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THE IS T OETHERN STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 6, 1841.
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T33 NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION OF GREAT BRITAIN.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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- J MESSRS . COLLINS A ^ iD O'NEIL , AKD THE BIRMINGHAM CHARTISTS . XEETi-O 0 ? THE FE 1 EN » S A . VD HEHBEBS OF THE C'iK ' STIAN CHA . BTIST . CHCB . CH , BIRMINGHAM , TO COSSIDEB THE STATEMSSTS THAT APir .- . KED IN THE NOaTHESS STAB OF THE 27 TH TEB ., 1841 . A nit-eting , consisting of 234 of the members aad friend * uf the Christian Chartist Church , "was held In tie onapeL Mr . Hill , sen-, w& « Toted to tha Cbair . > ir . Toll read the statements in the Star , and the « kairman called upon Mi . Style * to read an answer to thek xha . % had been drawn up by the Committee , Which : jow remained to be adopted , or rejtcted by fcbe EHriiing . Mr . Styles then read the folio wing addr ess , and also a letter from Mr . Yincent , sub-Joined : — £ taUn ~ ent of Fact * in Answer to an Article that wixared in the Northern Star of February 27 th , 1 & 41 .
IU THE XDITOB OP THE K 0 ETHEB 3 STAJL Sir , —We consider it oar duty to contradict an oonynious article in the Star , coataining several jfilt £ - > -u fact * and insinuations against the leaders of the Christian Chartist Church generally , and Messrs . Collins and UN-il in particular . In j-nur introductory remarks , yon intimate that yon Jiave r- c = ived letters comp . aining of an utf riendly spirit manifested towards the associated body of Chn . n : s j . bv the leaders of the Christian Chartist
Chort-Ii . We reply , that never in one uf our . meetings bare ¦*¦ - alluded to them , much lass spoken unfriendly -tt tLcm . When they attended our meetings , they » ert h ^ ard with the same attention and friendliness * i th ¦ whrch any of our own members w « . re treated ; « nd Is ^ y , to abow that the statemtnt was utterly falas , f . l their intimations [ though handed in irregnJariy ) have It- a given from the pulpit and "desk with tho greaifci '; frankness , with the exception of the one aftermenti-jr . ed , for rea « on » that we ahaD immediately ttplaiu .
The ' -nly ground of difftsrence that has ever existed is , thst most of the members of the Church are not in tV . f National Charter Association , if being , in their opinion , ( in ita old constitution , ) illegal . ' The anonj-mous communication that follows , begin ¦ with tLe non-announoemtnt of th » soiree , ^ he facts Of the case are aot correctly stated , they are thtse : — Thtir intimations had generally been handed in irregular : y ; instead of handing them to the Committee , before the meeting commenced , they were sent in , in the middle , or near the close of the lecture or sermon . In tL : » . zziznce , Mr . Barrett had been sitting in the Cbapri' ' "^> r a quarter of an hour before- the meeting coniiiie :--oed ; the Committee wore , as usual , sitting in the Ye > : ry at the same time ; the partita saw each other ; raring this time no intimation was pres » nted ; but , as usual , near the close « f Mr . Hawke ' a lecture , it ¦ was L- _ . - > uc-d to the CfcairmaB .
It was not given out-, Mr . Barrett rose , and asked wbj ii vras not ? Mr . O ^ feil , the Chairman , asked him two questions . First—Why was it not handed in to the Committee ? Second—What authority he had for EW-ug that Mr . Vincent would be pres-nt ? adding , that if he answered these que 3 tkms , -it should , as osual , hi given out- Tne first Wis net answered ; sad , after much equivocation , it appearrd that the oming of Mr . Vincent was "without authority , they not baring received an answer from him .
Mi . O' ^ eil said that the impression made upon his mind by the announcement of the soiree rt ^ d by him on Sabbath last , as well as upon the minds of ail who beard it , -was that the gentlemen mentioned were to be present ; so much so that he was perfectly astonished at bearing « . n the day after , from Mr . Collins , that Mr . Tincei ; : \ ri 3 not to be there . He immediately saw tiiat a faise usa had bten made of Mr . Vincent's name ; he felt sorry that he had been the means of aiding the ipread of the falsehood , and he therefore would not do it now . ' [ ' ' [ J
To show , however , that he was perfectly willing to intimate anything founded on truth , from whoever it came , he would give out their second announcement ( for there were two ) , viz , that Mr . Dean Taylor would preach ztxi Sunday , at Lawrence-street , tdfling foil particular * as to time , sar ; ct , and admission money , That Mr . O-Neil advised those present not to pur-• fcxse tickets is a base falsehood , and tLat any steps b » Te bttn taken to make the Boiree a failure , is equally fcfe . The insinuation against Mr . Collins is a ma ' evolent attempt to surround with suspicion a character ¦ which they have not facts sufficient to injure . Mr . YlncenVs letter , sent by him upon seeing the slander in the Star , is sufficient to disprove it . Th » last statement is not only utterly false , in its first part , but
throug - cut ita style is such as to evince cUnrly a diabolical anxiety to follow out the above unfounded suspit f . on . Tbe otfy meeting publicly held in Birmingham far Trosi ' s restoration , was the one alluded to unHulioiray He * i , on the first of January . There wi 3 none dther for Mr . Collins to attend . As to Mr . Coliins's interest in behalf cf the exiled patriots , lei Lis two last jjurneys to Loughbonregh and BiUton speak . It is stated , as if to produce an impression of carelessness , that Mr . Collins acd Arthur 0 Neil came on to the ground half an hour after the time for which the meeting was advertised . It is well known that demonstrations rarely commence at the time intimate-1 ; the charge fa aitog-theT paltry , and the fact is that very few were od the ground when they arrived , and the business did not commence till more tha * half aa hour after they arrived . The unanimous election of Mr . Collins
to tbe chiir , aad the enthusiastic approbation with which he was r « serc » d , « l © &rl 7 tsliow that " the people" knew not of any " p ^ st off « ncei" to forgive ; it ii a gratuitoui slander . His conduct , as hainiiai ) , met with the highest approbation , and when the buslnfc « of th « meeting ws » ended , one of the Frost Cuiousntee proposed a rote of thinks , which was passed with enthusiastic applause . >* o thought of injuring Mr . Frost has ever been attached to Mr . Collins , and wisy the parties , now ecmplaining , did not on the spot diisest from that which they say w ^ a an irreparable injury to Mr . Frost ' s character , is for them tj explain . Why they stood by without giving tii = ir veto against Mr . Collins is passing strange , and more so eonaidcriLg the fact of the vote of thanks proposed md carr ed by them . Seconded by Mr . Bill arid carried unanimously .
