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iAKCASTEB ASSIZES.
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- - ( Continuedfirm our eighth page . J «_ gT £ Committee issued an address , ltwascnite 2 « fliat ilisfc- * aares » was in n » -way brought h % m » to S $ e > t . 2 t -wasnot proved tohave ^ been In his hands , Si lbere "ws » nothing ¦ whatever to &av that be S Jad sDythirg lo So -with the cencoction of it . This S « n tfce Ifitfi of Amjnrt . On the 17 th-what did ^ fiDd hia « Bcnt doing ? - He -was at the meeting of ^ Conference . 2 ? oVon& jingle syllable was proved to SJ , aUen irom fc » Bps- - - Neither CarEledge or firiffin j ^ ed a single pliable of evidence except that he vra » ? $ 8 Cob ! erenca . There-was & resolution passed , and Sprajea the jary to attend to the hording ^ jf it , Zgjae if i « understood the meaning of laagnaje , his jtei-wu there for the purpose of looking after the
gir jijtorgaiL 3 saoaJ-aiiaJaB aenea juaj beuaed friends ^ e « otliH » 3 e to extract anything prejudicial 60 m * * against him .- The resolution -was •» That -whilst X , Cbartist lJOdy did not originate the present cessagaa from labour , this Conference of Delegate * , from 2 iani para of Enilanfi , express their deep sympathy _ 5 jli thai -constituenta , Hie "Working men now on strike , og jjfcsV'VB strongly approve the txtension &n § eoEti-^ nce of ibeir present struggle till tbe People ' s Charr ^ oojnes a legislative enacttneai . and decide , forth-^ to issue an addrew to that tfect , and "we pledge Ignores , on our return to our localities , to giro a 1 ^ direction to the people ' s tffurte . " Bad the ^ resee of 3 ) defates no right to express their -ngpa ^ iy -with their constituents . Vhe "working classes ? that they hadand be knew
s ^ jesintamed , no law j&a . prevented the people txpressing the aense of the Ttocrtj if ihey bad any , and the inconveniences , if psfreze any , to which these poor people were exposed w ^ jja jtriie . Had they no right to approve the jijpaoa of theirpresent straggle ? Hesaid they had . jyj lad a right , asindcpendSDt men , to siand by any gfc& , Vi& toxpprove tLeir conduct in holding ont . tUJ ft « h > fl got a fair remuneration for their labour , protfg& tbey did not do that which was chanted ^ gsinst £ , cEeai in this indictment . Be did sot say tfest the CSffUrt * vere right- lie had his own opinions as to yfeeSha naiversal suffrage was a good thing , or whe > gjer j geurcal txtenson of the franchise -would he a jjBeaisi measure for the wrongs ef the "working classes .
jjtibeylivedinafree country ; they had aright to jBS&ff the question of wages , and they had a right to gam tfceir opinions upon them , though they might ^ jsE | bed atbj Ecme , and attacked and denounced by jggjjT Se Taairtavned that Brooke had a right to do gjj . Be iMr . Dundas ) was of opinion feat aome of the ^ ew af tbe Chartists were wild and visionary , hut gay hsd a Tight to hold those opinions , provided they gg x in a legal and constitutional manner . Then what in the next they heard of iiis client ? They find him £ i Eus&Dg on the 18 th of August , one day after g * fccJ&Bg of the Conference . There he was spolen jj t j ona witness as being at a meeting where there ya a good deal of disburbance and excitement , where o gre -was no person to keep order , and where
everyfcgr wu tryiBg to get a word ip . . Now , they had lard that at that meeting Brook * , said r >™ t the people $ tf j . ne . mtbcu 3 snas to Leeds , and drivai ihe boI-&S fiom fire fearracif . If be had said so , It was j tetj fooIMi thing , but there was no greater dangtr ; gas fcs a Jury to place implicit reliance upon reports laj before them in transactions of that nature . Why , 80 hsflhad an Slustadon of this in the evidence oi Be -witnes , who said that he could sot remember ; vSe&s a word raed-was " resolution' or •¦ revolution , *' Bi ia another case , "whether it was " Hoole" or " fool , " iB ^ iEgto Mr . Holland Hoo " e , » Ma ? istrate of the town £ ] faBcaester . 'The witness who appeared against his get , hsd said not a word about the three letters h wnieb Brooke was said -to have referred at the
acting of delegates , as stating the turning out cf the idiess at Leeds , and he supposed lhat his Learned Mead ( Jbe Attorney General ) , thinking lhat the { Bd £ nce was very weak , called a -witness to prove fiat a copy of the "RrpentJve Committee ' s address had Jeesfoond at Tudmerden , is order to crtite a supposi-^ that it hid been taken there by Brooke . How stood ft * fart ? , lt was proved feat the adoress was not pxted at Todmorden tai the 17 th , at which time Brooke m si Manchester , and had nothing more to do with fie address than the constable himself . Brooke was jat Eabte for the acts of others . A man had enough to h nrw-a-days , to look after himself , and he hoped £ ii ihe jcry -would not in censegnenee of any such asglative evidence as that tke defendant had bten at
