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THE ffOETHEaU STAE SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1841.
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" IRELAND" AND
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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¦ J ELECTION PROCEEDINGS AT LEEDS / W A meeting of the L * eda Parliamentary 'Reform Association took place in the Large Roomj Commercial Buildings , on Monday evening , to take into con . ' « derat , on what steps shoald be taken concerning the representation of Leeds in the anticipated forthcoming : election . George Goodmaji , Esq . was called to the chair ,-and said thai tbe meeting had been called in pursuance of * requisition he held in his hand . He alluded Mi some lengib to the depressed condition of vbe operative and manufacturing classes . They wanted a xtmedr for this state of things , and he thought one could be found . He could not bat think the wealth « f this coon try was produced mainly by itg commerce , sod that commerce had been much crippled by various laws which had been passed . He had to hesitation in saying that if the commerce of the country
declined , its agriculture would , sooner or later , follow . The injury of the one must always be followed tj the injury of the other . He therefore hoped they would choose men who would advocate a freer trade . ^ Machinery had given great facilities to -manufacture , and this eonutry had allowed , or rather compelled , foreign ooantries to compete with us . There were other very serious matters connected with the election of members to Parliament . There must be compromise . ( Hear , hear . ) There were « : her parties who did not come up to thair standard in politics . The body of Radical Reformers wanted to go on more rapidly than others , whilst others did not want to go on so fast . Let them endeavour to consult the scruples of the others ; let them endeavour to gup- ' porttheman their Whig friends would bring forward , that they might supoori them in return .,
Dr . Smiles next addressed the meeting , and proceeded to show ( hat the House of Commons did not represent the people . It was quite clear the Ministry had been and would be defeated on the measures they had brought forward ,. and it was quite , clear that the repeal of all the laws which were opposed to the interests of the people wonld be rejected , until they demanded that they should be fully represented in the House of Commons . Mr . Marshall's letter—* nd a more eloquent letter had never , been published —said , that there was a want of sympathy and har-Hiony between the Government and tile people ; and they had abundant proof of this . They should , therefore , endeavour to make the Government sympathise with the wants of the people , They also wanted &
repeal of all those dnties which pressed upon the necessaries of life . Ministers had said they wonld go & certain part of the way to effect this . It was not * H they wanted , but they welcomed it . Here was an advance which shewed the power of the peoplethat even Tories and Whigs would go so far in re-¦ jo ving the grievances of which they had bo long complained . Dr . Smiles here entered into some ob servations respecting the Corn Laws . Their duty was very clear : it was , to elect a man who would carry out their views respecting the Corn Laws and "the Suffrage . The suffrage was a lever to enable them to alleviate the condition of the labouring classes , for as soon as the people were consulted in the government of the county , they would legislate for . "fee whole people , and not for the benefit of a paTt only . Ths Reform Bill was a qnesiion analogous to the
jsesent . In spite of the opposition of immense major ities , it was carried by the overwhelarng voice of the people : in fact , it wis a giving in to the democratic principK E > en the Whigs had declared themselves friendly to an extension of the franchise , and . that they would go with the people on ths food question . It was their interest , therefore , to go with that por"tion of the aristocracy who would go with them , and to declare for Household Suffrage at the least . ( Applause . ) He asserted that a majority of the people was not in favour of the Corn Laws , and he was quite sure that if the people of Leeds were appealed to on the principle of Universal Suffrage , a majority ¦ would be in favonr of a Repeal of the Corn Laws He begged to move the first resolution , the purport of which was , that the Association should . carry forward the objects for which it was commenced .
Mr . Jficholls , a working man > seconded the resolution in a few remarks , which The Chatrjux put to the meeting , and it was carried unanimously . Mr . Csxvss , who was received with applause , thea read the next resolution , which pledged the meeting to . support a Whig , in case the Whigs would support a RadicaL ( Hear , hear , hear . ) He would give the Whigs support , on condition that they would give their support in reiurn to the Radi--eal candidate . They must either do this , or each . party try to have their own way , and then the Tories
would have their own way . It was their duty to co-operate with their Whig friends , fcr they would ret more by this than the contrary course . Their Whigfrieeds had come forward , and offered to , cooperate with them . They had a right to claim half 01 the representation as long as two membtrs were returned . He knew that a majority of the electors —that half of them were Radicals They were not in a position to carry two Radicals "without the aid of the Whigs , but when they were in a position to carry more , no c-ne would be more ready than himself to do so .