T-EBBaTIM CO ? T Oy MB . VI . \ cKXTS IXTTLS . TO JOH- > C 0 LUS 5 . 5 , Greenland Grove , Craven-street , 1 st March , IS 41 . ' My dzab COLLINS , —I have read a ' psragraph in the Northern Star , to the effect that you had advised ae nut to visit Birmingham . I do not wish mistakes fc > go abroad . I wrote my reasons to the members of tbe Committee at Birmingham who did me the honour •{ inviting me . I do not suppose you kcew anything cf the uiAtter . Tou could not have doae so when in London , because I had not then received tbe invitation . I am sorry that my name should be ust-d in matters With wMch I have nothing to do . Prior arrangements * nd my o- * nprivate afiidrs prevented my accepting the kind invitation of the Birmingham friends . You are < uite at liherty to make what use of tins letter you please .
The charge against you , so far as my visit to Birmingham is conixTiizd , is not true . You hai EuJiing to do in the mitt .-r . My own reasons have been giTen in my own handwriting . Regretting that any di .-j . u : e should exist in our own ranks , and hoping that such disputes XUy be ^ potdyy settled , so that ovx glorious cause may pcoperiy progress I am , dear Collins , Faithfully your ' s , En'EY YI-NCE 5 T . It was afterwards resolved unanimously : —
" That the thanks and approbation of this meeting t * prefiented to Messrs . CUins and 0 " >* , for their intelligtiit , and persevering titfrnce , and advocacy of tbe canse of Chirtism , requesting them to go onwards in tbe holy cause which they have espoused . "
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THE ANTI-CORN LAW AGITATION-SIGNAL DEFEAT OF THE " LEAGUERS . " On Monday evening these worthies met with a complete overthrow . The meeting was held at the Crown sad Anchor , and according to tbe placards and handbills ( which were by no means widely circulated , probably from prudential reasons ; it was intended to be " Annual Gentral Meeting of the MetropuliUin , Central , * nd I > istrict Branches of the Anti-Corn LiW AESOCiatioiL" At aa earfy hoar , ore of the large rooms of the tavern was crowded by persons , chiefly of \» e working lass . From the appearance of those pejsons , and the enttmecu occasionally uttered by them before th ? proteedinp commenced , it soon became evident that the ¦ Dooth-tongued political economists , who have so kindly taken the interests and wefare of the "labouring lassis" into their especial protection , would not be permitted quietly to have it all tbtir own way , and the nralt showed tlat these anticipations w ^ re
weilfeBnded . At about half-past seven o ' clock , Mr . "Warburton , MJP . ( who was announced to take the chair , ) watered the room , accompanied by a great number- of 8 m " leafuen ; " amongst whom were observed Mr . THliers , M . P ., Mr . Hawes , M . P ., Mr . J . A . Roebuck , l > t Bowring , Mr . Alcock ( ex M . P . for Ludlow and ex-¦ Hiftifitfn far Bast Surrey , ) and % posts of those well-»« id aad consequently disinterested gentlemen who MBBse fchemsel ve < by going about the country as lecturers If o opposition was offered to Mr . Warbarton taking the -afaair , and a momentary gleam of self-satisfaction' was apparent on the faces of the Honourable Gentleman's
avpperters , who bad evidently apprehended an oppoatUan m limint by the appointment of another abairman . But this pleasant feeling was destined to be soon changed into one of deep mortification . The Ch » irm ; ui , however , witi the eye of a " wary , cool , Id aoldier , " at once saw the position and strengthof & 6 enemy , and conseqoenUy appeared by no means as if bs were sitting in an easy chair . In the outset of his pe&ing address Mr . Warburton , by way of depre-• aling tiie inUoduction of any other topic than that of tbe Com Laws , read the rules of the Asaociati » n at tbe Mm * it was originally formed , which , after a few of tbevsal daptrapisms about these sune laws being
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! " inimical to tbe welfare and interesta of the Ukboxiring j classes , " 4 c ( a postulate , by the bye , which ^ be mnjority of the meeting , by their criea ot " do , no , " seemed to think was not demonstrable either by argument or by proof ) , ended with a declaration that their attention ; was to be confined to tbe one sole object—to wit , I " the repeal of the accursed bread tax , " and that they -were not to entertain , nor permit to be entertained , any other subject whatever at any ot their meetings , jst at the meetings of the Committee . { Here there were loud cries of " Oh , oh , " and laughter from tbe Chartists . )
Having reminded the meeting what tbe subject was which they bad met to discuss , tbe Hon . Gentleman concluded his few observations by imploring order and a fair bearing for the gentlemen who would address them ; and after tbe report ibould be read , and the resolutions proposed , it would be competent for any gentleman in the meeting— ( loud cheers from tbe Chartists , and the Hon . Gentleman quickly saw bis mistake)—for those who were members—( " Ah , ah , " and " It won't do , Warburton ")—for any other gentleman ( this re-correction of himself appeased tbe angry Chartists ) to address the meeting .