j ^ eetic ? jdsEciiester , and at another at Basintsae , as to rtinrn against him » -reniict of guilty . But itiim look for s moment at the Executive ajl dress , B& see whe ^ er it would bear the terrible construction l&a bad-been pat opon it by Ihe Attorney-General . iB ^ tbe » TeryfooEdi pTcduction . "Wby , they lived k&e aje of fooli&b profternatioEs ; but if the party who lute 1 Mb address did bo with a good intention , and infaded it to-have a proper effect , it ought to be viewed * a * liberal allowanca Be snr . mitted t- > them that Ivu an argument in -favour of the Charter . There s $ & be a hard word bsre , » nd a hard word there , but S 3 he maintained that it wzs not seditions , as wss " sststded on the othsr iddg . * j * bt « »^^ t ^ w "wliicn & 2 d been BKsdi commented apon ran thus— " Brother Chartists ,
& » peat political tmths which kave been agitated famg lie last half esstury , have at length aroused { he degraded and insulted white slaves of Enx-and to ias » d . their dntj to themBel « a , their cbildmo . xac &BZ -country . " T ^ hite slaves I said Ms learned tneti , * fr A'torney-GeneraL Yss , he ( Mr . Dundas ) b £ end that tbtre were many of the working classes h the condition of white slaves . Their conditon was ^ boHb and wretched . That which censtituted th » lot joiaee of EngUthmen , and which might be said m to make life itself desirable—domestic comfort , Bgta very mtans of procuring it , was wanting to fea . Ifeey were poor , they were ill clad , and they fcd little « r no education . He did not put tl > e tonjm any one—perhaps , they might all take a fcSeol the blame upon themselves , but however that
settle , the fact was unquestionable , that a large lotion of the working dosses were steeped in the tajot poverty , and that their education was at the wj lowest He should not haTe said a word on Ea psrt of tbs placard , if the Attorney-General had Stippared to have exjiresred sozuueb astoniiamtiit ; i &b « aq « essjon of tbe term *• white slaves . " Tba . literswait on—" Tens of thousands bave flung ~ fe * B &eir - implements of labour . Your tssk-¦ blen tranDle at your outcry , and expect-¦ S buss eagerly watch this grtat crisis of our * s * V ^ bis was a sptdmen of graudnoQUfeDce—the tes ^ jle , or that of Buonaparte , —a flourish with . ffifr . Jagh sounding proclamations were sometimes > Ba 2 ed in . •* labour must no loDger be the common
: Wf f& nasters and rulers . Intelligence has beamed ^ a the mind of the bondsman , and he has been conijeaS list all wealth , comfort , and produce , erery-;* % valuable , -useful , and eles ^ ant , bave sprung from P * I * hn of his hand ; he feeis that his cottage is Ffj 7 . 1 ii ! back is thinly clad , bis children breadless , W * & bootless , his mind harassed , and his body ¦?^*^ s ^ 18 i undue riches , luxury , and gorgeous J" * & , sight be heaped in the palaces of the task' ^ tej . andioeded into the granaries of the oppres-* ^ 2 fatare , God , and reason , have condemned this L ^ OBtJi and in ihe th-nncer of a peopse * s voice it ^ TB iil for eret" Ss | 31 z- Unndas ) eould « as 3 y ?^? ttai & ploor man looking at the condition of " ^ SRnittat—bi s property—in ships , in houses , if it
flpba , —jn niacbintry , and he could imagine bim 5 F ? ikat thesa ibings were piouctta such more ^ 8 te mgrchant , than was the sweat of his brow t ^^ n . He might be wronx , bnt if be ¦ S ^ ^ aicerdy , he had wrongs which S » to btrecrea-ed by the Government under which « trei "HssiBows that labour , —the real property ^^• Mj , the sole origin of accumulated property , tbfc ^^ ass of an national wealth , asd the only Eup-^«^ . Srfender , and contribntor to the greatness of ^ ttfetry . —is not peseessedef the same legal protec-¦»« BJch is ^ rtn to tbose lifeless tfltcts , —tbe bouses , SJ ^ ndiKthinEry , —which labour has clone created . mS 01 ™ * fcat a ^ t 0 ^ bas no protection , wages can-; ^ ktad ; but in the slicbtest degree refiniated
Sv " 1 1 BaD oI t ^ eniy-one years of age and sane : gB iian theame political level as the employer . He : S ?*'* bst-fljs Casrter would remove , by nniversal S ^ PfSKfcQ id TJiiiveisal Suffrage , the heavy load - ^? a " » iich now crush , the ^ " ^ " ^ of tbelabonre * . * z ** s tiie tfibrts of commerce , ttat it would xfre ^^ * o * Ennna ^ as well bs cheap fo » d , high wsces , ^^? -as low taxes ; bring happiness to the hfiartb-^ ptenry to the table , protection for the old , edn-; ^ 6 ? tmi ! & Ptrmanent prosperity to the connl ^^ j ^^^ ed ptotfcCtiVB power to ; sbour ; and Tg fcTir ^ p % ace—to exhausted hnmanity and i ^ pnttg nadoni » Jibw he l 3 in Dasdas ) was j ] g | l * tgar 6 a to Bay Qat the Charter and TJiiij ^^^ ffrage would be a remedy for all