Mr . Rattrey , a working man , next addressed tbe meeting . Whatever would administer or add to the amount of their liberties ( he said ) was something matched from the aristocracy . There had been a feeling engendered of late , of hatred from tke working classes towards the middle and npper classes , which he regretted to see . He knew no one who had been persecuted more than he had been by these classes , or who had felt the iron heel of despotism Bore severely than he had done . He did cot look to persons—ho looked to principles . If the tendency of the principles advoeaied by any parties was good , they were bound to co-operate with them , if they would promote the liberties of the people . The speaker , as wa understood him , with hi 3
back towards us , said , that he had ceen instrumental in getting some of the Chartist leaders to the meeting , who expected to be refused admission . He eould tell them that he had attempted to gain admission to a ChartiBt meeting in Salford , but Ee had been prevented going in because they told him only members were admitted , as u was a private meeting . Here the speaker wa 3 interrupted with cr ies of " question , question , &c . ;> They mast excuse him if he made a digression , as he was not in the habit of addressing a public meeting . It was not from any bad in * -ention on hi 3 part . Though he was a wording man , he w # uld declars that the Whigs had done more than the Tories ever had done or ever would do . He did not support the Repeal of the Corn Laws because the present Ministry had bronchi the measure forward . He would
take the argument of Feargns O'Connor , "which he had heard him make use of in the Mu ^ ic Saloon , at the time Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Exeier were a : variance upon ths Church question ; and he ( the speaker ) thought it was one of the best arguments he hs-d ever heard . He said you couldn ' t dp & better thing than cause a split between them , because then the people would come in for their ehare ; and that if you repealed the Corn Law 3 you would diminish the incomes of the aristocracy . He told them if they thought it was piety made the aristocracy support the Chnrch they were much mistakea , Yivrad because it provided them and their younger sous with places and emolument that they maintained the Church , and it would be to the advantage of the people if there were to be a split among them . Bu ; , after he had said that the Repeal of the Corn Laws would diminish the incomes of the
aristocracy , and thus add to the power of the people , what did he continue with I Why , by saying that he would never repeal the Corn Laws , because he would never have this conntry depend on foreign countriea for its supply of food . This was a childish argument that any schoolboy could have refated . Here the speaker waa interrupted by rppeited cries of " Question , question , " acd " we don't want to hear nought abont that , " " What ' s tiat : o do wnh the question ? "&o . However , the speaker continued on the subject for a short time , the chairman suggesting tkat it was not proper in him io do 50 ; bat be afierwards concluded by seconding the motion . A person in the body of the meeting a « k--d * "D ^ es the resolution pledge us to support a Whig 1
Mr . Geokge Inewtojj next got np to speak . ( Cries oi " cut it short . "' ) They had " been asked whether they were to support the Whig 3 I The resolution bound them to support the man tbe other party might think fit to bring out . Before they bound themselves to support it—A person in the crowd—I'll second you , llr . Kewtoa . ( . Laughter . ) Mr . Nbwton—He would never binj himself to support a man who wouid not support thai institution . He would not deviate from the rnles of the institution , and he would not support a Whig . -He wonld forfeft hi 3 life first . ( Hisses , cheers , and all kmdsof ejaculations proceeded from parties in the meeting , upon this announcement bdag ta ^ de . Ths speaker could not be heard for some time . After cries of " chair , chair . ' )
The Chaibxax rose to preserve order . He trusted they would preserve quietness , and hear whai the speaker had to say . Mr . Nbwtos said he should like to see who it was the Whigs brought forward , before he pledged himself to support him . They had told him it was a Mr . Oldham or Aldbam . If it were so , he'd rather have an honest Tory at once . ( Much interruption and confusion , and cries of ** You can ' t Sad an honest Tory / ' ) They told him he ( Mr . A . ) was opposed to the Ballot . ( Hear , hear . ) He had pledged himself to support the Billot , and he would not support a man who would not advocate the Billot . ( Again the interruption became so great that ths speaker could not make himself heard . It continued for some time . ) If they entered this Association ihej ought to abide by its rules , and cot to shufie or cut for any man whatever . .
The Chaibjiak here threw out a few remarks cautioning the meeting against division . That was jnst what the Tor * 3 s were waiting for . As parties vrere now nicely balanced they muit mind how they acted Haifa leaf was Letter tLaa no bread , therefore they had better return one man of their own , and £ f the Whigs brought for ward a man friendly to free trade
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who might not bs in favour of the Ballot , let thorn support him . Mr . Plisi followed in opposition to Mr . Newton's Una of argument . He eulogised the Whigs as a noble-minded and charitable body of men , who supported the various useful public institutions with their talents and money , and concluded by saying , that it he saw that two Tories conld be brought in who would vote for a repeal of the Corn Laws , he would vote for them on that ground alone . ( Mr . Newton—Aye , that's Newton ; that ' s my doctrine . ) Mr . Robiksow said that their Association was formed to extend the suffrage , and be could not advise—he would not , he could not , ask the labouring classes to join it , if they were to neglect its principles . He would not vote for a Whig on any consideration .
Mr . Atkinson said the question was , were they to unite with the Whigs , or stand on their own bottom ! If there was to be a union there must be a concession on the part of the Whigs . He would not compromise with the Whigs . ( Applause . ) If the Whigs Paid they wonld support two Whigs in preference , let the evil rest on their own shoulders . The resolution was put and carried with one < tis-BentieDt—Mr . Newton . Mr . Whttehkad next addressed the meeting . He trusted the Whigs would not bring forward any one opposed to the Ballot , and none but a friend to religious liberty . He did not mean a man who would merely say that each religious denomination should support their own place of worship , but one who held church property to be publio property . He had as great a right to church property as those
who held it . They had brought forward Mr . Hume and he was happy to say the Whigs would support him . As they ( the Radicals ) baa shown a disposition to bring forward a more moderate man than Sir William Molesworih , it now behoved them to elect a man as liberal as Mr . Baines at least . He was only sorry their Chairman had not been pat in nomination . ( Applause . ) Mr . Robert Heaps hoped the Whigs would bring forward a man as nearly as possible approximating to Radicalism in his principles , or by the next election they would see the necessity of doing 80 . Mr . Plot argued that the Radicals must submit to have snch a candidate as the Whigs thought fit to bring forward , and whose family connections and local influence would enable them to carry him .