The Secretary ( Mr . Sydney Smith , it ma understood ) then read the report . It stated that the association had had enormous difficulties to encounter since its first meeting on tbe 3 rd cf August last , arising first from the apathy of the middle classes ; and secondly from the hostility of tbe political portion of tbe working cltsses—{ cheers )—both of which causes , however , were fast disappearing , particularly the latter—( loud eries of " > "o , no , never , "> —for the working classes had now become most active in their co-operation with the association . ( Here there were still stronger expressions of dissent ) The report then went on to state that the exertions of the lecturers bad been attended with super-eminent success , and that they bad been well received in every part of tie kingdom . ' ( This was rather too barefaced for even those who were not Chartists , and , therefore , this veracious statement was received with great laughter from all parts of the room . )
After % few unmeaning generalities , tbe report alluded to whst it called a new feature in their proceedings , namely , the publication and disseminati on of upwards of 20 , 000 copies of the evidence taken before a committee of the House of Commons , for the purpose of edifying the agricultural labauren , and affording an abundant supply of waste paper to tbe batter and bacon shops throughout the country . The committee then referred to ' . he fact , that a manifesto against the Corn Laws had been signed by upwards of 150 influential members of the House of Commons , from which they argued much good when tbe subject should again be brought before that branch of the legislature . Several parts of the report elicited much disapprobation from the meeting ; particularly those passages in which it was asserted , that the " total repeal of the Corn Laws would conduce to the welfare of the land , " the correctness of which piece of Anti-Corn-Law dogmatism was vehemently disputed . The report having been read ,
A Mr . Hakriso . v moved , and the well-known Mr . Prout seconded , a resolution that it should be received , printed , and circulated—and now came the " tug of war . " A Chartist na » ed Wall , got upon tbe table , and wa 3 received with uproarious shouts of applause . The " leaguers , " one and all , looked dismayed . Wall observed , that the question for the working classes to consider was , whether their wages were to be lowered or not . ( Cheers . ) The sole reason why the manufacturers had come forward was , because . they knew that owing to high wages they were not able to compete with the foreign manufacturer—( cheers )—and hence it was that
j they were desirous of reducing the wages of the labourj ing clas 3 by a repeal of the Corn Laws . { Cheers . ) He i contended , therefore , that they were net agitating for j but against the people —( cheers );—in fact , they had no other end in view but that of personal aggrandisej ment ( Loud cheers . ) He then moved , by way of j amendment , in opposition t « the report , to the effect that they couli not expect , however , the Repeal of the Corn Laws until the people were fairly represented , * c-, and advising the presentation of a National Petition to the Queen , praying her Majesty ' s interference 1 on the subject of a recognition of the principles of the ! People ' s Charter .
Another Chartist , named Bo&ois , seconded the motion in a fpecch which was really sensible , jnoier&te , and much to the purpose- It abounded with plain common sense truths , which were so unpalatable to the leaguers , that they had the bad taste to permit their e ' . acqsur $ \ al whom there were not a few in the room ) to eadsavuur to cbmour down the speaker . From thi 3 point of the proceedings all was confusion and noise . Tii 6 Chartists observed the interruptions and , on the let talionit principle , seemed determined tbat none of tha ether side should be heard . In vain did Mr . Koebnck and Dr . Bowring avow themselves to be Chartists : they obtained not from the offended audience the " charity of their silence , " and , after several fruitless attempts to gain a hearing , they retired to the back-ground iHscomfited and chagrined . Mr . Villikrs was a little more successful , for be wr 3 listened to with some degree of attention .
Several Chartists then addressed the meetiDg , and at length the amendment was put and carried by an immense majority , amidst the most tumultuous cheering . The Hon . Chairman and his supporters seeing that the " game was up , "for this time , at least , then retired , leaving the remaining business in slatu quo . There was a long string of resolutions to be submitted to the meeting , but the ' leaguers" appeared to think , and wisely , too , that they had quite enough for the nonce . Chagrin uutl mortification were visibly depicted on the countenances of the Chairman and those around him at the signal dtftat tUey bad sustained at this the Yery commenoemer . t of their London campaign for mi . It seems to be clear that they have nothing else to expect at any future meeting they may venture to hold in the metropolis ; and therefore one would be inclined to whisper in their ear , in a friendly way , " discretion is the better part of valour . "—Morning Herald .