i ^^^ yt think so , but he remtmbered how the I ^^^ aiitbise bed been extended th roughout the | g ? J , * od especially in thdr own country ; he thought fii | 2 * benther too bad to say that he was a bad | j ££ ' *«> sought for a further extension of it . Dif-I ^^ bdd difierent views as to what wauld brin ^ r I ^« j country . Some pcriies thongbs ttat a gg £ " ^ Corn LavtB -would bring about a better I ^^ Mngs , and others I&ugb&d at them for avowing HSftp kn- 2 ut ziLsn had aright to his opinions , lltew ^ * e- ^ . crtl » " » bil 6 living in England one iS ^^ . if ever they put the law into the hands cf t | g ^ to saite the opinions of another- " Therefore ILj **» * e late splEianly aworn , and ene and all I ^^^ S ** 1146 ^ S ^ dai opporbmity now within eui 3 Z ?» 8 aDnct -dsm »*« fnitipn » th ^ that tfcs chance
t |^^«« afforded to ns , by a wise and anseeing I * Sh ^ ^ Sc * ^ ^ J 1 ^ ti&t » e do now nnivErsally l ^^^^ ioieEume labour untfllabour ' s grievanees i ^^^? * and preleetJon lecnrei for ourselves , m& *? £ * ^ wea , and helpless children , by the eoaoV § tafc « a » People * Chartefc" What waa the fair ffcj » £ «> of the aaeanin ^ of this language . Sadfe , * s * * Btl *» fcr "wages . What | kj *? Peopl £ 2 Tbiysaid , "We thlnkthisis a very lE ^ i ** 6 ° FP « tamty for carrying the Charter . The Jfc ^ Jrf 111081 ' univatal ; -we never had such an oppor-^^ g Woie , and we think that by Srm and legitimate ^^^ s tcay Accomplish cur oigect . " This was the IJjg * r ~ S £ Be fionSruction which he put upon tbe ^^ tpd ly . thtjnghs Oat si ; the acts of those : ^ . , ttte ^ t ^ ke , asaply = coEflrmed him in the view ^ r ^ Jatsa cf it , " lnttlliitite has r ^ ched \ a of
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the wide-spreading of the strike , and now within fifty miles of Manchester , every engine is at rest , and all is stal , save the millers' useful wheels and the friendly sickle in ttie fields .- This was very poefical , M& 3 L was very utar -what was tbe csae . There waB nbibBg at all illegal in saying that within fifty miles of MaD- ' Chester every engine was at rest The were at iek \ i but who pnt Jiem in that position ? Notthe meetiog ' of delegate * , not his client , nor tbe Executive Cpaii mittee . It was the result of a proceeding wbJeh-he diet not appear there to t efend , fcnt which had no connection whatever with the individual whom he » preaented . " Englishman J tie blood of your brothers redden the stre&is of Preston and Blackbnrn . " This was a passage which had been tbe "Klde-STJTeadinff of tr > a BtfJt » > m ) nnv »»;»>;»> at ^ ,
commented upon with much severity by the Attorney-General . , Uo man could regret more than he did the unfortunate events that had happened at Preston , and which had led to a loss of bnman life , bnt was it not a most extraordinary fact that in connection with that lamentable transaction * , a small civil force amounting to not more than eighty pers » ns > and a few soldiers , had been able to drive away & body of men composed of some thouBaads ? They would find that instead of offering any resistance to the authorities , or seeking to place them in collision with the soldiery , by which blood might have been spilled , they peaceably retired—a fact which he thought afforded the strongest possible evidence that the peopla bad no intention of employing physical force for tbe
attainment of their object . M And the murderers thirst for more . " He would admit that this was a very improper word , but when they took into consideration the circumstances under whicb the address was written , ai > d the station in life of the parties , it might be looked upon with some degree of excuse . *• Be firm , be courageous , be men . Peace , law , and order , bave prevailed on our side—let them be revered until our brethren in Scotland , Wales , and Ireland , are informed of your resolution ; and when a universal holiday prevails , waich will be the case in eight days , of what use will bayonets be against public opinion ?¦' No , of what use would tbBy be . If there was a universal holiday , and people were of one mind , there would be notaing at all to n * « fct for . What , then , was