Mr . ATKrxso . v moved that the meeting should respectfully express a hope that the Whigs would choose a candidate favourable to the Ballot . After a brief discussion this resolution was carried—there being a Bfcrong body of dissentients . Throughout the meeting , anything' but unanimity prevailed . A good many of the Raus declared they would not t ate a " pig in a poke , " in other words , that they would not support a man of whom they knew nothing , or any man the Whigs might choose to bring forvrard .
The Ffoetheau Stae Saturday, May 29, 1841.
THE ffOETHEaU STAE SATURDAY , MAY 29 , 1841 .
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" GREAT COMMERCIAL REFORMS . " As the co-operation of Ireland is most emphatically required and flatteringly courted by the "Liberator" on behalf of her Majesty ' s advisers , in what is called their attack upon " monopoly , " we are bound to consider what the result of Ministerial success must inevitably produce , not for the majority of the nine millions , but for the very class who aTe , unfortunately , armed with the "life preserver , " and which they are now requested to use for self-destruction—we mean the electors .
Ireland returns sixty-four County Members , two University Members , and thirty-nine City and Borough Members ; and , without the shadow of a shade of difference , the interest of the whole of the constituencies , be they county , university , city , or borough , is identical , as cne great whole , in the approaching contest . Nay , more , to snch an extent would the proposed alteration in the Corn Law 3 alone affect the whole agricultural , commercial , trading , and labouring interests of Ireland , that the greatest good anticipated by English speculators , even if realised , would be more than over-balanced by the blighting effects which the victor ;/ must inevitably produce in that country , and which must extend to this side the CbanneL |
With Ireland , the Ministerial question is one of life and death . It is not based on mere theoretic or speculative dogmas of political economists . It is not to be followed by any adjustment which may be rendered requisite and necessary , according to the subsequent working of the experiment . It is not to be accompanied by any protective power , or retributive accompaniments , to be placed in the hands of those who are asked to embark their all in the Government hulk , without masts , pilot , or even rudder , for the poor satisfaction of giving faction a triumph over party .
Perseverance in the path of error has reduced the old and respectable party of Euglish Whigs to a mere faction , whilst their awkward management of their own measure , " Reform , " has actually revived the embers of their factious rivals , and blown them into a powerful party . The same breath which was to have extinguished Toryism , has but resuscitated the monster . Is tbe part , then , which the Irish are now invited to take in the war of Belf-destruction , for the mere purpose of party extermination , worthy of a great nation ?
But , after all , upon what will depend the success of the working of the measures in Ireland , should the Whigs succeed ! Why , upon the law of vilh , — not of testaments , —but of landlord ' s wills ; upon the will of the broken and driving landlords of Ireland . Upon the law of " sicvolo , " " sic jubeo . " " Thus I will , thus 1 order . " Upon the will of men in whom is now incorporated by the lauded Tithe
Bill , all tbe power of landlord and parson , for the purpose of rent-screwing . Upon the will of magistrates , who can select whether they will distrain as landlords , or as parsons , for the pound of rent , or vhe five sliiUing of titho , and for whoss purpose the Whigs have supplied a large distraining staff of * ' civil power" icith muskets , bayonets , and cutlasses , and comiLajjdeu , in most instances , by half-pay offiotr 3 .
Thi 3 , then , is to be the adjusting machinery placed in the hand 3 of the " measuring cast" majority of Iriih landlords . But , being a great , a very great question—in fact , an entirely national question , a wholesale and real " Irish manufacture'' question , we are bound to enter fully into a consideration of what its effects must produce in Ireland . In order , therefore , to relieve the subject of all those technicalities , mysteries , and absurdities , with which political economists free traders and trafficking politicians would enshroud it , we start upon a simple basis—upon their own
foundation stone . Upon one point only do the several sections of" anti-monopolists , " as the " monopolists '' whimsically tall themselves , agree . They all agree that the alteration in the Cora Laws will make bread cheap ; that the alteration in the sugar unties will make sugar cheap ; and that the altering Of the timber duties will make timber cheap . We here , then , admit the fact , as to corn ; and join issue as to the result . We ask , then , does not the whole project fail of its anticipated benefit , if bread 13 not reduced in price 1 and , we ask , if bread is reduced in price , must not wheat , of which
bread is made , be also reduced in pries ? and if wheat is reduced in price , must not land which produces wheat , S 3 its most valuable crop , be reduced in value ? and if land be reduced in value , must not rents be correspondingly reduced , as a fair aocompaniment to the scheme ! ? 0 , yes ; yes , of oourse , and so they would ; everything finds its proper le ^ el , " answer the monopolists . True ; we admit it ; but why not look for your level first—why select the most uneven and hilly line , when you can pass over
a plain without injustice to any , or damage to the State ! And what , we would ask , is to happen whiie the Government engineers are levelling f We will tell our friend , Geobge Hsxs . r Wahd , who is so fond of precedent , just what happened in 1821 , when every house was fortified , when the working classes of Ireland were Whiteboys to a man ; when the Tvhole strength of England's army , and Ireland's Orange yeomanry , could not resist the determination of a people roused to madness , by the very same causes which the success of the new Government
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plan would once more create in Ireland , and for the adjustment of which , 1621 furnishes a precedent And , let it be borne in mind , that bad as it . was , yet did Whiteboy Union and perseverance , compel the Tory Goulbuhn ( being the Chancellor of the Exchequer ) to surrender to popular will , and oblige him to pass his Tithe Commutation Bill in two years after , by which all the Protestant grass-land of Ireland , theretofore exempt from tithe , was brought to bear its share of the Protestant Chnrch impost .