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THE AMENDED SCHEME OF ORGANIZATION . Ahosg tie many good things which O'Co >\ nell has said , we remember one saving of his : that " the next best thing to being ri ^ ht yourself is to put your enemy completely in the wrong . " We tally accord with thi 3 doctrine ; and hence we have ever been most anxious that the operations of the people should be conducted peacefully and legally : knowing that if their moral strength was well marshalled , and their numbers well organised , they were invincible and irresistible ;
—able to carry any measure of a wholesome and sanatory tendency , without violating any of tho ^ e forms and appearances of law with which the harpies have fenced round the carcase of corruption , in the hope of feasting undisturbedly thereon . There is no power in any Etate successfully to resist the righteous demands of s people , united in purpose and opinion , and so organised as to enable them to express their opinion and ; o prosecute their purpose as one man . Of this the factions are most perfectly aware ; and hence their highest dread has ever been the organisation of the people , and their greatest care to proit is
vide a ^ ainsi eiJ 3 tence . only by a weli digested plan of organisation , generally understood aad acted on , that the power of the people can be efficiently n : ade manifest . The isolated struggles of individuals , or knots of individuals , or separate societies or localities , even though all directed to tbe same end , axe but like water thrown by bucketfulls out of a mighty river against the walls of a citadel , which expends its force in impotence , prodncing a splash and nothing more ; while a national organisation , enabling the whole people to move at the same time , and in the same direction . bendlUR
their energies against the same point , ia like the mighty rushing of the whole torrent , against which no obstacle can stand . The vast importance of this subject has been always seen , both by the people ' ,, friends and by their enemies ; aad hence , from the time when the House of Commons was first sought to be emancipated from the direct controul of the crown , and placed in its due position as an independent branch of the legislature , to the present moment a period of about 250 years , an incessant struggle ' has been going on , between those who wished to organise , and those who wished to destroy , the expression of the people's will for right . This struggle
has been carried on with more or less of spirit , as the parties anxi # ns for right , and understanding it , have been more or less numerous , talented , or influential . It would be easy to ran over the entire history ; but it would comport neither with our Bp * oe nor purpose to do so . Saffi . ce it that the lynxeyed jealousy of faction , watched every movement ; and , having in their hands the power « f lawmaking , met every organised movement with new and more dose restrictions ; till it waa thought that effectual provision had been made against any possibility of any national organisation existing , other than such as might accord with the designs aud purposes of the dominant class . The lawB , now in force , in reference to political societies and national organisation , are comprised in
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two most sweeping and compieheniWe statutes , the 39 Geo . Ill , chap . 7 » , passed in July 1799 , and the 57 Geo . III . o . 19 , passed in March 1817 , and bo well are the meshes of these two insidious and infamous statutes spread out , that it waa doubtless deemed to be impossible for any " aational " organisation to esoape them . And so it would be , in tbe absence of a national organ of communication . When the scoundrels hatched this
inferf *! piece of villany , they did not calculate upon a Northern Star rising in the political and social hemisphere , and shedding its rays over th « entire surface of the Empire . That advantage the people will now fed , as , by means of it , they may be enabled to make the plan of organisation now offered them , as thoroughly efficient as it ia perfeotly legal , * and thus baffle all the arts of all tEe enemies of freedom .
In calling attention to the plan of organisation propounded by the national meeting of delegates , aud to the mode of working it , we begin with placing before our readers so much of the provisions of the law upon the subject , as were capable of being brought to bear upon th « former plan . Freemasons , Quakers , and all societies of a purely religious or charitable character , and im which no other subject shall , under any circumstances , be discussed , are specially exempted from the operation of the acts above named ; and with such exception only , by the u nited force of these acts , every society the members of which , or any member whereof shall either verbally , or in writing , subscribe , or assent to , any test or declaration , not required by law , is an unlawful combination and confederation . See
the carefulness with which villany has drawn the net strings ! Not content with prohibiting such oaths , tests , or declarations as might be against the law , the words not required by lava extend the prohibition to all voluntary declarations of whatever character ; even a declared determination , by the members of any society , to uphold the law , might by this clause be construed as illegal . This mado the very outset ot the former system of organisation illegal . The 5 ih paragraph , on " The conditions of membership , " being as follows : —
" 5 . AH persons "will become members of this Association on condition of signing a declaration , signifying their agreement with its objects , principles , and constitution , when they shall be presented with cards of membership , which shall be renewed quarterly , aud for which they shall each pay tbe sum of twopence . " Now this signing a declaration was quite unnecessary : every man desirous of being a member of the Association , of course , agrees with its objects , principles , and constitution . The " signing " is no
protection against spies or traitors , whom the good sense and vigilance of the members will as easily detect without the " signing " as with it . In the new plan of organisation , it is , therefore , omitted . Every Chartist is supposed , necessarily , in virtue of his being a Chartist , to desire the objects , to hold the principles , and to approve < he constitution of the Association- This is the first great improvement of the amended plan ; by which the fangs of the legal harpies are removed from one limb of their prey .
The next has relation to the abolition of the classes , ward divisions , and local officers and ¦ councils . By the Acts before named , every Society composed < tf different branches or divisions , acting in ant mjlnnke separately or distinctly from each other , or of which any part shall have any distinct President , Secretary , Treasurer , delegate , or other ojicer , or axy pebso > acting as such , elected or appointed by r for iuch part , or to act IN any office for such part , shall be deemed and holden to be an unlawful combination and confederacy . This , of course , brought all the classes , all the Town Councils , all tho ward divisions , officers , aud Councils , all the local Treasurers and Secretaries , and all the Hiding
and County Councils , within tha meshes of the law . Because in all these cases the several parts of the Association acted separately and distinctly from each other , having reference to their own local arrangements only , and without any reference to , or any overt cognizance thereof by the whole Society . The Council for Bradford , for instance , w& 9 a distinct Council for that locality . It was elected by tbe members resident in Bradford only , and its functions were clearly referable to a part of the Association , separate and distinct from the other parts . In like manner , the Treasurer aud Secretary for Bradford were officers only for that part of the Association , and not for the whole ; and bo on of all the other local officers .