the construction he pnt upon this passage ? Why this — " If yon will only do tbia for eight days , you will Carry the Charter . —not by bayonets , bnt by peace , law , and order , we will carry out the work . " This be conceived to be the true meaning of what the writer of this address intended to ccnvey by a universal holiday . "Wnat tyrant can then live above tie terrible tide of thought and energy , which is now flowing fastAtmder tbe guidance of man ' s intellect , which is now ^ deatined by a Creator to elevate his people above the reach of want , the rancour oi despotism , and the pena } ties of bondage ? The trades , a noble , patriotic band , bave taken the lead in declaring for the Charter , and drawing their geld from tbe keeping of tyrants . FuDow their example , lend no whip to rulers wherewith to scotuxe
yon . Countrymen and brothers , centuries may roll on , as they have fleeted past , before tuch universal action may again bedisplayed . Webavemadttbe cast for liberty , and we must stand like men the hssird of vbe die . Let none despond . Let all be cool and watchful , and like the bridesmaids in the parable , keep your lamps burning , and let tout continued resolution be a beacon to guide those-who aie now hasiening far and wide to follow 5 cur memorable example . Brethren , we rely on your firmness ; cowardice , treachery , and womanly fear , would cast our cause back for half a century . Let no man or child break down tbe solemn pledge , and if they do , may tbe curse of tbe poor and the
starving pursue them—they deserve slavery who would madly court it . ** Tais was Ossian again—a flourishing proclamation , very poetical and very pretty , bat saiely not seditious . " Our machinery is all arranged , and your cause win in three days be impelled onward by ail the intellect we can summon to its aid ; therefore , whilst you are peaceful , be firm , and whilst you look to the law , remember that you had no voice in making it , and are , therefore , tbe slaves to the will , the law , and the caprice of your masters . " He believed it was the opinion of many high authorities that taxation and representation ought to go hand in hand , and they often heard that
* ' Laws grind the poor , and rich men make tbe laws . " Tbe "trorking classes of this country thought that they had a right -to make laws for tbemsslves . They might be wrong , bnt if that was their opinion , they had an undoubted right to act upon it , and to impress tbe opinion upon others . Tbe last passage in this address was— " All officers of tbe Association are called upon to aid an 4 assist is tbe peaceful extension of ihe movenitni , and to forward all monies for the use of delegates , "who may ba expressed oytr the country . Strengthen our hands at this crisis . Support your leaders . Rally r » und our sacred cause , and leave tbe decision to the
God of Justice , and ef Battle . " The Attorney-General had laid much stress on the last word of this passage , and had put ; a meaning upon it which he ( Mr . Dond&s ) contended it did not bta " , — that it was eaUicg upon tbe people to take arms and do battle against those who might oppose them . Be believed that this word was applied exactly in the some sense as tbe address of the Cotfcrenct—the battle of justice against inju&tice , —tbe bat&e of right against might , —the battle of the poor against tbe rich , —if it might be , and no other . This was the construction which be pnt upon tbe passage and he did not think it could be made out to have that meaning which-was attached to it by the other side , name ly , that it was a physical force battle , and not a moral battle . He had read through this address enJy because it was proved to have been posted at Todmorden , at which place bis client resided , and but for that fact , he should not have troubled the jury with atjy observations upon it He was afraid be bad detained their attention
too long , especially as he only appeared for one of the defendant ? . He felt a strong sympathy for the true happiness of the workiDg classes of this country . Whatever greatness England had achieved as a commercial nation , —whatever advances she bad made in all that constituted tbe characteristics of a great people , — to whatever point of refinement the means of national and individual comfort bad risen , she owed it all to the skill , the iodustry , and tbe perseverance of her artlzana . It was because he felt thiB that he Bbonld bs delighted in any opportunity cf bettering their condition , either by edncating thtm by giving them better la-ws , or by removing tbe grievances of which they complained , ana enabling thtm to live happily and contentedly under tfce instituiionB of tbe cauEtry . The LsfiZDed G = bU £ B&& » cooclcded by askmg si vbehands of tbe Jnry , » fsveurable eensitteration for his client , against whom , in his conscience , he believed that no cbarze of conspiracy existed .