Lot ns now see what led to the White Boy revolution in 1821 . In 1815 we had peace proclaimed , and a partial return from high war prices for agricultural produce ; speculation upon capital made in war time , and anticipation of more blood-letting , still kept the farmer afloat , and be paid the same rent without any abatement . The harvest of 1816 , however , gave high rents a •* heavy blow , " and two other bad harvests , between 1816 and 1821 , caused a demand upon the Landlords for a reduction of rent , and upon the patBona for a reduction of tithe , commensurate with the fall consequent upon agricultural produce and a return to
" cheap bread . " How was this demand answered ! By calling out the yeomanry ; by proclaiming martial law ; by appointing special commissions ; by shooting without colour of crime , and hanging without colour of law J " 0 ! true , true , " say the politicians ; " but it was the Tories 1 J ! " No , no ; it was not ; it was the landlords , the parsons , and the magistrates , Whigs as well as Tories . It was that force which in every country , when its interests are attacked , either compels the existing Government to assume the lead in despotism to preserve its order , or deposes the Government upon refusal , and establishes one of its own in its stead .
How did the landlords and parsons meet the emergency 1 There were two classes of landlords , without distinction of creed or politics : one class was very , very scanty indeed ; the class who made tardy reductions ; but even in the mode of making those reductions they completely paralyzed all industry among their tenantry . It was this . They held them to the old condition in their leases , and gave them receipts for the full amount , upon receiving the reduced rent , and held the old arrears over them as a drawn sword , ready upon a war , or any other
godsend , to have the " full pound ot flesh . " Thus were the farmers out of all heart , while the Irish labourers were compelled to have recourse to opera benefits patronised by the Royal Family , needlework performed by Maids of Honour , proceeds of fancy balls , and subscriptions from the English humane and charitable , { or support ; and the plague partially terminated , by an influx of Irish agricultural labourers into the English manufacturing market ; an influx greater in four years than the whole swarm of poor creatures who had been banished for the previous century .
The other class of landlords were those who held on by the terms of the lease as long as the last gooBe had a feather in her tail ; middle men , in most instances , but well backed by fee-simple proprietors . This system , coupled with Mr . Goulburn ' s Tithe Bill , of 1824 , gave rise to the plan of knocking small heart-broken farms into pasture ground , which led to another irruption of displaced labourers .
In 1826 , the Irish currency was assimilated ; that is , land held by small farmers was again raised by 8 per cent . ; the old Irish pound was compounded , being demanded in tbe new coin , £ 1 Is . 8 d . This the Email cottier tenants , bore , as they wonld bear anything for a hiding hole and a " spot to work on . " But it also dislodged many . Then came tho Catholic Relief Bill in 1823 , and this measure relieved the political traffickers of 380 , 000 of their live stock , whose little holdings of an acre or two were knocked into large farms of fifty or a hundred acres ; and then had we an immense exportation of the life ' s blood of the country—of the real wealth of the nation .
These 380 , 000 heads of families constitute the whole mass of Irish pauperism , at present so humiliating to those who witness it without a struggle lor its removal ; and also have greatly augmented the reserve in tho English market . During these trying periods for the farmers , the parsons , as a body , tried shooting upon a large scale , rather than reduce one farthing of their accumulated demand , or abate it in future to peace
prices ; and although they justified their refusal by " the trust imposed upon them for their successors " —the never failing plea of Churchmen , as expediency is of tyrants , —yet did they , in many , very many instances , refuse to take fifteen shillings in the pound of the arrears from the Catholic occupiers , while they leased them out to Protestant proctors for ten shillings in the pound , upon a strict promise not to abate one farthing of the l egal demand .
Now such are the parties to whom the Irish farmers and the Irish labourers are to loek with confidence , for the adjustment of any inequality which the " GREAT COMMERCIAL MEASURES ' may create—to a party who have systematically plundered , in violation of all laws human and divine , and who , in compliance with a Government measure , will not , we imagine , surrender in proper season , the right of " doing what they please with their own . " To such a tribunal are the plundered to appeal as a last resource .
If this calamity does not come , then does the project fail ; for bread will not be cheaper ; and if this calamity does come , then will it be met according to precedent , by shooting , hanging , and transporting , in the first instance , and then by the exportation of another million of Irish agriculturists as a further reserve for the masters ; and then another million of a loan from England for Irish parsons .
And then , jerhaps , may be applied the lever which if used in time , would have spared the weeping the wailing and the gnashing of teeth . That lever is the Charter ! which by depriving the landlords of the power of annexing destructive conditions , would oblige them to tnve leases for ever at a corn rent , and to bring their land into a valuable retail market to meet the wants of God's own flock .
This , and this only , can make a people independent of all foreign growers . This , and this only , can insure peace , plenty , and " cheap bread : " but this they will not do till forced to it , because upon the monopoly of the land depends the existence of a lucrative church eftablishment , a lucrative army and navy establishment , a lucrative place and pension establishment ; one and all of which are bo many hot beds—nurseries and provisions for the scions of the landed aristocracy .
" Well but , " says an " anti-monopolist , " " would you not crush that faction . " We answer , No ; not if by crushing that we crush those who would be innocent sufferers , and create in its stead a more heartless set of " quasi" landlords , what the Irish call" Sky farmers "—domestic jobbers—who would purchase the produce of the land from Germans , Russians , Turks , Prussians or Americans , as cheap as they could , and sell it as dear as they could to those whose own land they had rendered sterile in order to hold complete dominion over their working slaves .