Having declared the cases in which political societies shall be deemed unlawful combinations and confederacies , these Acts provide : —That any mem ber of any such society , and every person icho shall directly or indirectly maintain correspondence or inlercoune tcilh any such society , or with any division , branch , tommittee , or ether select body , president , treasurer , secretary , delegate , or oilier officer or
member thereof , as such ; or uho shall by contribution oj money or otherwise , aid , abet , or svpport such society , or any member thereof , as such , shall incur certain penalties . The penalties are of two kinds . w 1 . By summary process on information before ONE Justice of the Peace , on conviction , a fine of twenty pounds , or three month ' s imprisonment in the common gaol . 2 . BY INDICTMENT , ON CONVICTION , TRANSPORTATION FOR SEVEN
YEARS . " Thus was it doubtless hoped to render anything like a national organization for political purposes utterly impossible , without subjecting all the parties therein concerned , to the full penalties of this master-piece of class-legislative villany and cowardiee . Indeed , our own opinion was , after having carefully and often looked through the acts , that there was no possible modg of escaping their provisions , otherwise than by taking advantage of some one er other of the forms and names incidental to some one or other of the special exemptions
therein provided . And , as we most conscientiously believe the Christian religion to inculcate all the doctrines of truth aud righteousness , personal , social , and political ; as in fact we hold politics to be part and parcel of Christianity , and inseparable therefrom , being mixed up with , springing out of , and sustaining all its principles and doctriues , we were desirous to have seen , for the first time since the age of the Apostles , a true Cuholic and ChrU ; ian church , acknowledging , in all the fulness of their comprehensive import , the precepts of that religion which being hitherto
talked of , but neither uudcrstood nor practised , has been , and is now being made , the most fearfully effective tool that ever tyranny employed for the destruction of man ' s liberty , aud of all clear recognition of the principles of moral right . We hold the principles of Chartism to be religious principles , and every Chartist society to be consequently a religious society ; and we were desirous to see them so declare themselves , and leave to the vita herd ot despots the option of openly and manifestly trampling uudtr toot their own jaws , or of crushing along with Chartism , Jleuioditm in all its varieties
of asptct , the association of the Baptist churches , the Society of Frieuds or Quakers , the confederated unions of Unitarians , the iit-wly-organised and admitted association of " Rational Religionists , " and every other religious society whose creed , forms , discipline , or worship , should involve declarations of principle not required by law , or the several societies of which should correspond with each other , or appoint deputies to meet each other , or in any other way transgress the almost
all-comprehensive provisions of these two acts . This was our opinion : it has been our opinion long—ia fact , throughout the whoh movement : we were sorry to be unsupported in it by O'Connor , for whom , and for whose opinions every true Chartist must have respeot , amounting almost to veneration ; hue we permit not even the respect due to him to shackle us in the entertainment and the expression of our own honest sentiment ? . We ask , however , for no deference : we are quite contented to have our opinions estimated by the people , and to accept for them jusc
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so much influence aa they are thought worthy of . The National Delegates refused to . shrink from the direct atowai of their political objects and purposes ; olaimingtherighttooonJsidertheif principles to bethose of reli gion , they would mot tajjte adrantage of that rightto place themselves in any other position than the bold and manly on « of meeting the enemy iu front . Their voice eaid , almost unanimously . "Let us go right on—legally , if it may be—illegally , if the law besuch as that we cannot comply with it—but xst U 8 AT AM . ETBNM GO EIGHT OH . ' * In the spirit of this determination they sat down , with the law before them , but without any assistance from its
paid mystifiers , to efercise the shrewd judgment of plain working men , the clear heads of teetotal Chartists , and the earnest anxiety for the "following of peace with all men" of Christian Chartists , ia the concoction of a plan of national organisation which , while it conduoted the people ' s operations on a straightforward and avowed basis , should , at the same time , render strict submission to all , even the most tyrannous , requirements of the . concentrated essence of tyranny , which lay before them ia the two Acts of Parliament bo oft rererted to above They have succeeded , we believe , to the very letter ; and right glad are we to congratulate them and the
people upon that success . The entrapment of the local Councils has been wisely provided against , by the amalgation of all those into one body , as a General Council of the whole Association , provided for in No . 7 , of the new plan . The entrapment of the local officers has been in like manner provided against , by making them not local , but general officers , acting respectively , not for a part , but for the whole , of the Association . While their , eleotion , not merely by the mecabers resident in their own locality , but by all the members of the Association , guards effectually against the wily trap of a part of the society acting separately and distinctly from the other parts .
The Bradford Councillors are to be now considered , and indeed are , not local Councillors for Bradford only , but members of the General Council , by whom the whole Government of the whole Association is conducted , and whose residences happen to be at Bradford ; the Bradford Treasurers and Secretaries are , in like manner , not Treasurers and Secretaries for that locality alone , but
Sub-Treasurers and Sub-Secretaries , acting under the direction of the General Treasurer , and General Secretary , and performing such duties as may be necessary to assist them in c » nduoting the affairs of the whole Association . Thus , every officer acts as an officer , not for any part separately or distinctly , but for the whole . Thus , every mesh of this most elaborately and cautiously oonstruoted leaal net , has been avoided by the wisdom
of the delegates . Of course , and of necessity , the plan , to be legal , is exceedingly general , and it may be 6 omewhat undefined , in its details . We observe some of its provisions which are liable to abuse , and which may , uuloss precluded by the pru dence of the people , give rise to some inconvenience in its working ; but on comparing these most carefully with the tortuoua enactments of which its concoctors had to steer clear , we are fully eatisfied that no
other way , or , at least , no other way bo good could have been adopted for securing the double object of the delegates , the active operation of the people , aud tbe eviting of all collision with the law ; and we know too much of the people not to feel satisfied , that when these points are fairly laid before them and explained , their watchfulness and prudence will come in to the assistance of their leaders , and take care that that shall not be crippled in operation which has been devised so well and wisely .
We have studied the plan most carefully ; we think we understand it ; aud we have no doubt of being ablo to shew the people that , though its form is apparently more general , and its details less bracing , than the original , but illegal , plan of organisation , it may be mado in working to superadd to fhe immense advantage of being perfectly consonant with tho law , every practical advantage possessed or provided for by the old plan . For this purpose , as we have been requested by the delegates to call to it the attention of the people in a series of articles , we shall return to it , probably more than once . We shall take up its several
clauses , and shew the people how we understand them—how we think they should be applied in operation—what means we advise for the avoidance of any inconvenience which might otherwise arise , from any necessary laxity of expression forced on its authority by the tyrannous mandate of the law ; we shall show them how , so far as we understand this document , they may , by a careful and universal adherence to its provisions , go on , certainly , safely , legally , successfully , and triumphantly , in the prosecution of thoae great principles , to which the benevolent and just of all classes are pledged and bound by their adhesion to the rules and principles of moral right .