Hr . Baikes , for Mr . Seholefield , said that he had occupied very little oi the time of the Court in crossexamination . The case of his client was so plain and simple . If the jury wonld simply apply the rule laid down by the Attorney-GcDeral , not to convict any one on mae suspicion , fc . 8 could fcave little doubt as to thfeir verdict . He con 2 d not help expressing Mb disapprobation of the cenrse adopted by the Crown . The present indictment was a monster indictment One of a kind unhesrd of before , and which he trusted wonlJ uever be seen again . What a hardship it imposes upon eacb of tht > fiity-nine defendants many e > f whom are not defended by counsel , and who are still expected each to examine and analyse tbe mass of evidence which it ba . ; ocenpied tbe Crown five days in laying before them , and to be able to select , and to answer tbe various facts scattered thronab tbe heap which might
apply to bis individual case . Bnt tbe prosecution sought also to apply « acb cf the nine corals in this indictment to each of these defendanU , so that bnt for the manner in which the record had been shortened , on the suggestion of the Learned Judge , there would have been no fewer than 531 questions to be submitted to them . He would now proceed to consider the case of bis cl ent , Mt . Scbolefield wasi a dissenting clergyman , who had succeeded a Hr . Coward , the founder of the sect to ¦ which he now preached , and he also acted ns an apothecary . Mr . Sehokfield -eras , no doubt , a supporter of the Charter . He thought that the working elasses in ibis country were deeply obliged to Mr . Feargus O'Connor . - He claims ssimply that indulgence for his opinions which Mr . Dundas had alieaay so eloquently claimed for his client For every beet of political be the most
opinions in this country there shou ^ l unlimited toleration—however mistaken- —if argued peaceably , and legally submitted to the choice of the people . He would call their attention to a position laid down by the Attorney-General . There never were , he must , in tbe first place , ray , a set of men who had to struggle with greater pwjudices than tbe defendants at the bar . He would but refer to the cirenmstances of tne Magistrates of a whole county , that of Stafford , having set aside a man as bail simply because he was a Chartist It could be no offence to a Jury taxation them against such prqudices . He was not there ao advocate the Charter . Itmigbt be right or it might be wrong ; but « . to the character of those maintaining it he must * ay , in common justice , tot ¦»»»« *«? best husbands and
ware to be found some of the the best fathers , and that their moral conduct ^ mightbe ^ example to many who despised ttem . He would proceed to tbff position laid down by the Attorney-Kto thtlaw of conspiracy , by which he sought to ^ xTrery one of a body actii * for * eommon ptuv pose with the acts of every one of the ottiera . He ffily xliEBenti * from this position when ^ ddown £ flit « tent It was only true when tbe object SuS was in itself illegal . But the ob ; ert jn thJ * S was a legal one . Suppose people united togetber for Beform of the ^ presentation , ^ ovl& . xt not £ » £ TM- ^ 5 = r £ 5 fi
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ing the common cause ? The learned Counsel then went on to analyse the particular evidence applicable to the case of Mr . ScboIfcfieW . He was BOt at all af « lifted , fe * U » e eyidt ; Dcs ot the ifirse first day ? . It was 'Sa ^ srday before his name waa even mentioned . The learned Counsel then went on tb detail the biatory of tbVHunt procession and Monument , and tbe original . © kj ^ uta ofth e meeting of del egates , as already given in / i&VeVJdenee . These purposes were strictly legal . The . plan / was first suggested in the middle of June , long before these outbreaks . On the 1 st of August , a placard regulating the course of the procession appeared . The outbreak took place on the 9 th or 10 th . The Magistrates' proclamation did not appear till tbe 14 th , and the Hunt ' s Monument Committee actually antici-:.. .. „__ . ™» _ _ » _ ...