We would crush them by making them rich , whether they would or no ; by taking from them the power of making themselves paupers , by impoverishing their country and their fellow-men . That we call Christian justice , and we much prefer it to the justice of political economists . The great anomaly of the corn branch of the new " commercial exotio" is this , that the Irish people are asked to join in reducing the price of the only thing they produce—for the purpose of cheapening the thing of which they never consume a particle ! " O but that is a part of onr complaint , " say the humanity mongers ; " wo mean to make them consume more bread . " To this general fallacy we shall reply under the head " Timber Duties . " Cheap bread , then , must make cheap
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land ; bat cheap land will not follow cheap bread , so long as one of the old tenants upon any estate has one fraction left , whereby he can be " kept to his bargain ; " while the . desolation , expectation , and misery caused while the thing wot finding its level , wonld be indescribable . So much for the "fixed duty on corn" and , how for .
"SUGAR DUTIES . " Upon this subject , as regards Ireland , we require but a word . We would feel obliged by tho " cool Mr . Baring" furnishing us with a sliding scale , " by which a lot of jolly Irish boys in a frolic may estimate the reduction to be made upon each tumbler of punch , according to the "GREAT COMMERCIAL REFORM . " We want that ; because it is the only manner in whioh Irish labourers or Irish
farmers use sugar , from the 1 st of January to the 31 st of December . " 0 , but they must have sugar , " say the monopolists . "Theyshall hare the Whig ' Balm of Gilead , ' the great sweetener of life ! the joy of the poor man ' s heart ! and the refiner of his morals !" Fudge , blarney , bother , humbug ! Give them enough of praties" first , and they'll find the sugar and timber afterwards .
"TIMBER DUTIES . " An Irish farmer , holding fifty acres of land , and even more , does not use twenty pounds' worth of imported timber in the whole of his life and what he does use is Canadian , upon which the additional duly is to be laid on for his relief . An . Irish labourer dees not use one plank of foreign timber in the whole of his life . He is rooked in the arms of some native oak ; he trips through manhood with a native shillelagh , leans in his old age upon a native staff , and is borne to the grave upon a native w bi er . " Every stick in his " mud hovel" comes from "his honour ' s wood ;" and thus begins and ends his use of timber !
" 0 , but , " . say the ' anti-monopolistB , " we mean to put an end to this . The farmers surely would use foreign timber if it was placed within their reach . " Yes , they do use foreign timber , but not much , and as before , stated , it is Canadian . The shafts of their carts are made of " treble deals /' the bodies of their carts are made of " treble deals , " and that is all they use , and that the great reform is
to make dearer for them I " O but Memel or Norway red deal is much better , and our * GREAT COMMERCIAL REFORM' will bring the latter article within their reach . The Baltic trade , you know , the Baltic ! " No ; it will not . As well may the economists tell us that a tax upon frieze would force the peasant to wear broad cloth , or that a tax upon " jaunting oars" would oblige the Irish tradesman to drive in his carriage .
The smallest tax , injudiciously laid on , may amount to a total prohibition of the use of the taxed article . The new sohool of calculators would impose upon upon us the belief that tho true way to make Irish farmers purchase a better article is by raising its price , while at the same time they reduce their means , by diminishing the value of their exchange . For what , then , are the Irish people to join in the ** new move . " Hear it , ye good men , struggling for freedom , and sorrow ! Hear it , ye bad men , contending against justice , and blush ! " 0 ! OUR RELIGION WILL BE ATTACKED BY THE
TORIES ! " Sacred liberty ! what an insult ! O , Mighty knowledge , what a folly ! Merciful Creator ! what a sin ! This , then , is the real casus belli ; this is the mountain ; this is the crutch of limping , truckling , blighting , blasting , hypocrisy ! But , 0 knowledge 1 thou idol of the good man ' s worship ! thanks be to God ! thou art fast unbinding the tight bandage which has so long obscured man ' s vision ! Thy magic influence comes like a mighty torrent in the midst of the calm , and will sweep away all the ignorance , superstition , and bigotry of darker ages . Yes , knowledge will expand the mind , mature the judgment , and unite the mighty masses in one overwhelming band of freemen .
Under such a combination of right and might , with the knowledge which the English and Scotch now possess to direct us , we will gain liberty without a blow . But should tyranny , strong in long possession , made courageous by unopposed sway , and confident by passive obedience and non-resistance , still resist ; we will then , with one mighty blow , strike the Hydra-headed monster to the earth to rise no more !
The tactics of Ireland as recommended by tho " Liberator , " are the most dishonest , base , and flagrantly mercantile and treacherous , of his many political speculations . Must not every man with half an eye at once see that the return of Whiga by tho Irish people , is the cutting of so many sticks to beat themselves soundly , when they shall 6 rst have gently whipped the Tories from the Treasury benches for six or seven years longer ? Then will Mr . O'Connell have entirely succeeded ; his object being to throw another stumbling block in his own way , the removal of which will be a fair excuse for raising the supplies for years from a poor deluded starving people . Never was there so rascally a juggle , and well may the Irish patriots
exclaim" Alas I poor country , Almost afraid to know itself . " We beg , in conclusion , to give the following heartrending scrap , exultingly paraded in Monday ' s Chronicle , as the first Irish instalment of the very anticipation of the " Great commercial Reforms : "—
" EXTENSIVE EMIGRATION . Up to tho 15 th of the present month , thirty vessels have sailed from the port of Cork alone , with 4 ) b" ( i 2 emigrants , for Canada , the United States , and New South Wales . " There " anti-nionopolists , " won't that rate of transportation satisfy your hellish lust for removing the pressure upon subsistence ! or what more do you require , you infernal fiends !
