday last , the town of Barnsley was thrown into a greater consternation than when the 26 unfortunate beings wSSuS from hence into eternity , by the thunder storm , at bilkstone . A person came into Barnsley from the collieries of Messrs . Field , Coopers , and Co . at JN ew bukstone , galloping down the town as fast as possible , and making his way to the surgery of Mr . G . H . Smith . An alarm was at Once given * that a large number had bee n killed by an explo sion of tire damp . In the end it was affirmed that 150 persons ! had lost their lives at : the above collieries . Thi s caused hundreds to repair to the plaee , but on-arriving there , they were gladly disappointed m learning that only one person had been hurt , and not very materially .

      _ Hibe hnian Society . ^ - a meeting of the Hibernian Society ' s Committee , held on the 5 th instant ,, at the house of Mr . Patrick Fltzsimmons Head ot the Tide , Newcastle-on-Tyne , it was resolved unanimousl y "That the thanks of this boeiety be presented to Feargus O'Connor , Esq . for the invaluable services which he has rendered tothe people of these realms—especiall y to his manly opposition to the Irish Coercion Bill , and his stem and unflinching opposition to the "Whi g P 6 or Law-Amendment Bill , during the progress of that infa *

      mous measure in the sycophantic House of Commons , -for the establishment of the Northern Star . and for his praiseworth y conduct at the great meeting lately holden at Newcastle ^ n-T yae ; with all the other unpaid services which he has rendered to our unhappy and oppressed countrymen . Accustomed as we have been to be deceived by those whom we have both raised to power and paid to support , no man , in whose veins flows Irish . blood , can be unmindful of the mighty sacrifices which the famil y of O ' Connor have made in the

      attempt to emancipatetheir country . Effects of Lightning . —A very fine oaktree , in the'Park of the Duke of Buckingham , was shivered . into shreds by lightning , lately ; every particle of the outer bark was torn off the trunk and larger branches , and scattered to a distance of sixtyyards fronvthe tree . The fibres of the wood itself were separated into fragments like thread . A partridge was found dead within forty yards of the trunk , and had evidentl y been killed by the explosion .

      Ihe Northern Star. ; Saturday , July 21, 1838.

      IHE NORTHERN STAR . ; SATURDAY , JULY 21 , 1838 .

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      LOSS TO THE PUBLIC BY CHANGES-IN THE FORM OF GOVERNMENTESPECIALLY "WHEN THAT GOVERNMENT SO FAR LACKS GENERAL CONFIDENCE AS TO BE COMPELLED TO SUPPLY THE WANT OF VIRTUE BY THE USE OF GOLD . When the Government of a country represents , not only not the whole people , but not even the majority of the constituent body , who should be the trustees of the people , some means , beyond what

      prudence suggests , or justice sanctions , must be resorted ^ to , to preserve power in the hands of the ruling party-. Hew those means may -vary in amount , has been' sufficiently made manifest , by the continuous increase in our general expenditure . Under any system of Government , by which the whole people are not represented , funds beyond , those necessary for the mere exigenr > i »« « f tkw

      Statemust be raised , either directly or indirectl y , as the wages of corruption ; and the required amount must at all t imes depend upon the strength of the dominant party . Should that party be sufficientl y powerful to beat down opposition , with the mere support which constitutional appointments furnish , no great experiment in the art of corruption will be required in order to strengthen the hands of such a Government . The Members in such cases

      content themselves with what is considered a strict adherence-in their appointments to old and recognised abuses ; but when two rival parties in a State are so ne . arly balanced , that a single vote becomes a matter of ^ consequence , then does a vote rise in price , just as any other marketable commodity becomes more valuable as it becomes more scarce . Such is precisely our present position . Under the old Tory rule , that party had sufficient support from appointments which fell to their disposal in the usual way of business . Borough patronage , Corporate influence

      Army and Navy appointments , together with Civil appointments , and the Civil List , the Pension List , and Secret ' service money , the Church , Excise , and Customs . From these sources the Tory party derived sufficient patronage to bold their enemies at defiance in England ; while the appointment of Sheriffs alone made them omnipotent in Ireland . The Sheriff had the nomination of grand jurors , who had at their disposal the entire road-money and county rates , and other funds and appointments throughout the kingdom , which insured to the partisans of the

      system a . Teady support from those who lived upon its abuses . The long and almost uninterrupted reign of Toryism gave to that party all the support which those appointments were capable of creating . The Judges are appointed for life , and will not die or resign to please either Whig or Tory . Officers in the Army and Navy purchase or receive their appointments-- for life . Tenure under tbe Civil List is , in general , a good title , and the Pension List one for life . In the Post-offiqe , Horse Guards , Admiralty , Customs , and Excise , there are many places

      which , if not altogether independent of Government are sufficiently so to make the whole patronage which legitimatel y falls to the lot of an experimental administration , insufficient for the purposes of a Government struggling for existence ; and attachment , to ' which , from its want of stability , must be dearl y purchased . The firm position of the Tories made them so far independent , as to enable them to meet the demands upon them , by the expectancy of what might . fall out , and their rule being considered permanent , the reversion . was good security

      for present support . The Reform Bill , however created a new description of franchise , and consequently new patrons , and with them new applicant * , wno from great and recent service upon the one hand , and the instability of Government upon the other , were not satisfied with the windfalls which fell in the usual co urse and consequently a completely new- order of patronage was established , as extensive in its nature , as were the Reform locusts in number . It was accomplished by the creation of an . '" imperium in imperio , " of a nature sufficiently sweeping to leave the Tories in undisturbed possession of Tory appointments , while

      new ones were created with an unsparing hand for Whig " supporters . Thus have we two expensive establishments , the one which the Tories , though out , are sufficiently , powerful to defend for their friends in reserve , and the other a substitute lor the weakness of the Whi gs , they not being sufficiently powerful or honest to make a general assault upon Tory abuses . la our next , we shall point out the new and constitutional appointments , both at ho me and abroad , which have been resorted to as substitutes for Whig inability—through duplicity—to possess themselves of the usual modes of corruption .

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      the Editors of " The Northern Star" wish to be distinetlv undrrstoodthc f t in affording a vehicle for the discussion of n * eul Public tttmstionsj they are not to bu identijled with the ' Sentiments erthe language of their several Correspondents .

      Original Correspondence. 1

      ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE . 1

      To The Editors Of The Northern Star

      TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR

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      to hem July-21 , 1838 . - THE NORTHERN STAR MMBM ^ M-M-MMMMMMMM I ^^ . , / , " .. .. . . .. ,. ; . - ¦ . ¦ ¦ . : " . . _ -.- ¦[¦ - . ] > fh — -

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 21, 1838, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1015/page/3/