pated them , and issued a placard putting a atop to the procession as early as the lOtb . Oa tbe 11 th a circular was pubHsbed , stating that the Committee thought it most advisable , in consequence of the disturbed state of the country , not to have the procession , less it might lead to a collision with the authorities ; but that a private meeting would be held at Mr . Scholefield ' s . On the 14 th the Magistrates issued a proclamation , and on the 2 . 5 th her Majesty ' s proclamation apjjfearflS ! Atr ^ -ScbolsSxld received those lateen thelStb , and early on the 16 th a placard appeared , putting off both procession and meeting , and exhorting the people to peace and order . On Mr . Scholefisld coming back , after getting these placards printed , he found Mr . O Connor bad arrived from London . Some of the delegates from a
distance , who were not aware of the state of things , arrived in the course of the day , and , of course , went to Mr . Scholefield ' s . They went in open day , from about eleven o ' clock in the morning till four in the afternoon . In the evening of that day there was a teaparty at Cirpenters ' -halL The witness who spoke to wkat Mr . Scholefield said came in in the middle of a sentence , part of which might have any meaning that any person might assign to it On the 17 th , some of the delegates met in Mr . Scbolefleld ' a chapel . He was requested to permit them tbe use of it , for tbe purpose originally referred to in the notice by which the delegates were convened . He was asked to do so by Mr . O'Connor , as being a convenient place where they would be least likely to run any risk of attracting a
crowd , and breaking the public peace . Even if that meeting had beer , perverted to an illegal pnrpooe , Mr . Scholefleld . at all events , took no part in it Ho passed once or twice through the chapel on his usual business , but no Word , so far as the evidence went , was spoken in bis presence . Could they , upon this evidence , find him guilty of being a party to a conspiracy , supposing such a conspiracy existed at all ? He confidently left his case with the Jury . Mr . Sergeant Mur * ht , for Dr . M'Douall and others —He said he thought he might almost leave the case of bis clients upon the observations of his Learned Friends . He would confine himself to the evidence which applied particularly to those whom he defended . He must remark , however , that there was no cbaTge
known to the English law which extended so widely ^ or which was so difficult to guard against , as that of conspiracy . By it men were rendered liable , in many cases , for the rash , or wicked , or illegal acts ef others . As to tbe particular defendants , he begged them to remember that , in the case of Durham , in many instances where he was spoken of as appearing at these public meetings he repudiated the Charter as an object of the strike , and recommended peace and order to the multitude . His object as to the strike was legal—that was not denied—and he had , in the advocacy of that object , recommended none but legal means . It was said he had sat on a Committee for granting these licenses . Did it appear he had written any license , that be had had any conversations on the subject , or that there was
anything more against bim than bis having at one time been seen in the room where those meetings were occasionally held ? Against Rsilton there was no evidence on which be could lay bia finger , except that he was present at the meeting of the Conference . Of that , in itself , as an evidence of guilt , his learned friends had already disposed . The original objects , at all events , of that Conference were legal , and there was no evidence whatever of the share he took in any of its proceedings . Tbe Learned Counsel went on to show the progress and objects of the strike . Up to the time , at least , of the crowd entering Manchester , the Chartist body had no connection with this movement . The trades unions had issued & placard , but tbe Chartists had made no metion in that direction . The first act of theirs , by
which it is sought to mix them up with the strike , is the Executive placard . That emanated originally from tbe Executive without , as far aa appeared , any communication from tbe Chartist body . He would not go over the ground occupied by bis Learned Friend with regard to the legality of that placard . He would , however , join with him in earnestly begging them not necessarily to infer that tbe placard is seditious merely because its language is strong . He would quote on this subject the observations of Cbitf Justice Tindal , at Stafford . Tbe language of that placard , as to the misery of the people , was in no degree an exaggeration . It was recognised as true by every one who knew anything of the state of the working classes . The defendants , it appeared , supposed a remedy for this would ba the passing of the Charter , and they recommended a display of peaceful resolution until they
conld obtain this desirable remedy from Parliament It might be the Charter would not be tbe panacea they supposed , but there was no illegality in entertaining or advoc&tlDg the opinion that it would . As to tbe termination of that placard , could they look upon it as more , than a mere flourish , using a sonorous epithet without any intention whatever of stimulating the people to outbreak or violence ? The placard was tbe sole evidence against Dr . M'Donall . The only other circumstances depesed to related to the meeting with Mr . O'Connor at the public-house— a meeting held in open day , without concealment , as men might meet on any ordinary business , and which it was ridiculous to suppose was a meeting of conspirators . The Learned Count el submitted that as to tbe three parties whom he defended there was no evidence which coald justify verdicts of guilty .