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DANIEL O'CONNELL AND - " THE MISCREANT CHARTISTS . " By our report of the Crown and Anchor Meeting , reported in our last . and convened by Mr . O'Conneix and his friends under a sixpenny protection , and ostensibly for the purpose of blarneying about Repeal but r eally with a view of feeling his way once more
into popular society for the purpose of foisting the " bloodies" for another torm upon ue , it will be seen that the " miscreants" can find their way even to a ticket show in sufficient numbers to upset humbug . Never were insolence and folly more conspicuous than in the combination of both , which the learned gentleman exhibited upon the occasion . The blind followers hoped to give tone to the country by the trick ; but Martin and others opened his
eyes . It- appears , however , that a Mr . Dugqan , rent collector in Manchester , has insured Dan a favourable reception
IN MANCHESTER ; and vre learn that the walls of the town have been covered with bills , announcing Dan ' s intention to meet the factery operatives of Manchester in the Carpenter's Hall , on Tuesday next . The indignant excitement which this threat has created in Manchester , Oldham , Ashton , Stockport , and the surrounding districts , is intense ; and the Chartists are resolved to give Dan a benefit !
Now , be it remembered that the Leeds working people are the most Master-ridden in the North of England ; and yet did they , in the depth of winter , with snow upon the ground , turn out well , to meet the reviler of the " miscreant Chartists . " Manchester , therefore , owes Leeds a return of the eompliment ; and Manchester , we have no doubt , will do its duty . The Pilot , Dan ' s tool , and the other tools of the Irish liberal press , have paraded Dan ' s thrashing at the Crown and Anchor as a complete triumph over Chartism . Now , we ask if this is fair to our Irish
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brethren , who are just now struggling to throw the monster from their back ! Is it jusiice to them , we ask , while they nobly struggle against coiruption , and corruption in the very citadel , that we should allow them to suppose , for one moment , that we are about to reoeive the traitor whom they have expelled from their rauka t We rejoice to find that our London friends and others have so warmly taken up the cause of the aged Mrs . Mellon , and have recommended a relief
fund for all persecuted Irish Chartists . This is as it ought to be ; and Mr . O'Connor , notwithstanding his many annoyances , has commissioned us to publish bis willingness to act as Treasurer for his oppressed countrymen . He says that he will look upon every farthing given as a gift bestowed upon himself . We ask , then , is this the time to admit the arch traitor amongst us , just as he is imposing upon the people the additional task of supporting his victims in his native land ! .
The Irish Chartist Association is likely to become the most powerful body ever organised in that country ; and we expect ere long to have the inexpressible pleasure of announcing their first grand procession , and open air meeting . Can we allow such indomitable perseverance to be checked by courtshi p * here , of the common enemy ! No , we cannot . The country , and our Irish brethren would very properly hold the Executive responsible for any damage done to their cause by tolerating the enemy of the " miscreant Chartists" even to attend one of their meetings .
Have we not had enough of his oppression , and his Bupport of the " Bloodies , " or are we , like fools , now to pardon-the greatest of all our enemies \—the man whose sole aim is to fill his pockets at the expence of a starving people , and whose only object is to purchase a renewal of confidence for renewed traffic . Men of Manchester ! you were among the first and the boldest to demand a proper reception for the " miscreant" in Yorkshire ; and now , upon behalf of Yorkshire , we have a right to demand .. from you a
return of the service which was so nobly performed , and so cheerfully undertaken , in defiance of all opposing obstacles . Up , then ! and meet the enemy . Let him see that you are what you profess to be ; and if a slave class , not willingly so . Ireland expects every man to do his duty ! We expect , in our next , to be able to publish a list of subscriptions for the relief of the persecuted Irish Chartists , and the proper reception of their persecutor .
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THE PRESENTATION OF THE NATIONAL PETITION AND THE MOTION OF MR . DUNCOMBE . Tub National Petition was presented on Tuesday , to the "House . " The number of signatures was announced by Mr . Duncojibb to be more than one million three huxdred thousand ! It was borne to tbe " House" on the shoulders of eighteen "Fustian Jackets , " who performed their duty ¦ well—preceded by a procession of the members of the Convention , s nd other Icadiag ChartistSi
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A . short delay oecnrredat the side entrance toth House , through the iron gateway , as the bearers stopped to send a message to Mr . Dukcohbe , to &n , nounce the arrival of his protege . An answer was soon returned for the petition to be carried np ^ a it was accordingly conveyed through a dense crowd ( containing many Members of Parliament among it ) to the lobby , where it was received b y Messrs . Dun .
combe and O'Connkll , who , with some difficulty managed at length to roll it through the entrance ' along the floor of the House , and in front of the ' table , opposite the seat where Mr . T . Duncohbs awaited the opportunity of presenting this tremendons petition to the " House , " and of moving or its contents . Of the ** debate" we shall say nothing We have given all the important part of it fron the London papers , and merely advise our readers
to read it . The issue was , that Mt . Duncombe ' s motion fob THE RELEASE OF THE INCARCERATED Victims Was LOST Bf THE CASTING VOTE OP THE SPKAKBB ! Will the Government dare to keep them in prison after this t ! We shall see . After the division , the fustian-jacketed bearers of the petition and their friends adjourned to the Bull Inn , where the death knell of faction was sounded in a most pleasing and enthusiastic Chartist meeting .