Thus shall we put our enemies completely in the wrong , by fencing ourselves round with the provisions , not merely of moral , social , and religious * but oilegal right ; takiDg all these upon their own showing . The National Charter Association of Great Britain , may then bid defiance to the Government . It shall stand ; it shall prosper ; it shall nourish ; in despite of all their power , and in despite of all their sophistry , or they shall do one of two things—they shall mako a special law
for its extinction , as was done with the London Corresponding Society—( the very law now in amended operation , by which it was hoped to extinguish ail political societies for ever)—or they shall at once throw off the mask , which , we have no doubt they will do as soon as they may deem it expedient , aud , trampling under foot all semblance of respect for the laws of their own making , try tho temper of the people by a further experiment of undisguised brute force .
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LORD MORPETH'S IRISH FORTIFICATION , OR " KEEP-OUT-THE-FRENCH" BILL . We said , last week , that a denial of administrative improvement may lead to an increased demand for organic change ; but little did we think that individual folly could so Bpeedily lead to party absurdity as has been proved by the debate , during four mortal nights , upon Lord Morpeth ' s " keep-outthe-French" Bill .
We did not wait for the result , or even for the commencement of tho grand fight , to approve what wo thought just , and reprobate what we thought unjust in the measure . We did not take our cue upon the subject from the collective wisdom , but , as we shall presently show , we urged every single point which has been made matter of controversy , pro aad con , before the battle commenced . Let us again repeat the object of the Bill .
It is , then , no other than to lure Ireland into passive slavery , while the Whigs fill themselves and feed the Irish patriots , so long as a balance-ofpowcr-party of the latter can confer the means upon the former . This compact was entered into long since , but the great difficulty in ita observance , upon the part of the patriots , arose out of the general disgust to Whigs and Whiggery . However , rogues are seldom at a loss for tools when a principle ie agreed upon , and as it was impossible to appear satisfied with positive and substantial tyranny , cite aid of an unsubstantial and ghostly enemy gave to the substantial tyrants that negative support to which their own acts imposed a positive barrier .
The magician , in exhibiting his phantasmagoria , very prudently shows the pigmies first , and , as imagination heightens and demand for novelty increases , he mends his hand , until , at length , h ? j introduces his giants and monsters . So with the Ir' . sh patriots . The " keep out" cry commenced -with the buggabooism of Old Cumberland , and dread ot him , added to some idle stories relative to the conformation of the Queen , gave rise to the cry of "Keep CimBERX&ND out . " By degrees
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however , the constant apparition of old blue beard on the wall , magnified familiarity into contempt , and the magician , for that figure , substituted another , and with another change of note , " keep out the Tories . " Familiarity having deprived this apparition of its terrors also , and the experimental tours to the North of England and the North of Ireland having failed in gmng freshness or increased hidebusness to the monster on the wall , it is at length , replaced by a panoramic tiew of France , and the note is changed to keep out the French . " Thus making each new apparition dance to anew and appropriate tune .
Now , all we require to perfect the panorama is a good sea view , with Danibl in the foreground , with a loan of Neptone ' fl trident , surrounded by his dupes ' and singing to the tune of" Paddy Burns was a man deemed of mighty great knowledge , Sir ; Behind a great futia ditch , in tbe bog , he kept bis college , Sir , " the following words : — Daniel by tbe water aide , and Russell on bis knee , A roaring out together , " KEEP OUT THE SEA >" We have ventured this paraphrase upon the two lines in the original , which run thus : — " Master by the fire-side , and Shaneen on his knee , A roaring out together great ABC . "
Having Eaid so much upon the magical performance of the jugglers , let us now turn to some consideration of tbe realities which were seen on the wall through the awkward guise of Whiggery , and also how , and by whom , and for what purpose , and with what hope of success , the Morpeth measure was really introduced . We find this Bill brought into the House of Commons , —mind , the people ' s House , not the House of
Peers , —by the son of the Earl of Carlisle , Lord Morpeth : we find the leader of the Opposition and first speaker , to be the son of the Earl of Dehbt Lord SxANtKT ; and we find the debate closed by the son of a Duke , and the brother of a Duke—Bedford , Lord John Russtn ,. This remark will have no effect upon the House of Commons , nor yet upon the " Establishment , " but it will have its due weight with those for whom we write .
We are led to believe that the purpose of this Bill is to extend the franchise ; and the statistical accounts read in proof of tbe progressive decline of Irish constituencies would strengthen this belief ; wh ' ile the hope of its success was said to depend upon the decision upon the second reading . To discuss the real purpose and probability of success , is now our intention . The ostensible
purpose of the Bill is to do away with perjury , by allowing disinterested officers to attach the value to property whioh shall confer a vote , instead of leaving its value to the oath of the holder ; thereby removing all questions of doubt as to sufficiency . This is the principle of tbe Bill , while the Irish and the English people foolishly suppose that the enfranchising of every holding , rated at £ 5 to the poor rates , is the principle .
Hear Lord Morpeth upon the subject , who is the first speaker of any importance upon the government side ; he says , " The question of amount belonged , more properly , to the committee than to the second reading . " Now this at once takes the popular principle of a £ 5 franchise out of the bill , and makes it a bill for defining the Irish franchise which has yet to be settled in committee , and which has been forestalled in the debate .