The C iurt then adjourned ; it being nealy half-past six o ' clock .
TUESDAY-SIXTH DAY . Mr . Baron Rolfe took his seat this morning at nine o ' clock . A 8 Mr . O'Connor was expected to make his speech in defence to-day , the Court was crowded , and there were many ladies pre-ent . Mr . Athcrton said he would tafee this opportunity of asking tbe Attorney-General whether he had determined on which counts ho would proceed . The Attorney-General . —My Lord , I do not mean to proceed upon tbe two last counts ; but I think as to the sixth and seventh , upon looking at them , it appears to me necessary to retain them . In reality , they hare nothing whatever to do with the riot . It appears to me that they are extremely important wiih reference to seme of the convictions that took place elsewhtre .
Mr . Athebto * then addressed the Court and Jury on behalf of the defendants , James Fenton and William Stephensoo ; and he said , though there was much ground common to all the defendants , which had been ably gone over and pre-occupied by his learned friends , siill there were distinctions between bis clients and tbe other defendants , vrbioh would impose upon him the necessity of occupying some fresh ground . He referred to the importance of this case , which , he said had been acknowledged in the able and temperate address of the Attorney-General . He commented on the circumstance of fifty-nine people of different pursuits , living in different placea , acting apart , and unknown to each other , yet included in oae indictment . Tbe nature of the
charge was such , that a man even in slumber in his bed might be made responsible for the acts of a man whom , in ail probality , b . e never saw ; and the nature of tho evidence was regulated by the charge in this " monster indictment , " and therefore it required the mmost care and caution of the Jury . No expense had been spared or thought too great in getiiDK up ihe prosecution of the Government ; but the defendants bad not the means to bring together a number of witnesses from a distance . The defendants needed the Hhield of the Jury ; because they were individuals , and the prosecutor was the Crown and Government of the country . The first fact established beyond dispute was , that the unfortunate strike did not originate with tho Chartists .
It wa 3 clear that the Chartists w _ ere seeking some political change . The strike originated inaissatisfaction of the workmen with tho wages they received , Some of the witnesses of the class of masters did not seem willing to admit , that wages had been at a low ebb ; but it wa 8 cleat they were so low as to give general dissatisfaction to the workmen . They had a legal right to strike ; and it was satisfactory to know , that this strike did not originate in aay political question by the Chartists ;; but waa the act of the workmen themselves . The "change in the laws , " referred to in the indictment , it was clear , consisted of the six points , which , being embodied .
constituted what was called the " People ' s Charter . Taere was nothing monstrous , or alarming , ia the doctrines of the C&arter , to any man of property , possessing a stake in the country . : There was not a proposition which had not defenders among men in the highest rank , the most stable in property , and most high in intellectual education and refinement . Take the three cardinal points of tho Charter , Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , and Vote by Ballot , were they not tho propositions which for years baa been presented to one o f the largest city constilnxncies in the empire , the constiiueney of Westminster \ Sir Frauds Burdett and Sir John Hobhouse , frcm . jear to year , a \ yi . fxava . election to
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election , l ^ aji befor e that constituency having those propoBitH > n " ajB 6 ntinnally in their months . Was the ballot a . bej } gjiriy Jaok Cade doctrine , only taken iip by ma&Aanng no property r Who had most distinguished himself by the advooaoy of this doctrine ? No saw eulotte ' fbvLi oneof the " prime-merchants" of Lombard-street , a man aa distinguished forMa talent , asfor his wealth and influence . He might refer also to a Noble Lord at the head of his own profession , Lord Brougham , who Was not a man whom any one would suspect of taking up a crude , untenable , and preposterous doctrine itself in politics , yet he advocated the doctrine of the ballot . He might also refer to the name ofa great jurist and philosopher ; a man who spent a long life' injinvestiffatinc Dolhioal auea-. :.- .- ; -. . - .