The most important part of the whole proceedings ig the fact that the National Petition of 1841 , got Qp from first to last , at little or no expence , and with scarcely any excitement , received as we shall prove , more than 2 , 0 * 0 , 000 of signatures . To this subject we shall return next week . In the meantime , let it be a warning to those who console themselves with the .. fall of Chartism I and a solace to those look upon its triumph as the triumph of justice , mo . rality , and right .
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THE ELECTION CRISIS . At this most important and momentous period . we feel that the following nervous and well-timed address , is worthy of attention from all parties of the producing people ; and we therefore call to it their especial notice . "TO THE OPPRESSED MILLIONS THB 0 UGHOUT THE LAND .
" Hudderefield , 26 th May , 1841 . "My Fbiends , —Monopoly or no monopol y has taken ' the place of the old Whig cry of'The Bill the whole Bill , and nothing but the Bill , * and with ' the same Whig intention , namely , to dupe , to delude , and to cheat the unsuspecting and unwary . "A bill , dated the 25 th inst ., and printed at Huddersfield , headed— ' Monopoly or no monopoly , that is ' - the question '—in favour of Whiggery , says , very truly , ' That the inhabitants should refuse to be any longer befooled by party cries from any party 1 ' Had they not been befooled by this craftv
faction , we s h ould have had no mock Reform Bill ; we should have had no " anti-Poor Law agitators , " pajd or unpaid ; because we should have needed none ; that crew would never have had the power to inflict a law so bloody , so cruel , and so torturous . That hypocritical banditti could not have inflicted upon us so many Commissions , so many Rural Police ; they could not have created such immense burdens for the industrious community to bear ; they could not have added so heavy an amount to the National Debt ; they could not have granted £ 100 , 000 to the old Queen , nor would they have had the baseness and impudence to recommend
recipes , and publish them , as Baines , their organ , has done , to the free and independent Jaboarers of this enlightened country , by which , from a collection of garbage , eight p ints of soup should be produced for 4 id . ; or that from rubbish , not fit for pigs , a mess should be made , which should make a dinner for . five able-bodied labourers , for the charge of S ^ i . Those ingenious starvation mongers—those refined inventors of skiliygolee , and advocates of free trade —those Judases , who , for the last nine years , have been engaged in contriving the best mede of making the people labour harder , and produce more , and live on less , and coarser faro—who h ave brongh t them to the
starvation point , and from thence to the bastues , and through these to their graves , by thousands , —those vile monsters who have been so consistent , and so . successfnl , in the work of lowering wages enslaving , starving , and extirpating the industrious community ; may , with their common , audacious , and barefaced effrontery , now that the tradesmen , all over the' country , are becoming bankrupts by wholesale , and the trade is at a stand still , while ruin and starvation is all but universal—when theirown reckless cruelty and extravagance have cast them upon their beam ends—when they cannot progress in their work of havoc one step further , they may
now challenge the devil to equal their cool effrontery , when they come to us and say " That a bold attempt has at length been nude by her' Majesty ' s Ministers to revise our partial , and oppressive , &c , Laws . " Why , I ask , did they not begin there ; and keep improving , instead of retrograding during the whole nine years of their misgovernment I Why at the last moment do they come forth with the olive branch . I tell you plainly , itis to allure you—to bring you again intotheir meshesto induce you to seat , them again in power , and if you do , if you permit yourselves to be deluded , you muat bid farewell to liberty , you must expect a
continuance of their heartless inhuman system—jou must look for a renewal of their systematic arrogance , starvation , rags , slavery and premature death—you must expect a well clad and high fed army of blue bludgeoners , backed out by a red army with bullets and bayonets , and a land covered with bastiles , commissioners , and Government spies , with the f ° T ® 8 ? system of passports and centralisation , by whicn every germ of mercy , justice , ( to the poor ) and benevolence will be annihilated , and we are slaves for ever . Then up , Britons , up , * Now is the day and now the last hour
is the hour , ' and if it is the last day and , the last opportunity which will ever be afforded yon , let it not pass—lot it not slip , for the sake of mercyfor your own , and for the sake of your families—for the sake of posterity , be up , be at your jjost and let Whiggery be utterly destroyed—yea extirpated—at al risks , and at all hazards , from this land , and from the face of the oarth . Fear nothing but the restoration of the baneful influence of Whig faction ; drive that pestileuce from the land . : "lam most truly " And most faithfully yours , " L . Piikkthw . "
Tho tone of this appeal breathes more of honesty than of refinement ; but we are persuaded with Mr . Pitkethly , that the most effective step to be ntw taken for liberty , is the crippling of the Whigano matter how . The people ' s prospects look well , so far as the election is concerned . Several Chartist Candidates are already in the field . Election Committtees are formed and forming everywhere , to . watch the movements of the time—to bring out and support ChartiBt Candidates wherever it i * practicable—and Tories wherever it is not . Any thing to beat down the " bloodies I "
Colonel Thompson at Hull , Sharham Crawpoed at Rochdale , and Captain Wood at Bradford , are all in a fair way for invigorating the rotten carcase o St . Stephens with some really patriotic life . Let but the people bestir them , and the votes of the Cbartisi electors , and the power ( rightly directed ) of thfl Chartist non-electors , shall now prove itself to be all sufficient for the utter annihilation of one of the two great factions by making the other worry itand then hurrah ! for the simple tug of . right against might ; of a united people against the 6 ingw foe ! ! We informed our readers some time ago , that Mr . Baines did not intend to bid again for Leeds . We think the following extract fro ^ n the Craven ! wa report will shew them that Sir William