The principal speakers upon the ministerial side were Lord Morpeth , Lord Hovvick , Mr . Macaulay Mr . Chas . Bulleb , and Lord Jous Russell , the rest w « re all froth . Sheil fought a shake in the main with Sir James Grauah , whom he generally selects as an antagonist , perhaps to insure a safe butt for a little personal ribaldry ; and Daniel spoko his Repeal speech , his Corporation speech , his anti-Tithe speech , and his Appropriation speech
over again . Upon the Tory side the speakers were Lord Stanlev , Sir W . Follett , Sir J . Geuham , and Sir R . Peel ; the rest of the Tory pack merely filled up the cry . We hare stated Lord Morpeth ' s opinion as to the £ 5 rating , which he admits may amount to an £ 8 rent ; now , it will be borne in mind , that we established it , before the debate , at £ 7 lla . Lord Howick said "the question was not whether the House would adopt the amouat of £ 5 , or any other particular detail , but whether it would adopt the assessment to the poor rates as a test of franchise ; and , probably , the whole object might be attained by requiring that the voter should be rated for a
certain amount beyond that for which he might be rated in the shape of rent ; that is , for a bona fjde surplus belonging to himself . " Hence , then , it appears that instead of the stumbling block of a fourteen years' tenure , which is already in the way , tho Committee may introduce the double title of a bit of fee simple , which alone can belong to a man ' s self , and a certain amount paid as rent to a landlord . Now we imagine that twopence fee , and sixpence , or any amount , of rent , would be tantamount to the general disfranchisement of Ireland , as no farmer has a fee simple property to any amount . But the Noble Lord went further , and said , " that the importance of settling the question was enhanced by the doubtful state of our foreign affairs . "
Lord Howick . once before said that it would be time enough to listen to complaint when fires took place . He might just as well have said " go it Chartists , " but the Chartists were too wise . However , as we shall presently shew , the invitation has now become t oo general and pressing to be longer declined . Mr . Pigott , the Attorney-General for Ireland , argued that the amouut of rating , which should carry the franthiee vmh it , was matter for consideration in the Committee .
Mr . Macaulat , who , we undisguisedly admit , is far in advance of every member in the House if he had back , said that he could not consider the question about the amount of £ 5 as anything but a question of detail . He certainly made a most slashing speech , in which he mangled the whole of the present system of representation , without mercy ; His , aud Mr . C . Bullek ' s , were the gems of the debate upon the Wnig side . Bvlleb concluded hiB Bpeech thus : — " He did not apprehend mclual rebellion daring the life of Mr . O'Connell , who had taught the great lesson that the most effective insurrection was that which never broke out , but was always to be apprehended . " Go it again , Chartists ! growl a way good dotes !
The next , and last Bpeaker , upon the Whig side , was Finality Jack ; aud he admits that the amount is no part of the principle of tbe Bill , but mere matter of detail lurthu Committee . But what further does he say ! Why , hear this ; he says "it was not fair to twic the Whigs with surrendering to threat of outbreak , when the Tories yielded emancipation lo a Jike apprehension . He was not a believer in the theory that the Irish would , under exasperation , transfer their allegiance ; but it made much difference in the strength of our negociations with foreign powers , whether we were supposed by them to be a united or a distracted people . " So that all that is required to make Russell surrender to fear is to make him a believer I Surely we can do that for him 11
What say you to aU that , brother Chartists ? Are your eyes now opened to the motive of the " Establishment , " in making you appear a weak , a disunited , a cowardly , and a contemptible party in the opinion of foreign nations ! Mr . Slanet , who also spoke , and toted for the second reading , hinted that he thought the £ * 0 standard , aa in England , would be a very fair amount of principle to introduce in committee .
So much then for the juggle of a £ 5 franchise , which , in committee , will be augmented to a £ 59 or £ 60 holding for a term of fourteen years , and a few restrictions in addition to those already in existence , and then the real object of the Bill will have been achieved , by aa additional hurrah for a thing that
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aever wa 3 intended— "theWhig £ 5 franchise and mistake at all at all" '™* Let us now turn for a moment to the Tory onim . sition , whioh-was vigorously led by Lord Sujt ~ who Bpat fire for three whole hours , coreri ^ i ' land and ererthing Irish , with hie lava . He tainly made a poworful speech , one whic h a Ml cotemporary designates as "a heavy shock to ft ! enemy without being of eerric « to his ownpuj » j > This , to as , appears rather paradoxical ; how ^ apart from the Irish renom of tbe poisonous TiJ * we find the following bit of English princi ple *!! contained in the Reform BUI , and which , ao douk the noble spit-fire would gladly apply to Irelini ^ insure her people ' * independence ; he says : — ==
» In England , he wa » happy to say , a contiuTrf . . of things existed . There , it was very generally b » S ? stood , the tenant , in bU political acts , waa tatteFt his landlord—( MinwterJW cheersj—ttereiio Mi « KB > J nes « existed on the part of tbe landlord to gfrelm ^! leases as abould carry-with them the elective &uj ^ In England , such waa the good undewtanding On m subject , that it was always easy to calculate tba J ^ of a county election as soon as it was known hovth ! great landholder * intended to rote . ( Cheering from J * Liberals . ) **
Everyone wan aware of this before ; bntth ^ ^ something very shocking in the open and unbluahjn . avowal of guilt ; and so all those who were perfec ts cognisant of the fact , and many who actuall y 0 ff 8 ri to it a liberty to be there , set up a most witherm * shout of virtuous indignation ; just as a dock full of criminals at the Old Bailey would , if any m ^ should have tbe presumption to call them rogues . Here we beg , once more , to introduce ourofttotd tale : " So long as one man ' s property coMfitaig , another man ' s neglect to vote , solong will voteinj property belong to one and the same person . "
It will be borne in mind , that in introducing ^ subject to our readers some weeks ago , ^ gt ^ that Morpeth ' s Bill was not a voluntary wt $ grace towards Ireland ; that "it was merer / intended as a match for Stanlet ' s , lest the Nobl » Lord ' s nag should have a walk over . " That vn were right , in this opinion , as well as opoa fl » amount of bonafidt value , which a £ 5 rating would be required to represent , is proved by the NolA Lord C Morpeth ' s ) own admission . In apologia for the imperfect documents which he submitted to the House in support of his Bill , he said that b » had been hurried in his preliminary arrangement * . in order to hare the start of the Noble Lord , Su * let . in the race .