Moleswokth need not : — " Mr . Cullen called upon Mr . Leader , but didnot see him . He then waited upon Sir Wm . Moleswortn , and requested his support of the- petition «» w " of the imprisoned Chartists , and to P [ J «^* J ? « 2 rials for the restoration of Frost , Williams . a » Jones . He first esid that , he woiJd deliberw whether he would present the Leeds petition or » o He theu said that he could not support tbe petuw « i or present the memorials . "
Will that satisfy the Chartists ! , Will they W ™ the "Goose Club" to return Moles worth again , even if ihey should dare attempt it i We <» Ic ^* \ not . Two Tories will Ro in for Leeds , to a dew certainty , if the people do their duiy . _ " bloodies" talk something , as we hear , aboir t oo Hume f We jus ! think we see Baowr t g ^ j Joseph , walking arm in arm with HkmM * ^ Neddy ,, and escorted by a procession ot W »« , weavers carrying a small brown loaf and a . ro red herring , on a pole , and playing " » Ke J * * March" upon " Rough Music ! " How very tastt ]
" Ireland" And
" IRELAND " AND
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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS . It is really amusing to see the lucubrations of the " Artful Dodger , " and the Tap-tub , served up by the immortal Sun , for our evening repast , in one hash , under the title "Spirit of the Press , " and seasoned with the Palmeeston piquant sauce , extracted from the columns of the little " Globe . " A bit ot French and a bit of Latin , and a bit of a
joke , to constitute the balance of power of a great nation , and to guide our destinies , is quite characteristic of the u Old Beau . " It does to serve his purpose , and , in tiutb , as we were some time ago favoured with specimens of the poetic productions of members of the Cabinet , we see no reason why every Right Honourable Gentleman should not have his own particular paper for chronicling his own peculiar views .
In fact , it would be but justice to others , inasmuch as the Noble Lord , whose trade is diplomacy , has certainly out-jockeyed his colleagues in his preBS-gang manoeuvres . By his fascinations he has won the columns of all , while he is most heartily ridiculed by each . Yet we must bear in mind that Editors are but men , and that they may be flattered like other men ; hence we find , that since poor Easthope stretched his legs under the Premier ' s mahogany ,
he has lost all decency as a journalist in his duty towards his host . From that fatal day to the present , if Melbourne committed murder , rape , or arson , Easthorpk would justify the act by the necessity , and would not even ( as Fouche had the honesty to do ) call his master ' s greatest butchery by the gentle title of " a political blunder . " No , Easthorpe would not allow crime in such case to be even a blunder . Well may the conquering journalist exclaim , " but one such dinner more , and I am undone !"
In the meantime , the Great Geographer continues to dot his surface with the names of newly discovered depots of popular strength heretofore unknown beyond the parish boundary , save to the literati , but now swelled into frog-like importonce , and paraded under the head
« GREAT DEMONSTRATION ON BEHALF OF THE GtBEAT COMMERCIAL REFORM . " Al % a ! the attempt creates no more excitement than , the mere curiosity produced by a first glance at a new " atlas . " The people are not there ! The people will not be there '; because the people don't want a HOUSE OF MASTERS to complete their ruin . So the poor Chron . may dot , and dot , and dot away ; but tho close of the poll will dot him out of Leicester , and his masters out of the Treasury .
O , what a god-send tho Whitsuntide holidays would have been in 1832 ! and how dry the old timbers of Bristol and Nottingham would have been for a Whig cracks ; but now , alas ! the tears of tho hungry have moistened them , and even in the dogdays they would not ignite , though struck by a sudden flash of Whiggery S The devil himself , be he black or be he white , could ' nt save the poor " bloodies ; " aud as a last hope they are calling spirits from the " ¦ vasty deep ; " but alas ( the spirits are too deeply sunk in Whig poverty , Whig bastiles , and Whig dungeons , to hear the summons . " When poverty comes in at the door , love flies out at the window "—when Whigs came in at the window , principle went out at the door .
O , the ; poor , poor " bloodies !! " what ] will become of the " bloodies ? " What shall we do with the " bloodies » " How will it be with the " bloodies ?" " Noboby coming to help " the " bloodies . " Nobody coming to woo" " the bloodies . " So down down ! down ! with the " bloodies !" We are irresistibly compelled to append hereunto the most recent discoveries of depots of popular feeling by the "Artful Dodger" Hear , ye unins true ted in English localities , the places relied upon to carry Reform in 1841 ; and ask yourselves if the Reformers ef 1832 knew of the existence of one half of them .
" GREAT DEMONSTRATIONS at Carnarvon , Corsham , Chippenham , Peterborough , Brampton Moor , Br amp ton , Tynemouth , Southampton [ again ?] , Gosport , Rigg of Geetna [ who the devil is the Riggi ] , Honiton , Chatham , Canterbury , Epping , Dartford [ great open-air meeting , thirtynine present !] , Anna , " aud so on j but they were licked wherever they dared to meet the sinews : Stroud and Birmingham , to wit .
Its all up , Chron . so you may map away , old boy , till you are black in the face ! You may just as well whistle jigs to a mile-stone , as offer you * " commercial Reforms" to the people of England now .
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4 THE NQRfHBBK SJlJl , ^ __
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), May 29, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1111/page/4/
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