In fact , the most unblushing and barefaced admissions have been made on both sid « s , and ** buppose the parties , in the outset , agreed like thoei school boys who rely upon their expertness , and ia order to prevent disputes , agree before they commence a game at marbles , that " cheating is fair . " The Noble Lord Stanlet so pummelled the foe * tion for three whole hours , that from Monday night
till Thursday he left not a word of new spleen tbt a single soul who followed him ; indeed , bo much so that the Right Hon . Ex-Leader , who , npon tbii occasion , was the vary bell of the Fox ' s tail , con d * scended , contrary to his custom , to deal largely ia personalities , partly , no doubt , owing to hi change of situation . In fact , take the speeches qJ Stanley , Macaulat , and Buu . E&outof thedejiaje , and it was
" One weak , washy , everlasting flood . " Having so far disposed of the Whig md Torj parts , we now come to our own triumph ; and hen again let it be understood , that mask the question at the franchise as you will , after argument , the mind must come back to the only just principle Universal Suffrage ; and the justice of which we now undertake to prove was not only admitted , but waj declared only to wait upon force to . establish ii , Hear our proof .
There have been three great obstacles to Unmrsal Suffrage pleaded by the enemy , namely , want of property , want of knowledge , and want of independence , added to which we may throw in the finality of the Reform Bill , upon the only principle contained in the Bill , and contended for by Lord Jew Russell . To say that finality could be applied to any other part of the measure than the franchise ia to talk nonsense ; else would it bo tantamount to a snpei cedeas against all organic change , or legisktion of any sort , differing materially from the old manufacture .
. The finality , then , must be applied to the principle , otherwise it meant nothing ; and add to this , Ru .-sell ' s declaration , that the object of theBiforo Bill was to represent property ; and , with thea two , couple his vote and speech , aud what become of finality and representation of property ! We now take Geobgb Hknbt Wabd , M . P . Jbr Sheffield , as the writing advocate for knowledge , his declaration being , that the people of England are not sufficiently informed to make the possession
of the Suffrage a safe trust in their keeping . Now , for the hundredth time we ask the Hon . Gentleman to point out the branch in which they are deficient ; and , for the first time , we ask in what the operative of Manchester , and the artisans of Sheffield , are inferior in political or other knowledge to the Irish classes , who would be apt to be rated to £ 5 on th poor rates 1 Will he answer this f or can he answer this , and show that they are inferior t Wa dare him ; we challenge him ; we defy him .
And now comes the old offender—tha stickler for all these ingredients as requisites for an English voter's qualification—independence as to property , and as to action , and the possession of knowledge to direct the voter in its use : such persons only , have the Editors of the Leeds Mercury deolared , may be " reasonably deemed" fit for the franchise . Now we admit that it would be folly to call out neighbour to account for consistency of six months ' duration ; the honest hauntings of the tender conscience of one of the two Editors may be pleaded in justification of change , as in the case of the ballot .
But we have yet unfiled before us , within the bills of mortality , yet uaburied , —and no declaration of change , no confession of error , no Editorial qualms , or retractation ; we say we have now tw enty columns of unfiled mortal matter , all written long within the half year , to Marshall , Siansfbi . d , & Co ., and we ask our friends now to reconcile the then objections to enfranchising th » Irish " boo-TauTTEKs" ( that waa the term ) with the shy , slji and laudatory little articles upon Morpeth ' s Bill ) and the old Fox ' s rote thereon . Will he , too , tell us that He only voted for the grand princip le of
"defining the franchise , " and will he vote with tbe Tories in committee against tbe £ 5 standard ? Will he , who thought the Keform Bill ' * final" upon the question of franchise alone , tell ufl that he has been , consistent ! Will he , who said that he would only extend the franchise in England to such £ 10 agricultural voters as , upon enquiry , may be found of sufficient independence to make an hone 3 t use of it , now tell us that those rated to one half . the amount in Ireland are better qualified ,
without more information than Lord Morpeth gave , and confessed to be very imperfect , and with which our member was more than satisfied » Will any one tell us , or dare to tell us , that the man in Ire land whom the £ 5 franchise , or a 5 s . franchise , would let into the sanctuary of the constitution , would be made a worse man by it , or that the constitution would be the worse for having his aid instead of bis hatred and opposition \ And will any man dare to tell us that an Englishman ia not equally en titled t «
his right with an Irishman ! The readers of newspapers in England are * s «»« to seventeen of the whole population ; or oae & three of the adult male population , the one te ^ i it for the other two . They take innumerable tt »« Wj and exchange papers , and read all sides of e ^ er question ; they have their debating clubs and thei various association clubs , which l « ad to know leus ^ of practical business . They are all politicians they can all man their own affairs .
age In Ireland the readers of newspapers are scarab one in two hundred of the whole population . > 0 ' ° « in five hundred , who would ba enfranchised by . tie new BUI , ever sees a newspaper j such of the v ^ ork-
The Is T Oethern Star. Saturday, March 6, 1841.
THE IS OETHERN STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 6 , 1841 .
T33 National Charter Association Of Great Britain.
T 33 NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION OF GREAT BRITAIN .
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4 THE NORTflEfeN STAR , ________ - _ - ^ -
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 6, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1099/page/4/
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