tions , to which he gave vast research of the moat laborious kind Jeremy Bentham-andfrom aknowledge of his workBhe could say , that there was cot a singlo point in this much-maligucd charter , which he had not defended and enforced in the works Which he had . left behind him . Th # Learned Counsel dwelt on the remarkable absence of injnry to life , and the very little injury juflioled by the turn-outs over a Targe extent o £ country J and quoted the words of the Attorney-General , in hia opening ' speech on this point , as expressions to the strength of which he could add nothing . He then adverted to the seven remaining counts of the indictment The four first were those on which alone it was sought to fix the Conference delegates ; they were the only political counts in the indictment , and consisted of so many charges levelled against the Chartists . The third count , oh which the prosecutionhe supposedwould
, , mainly rely , oharged the existence of tumults and violent stopping of woiks , and that the defendants conspired to abet those tumults . The fourth count oharged them simply with abetting the tumults , without conspiring to do so . In each of the four countf , force , direct or indirect , was charged upon the defendants . He contended , that befoie the jury could give a verdict against any of the Conference delegates , they must be satisfied that the act they did was performed by them , with a knowledge that the strike had been in many instances occasioned by force and violence , and "that they must , when , they published the Conference address , have knowingly aided and abetted in that force and violence . He proposed to road from a particular number of the Northern Star , to shew that there was a very different tendency from that imputed to the address and publications in the case .
The Attorney-General would not object to any general evidence as to the character of a defendant , in the event of a jury finding it necessary to look at his character ; but he must object to putting in particular publications at a particular time . He had , in bis opening address , said he would suppress nothing favourable to any defendant ; and ho had adverted to the fact , that up to acenain period , the general tendency of Mr . O'Connor ' s writingsin the Ndrthern Star were opposed to the course with which he was oharged in the indictment ; and he had permitted a witness ( Griffin ) to nive in evidence from his knowledge of the Northern Star as a reporter for that paper , a general statement that the object and apparent scope of the writings in it were btrongly opposed to any violation of the peace . Ho would willingly give every indulgence ; but must objvet to any particular publication .
Mr . Atherton { -aid , he sought to read from the Northern Star of the date which had been put in . The Attorney-General said , hia Learned Friend should have said so at once ; though some doubt had lately been entertained as to whether that could be done , but he would not raise that doubt at all . The Judge said , he must guard himself ; this was doubtless a concession by tho Attorney General . The Learned Gentleman had a right only to read what went to explain and give a different character to the passage given in evidence for the prosecution .
Mr . Atherton then read a passage from an article which appeared in a third edition of the Northern Star of the 13 . h August , and a first edition oi the 20 th August . In this an opinion was expressed that a cessation from labour to effect any political objeot must be national and bimultaneous . It could not but be successful , because indicating the nation ' s will , against which no power could suooeod . But a mere sectional display of this most decisive of all the forou of moral torce , like a mere sectional display of physical resistance , was sure to be overpowered by the strength of faction . If the strike were made a Chartist strike it must become universal . Suoh a dbolaration would be to those concerned , the fiat of omnipotence . But if Manchester , or even
Lancashire , Bus-tained the struggle singly , it would be unsuccessful ; and in all probability , would retard the movement which it was meant to hasten . The men had a right to strike , but no right to not ; they had a right to work or not to work , but no right to break windows , destroy property , or stop factories . Above all things , they had no right to insult the constables , authorities , or soldiers , Sea . The Learned Gentleman having read this , then addressed himself to the evidence , as against Fenton and Stephenson , neither of whom he said , had been shown to be in the Conferenoe at Manchester , or near Manchester at all , during any part of the tumultuous proceedings . He noticed tho various meetings in Stalybridge , on the Haigh . &o . beginning with that of July 29 , and
dwelling on tne fact that Fenton was a zealous advocate of the wage question , and opponent of its being mixed up with ihe Charter question ; and ( hat on one occasion he had nearly become a martyr to his zeal ; for , according to the evidence , " they had like to have thrown Fenton out of the cart ' , " because he opposed its being made a Charter question . So far from the Chartists being a violent body , according to the whole of the evidenco , they appeared to be an eminently pacific body . " Peace , law , and order " were the watchwords at all their meetings ; and the Attorney-General had admitted , that up to the period of tbe strike , the organ of the Chartists , the Northern Star , had been opposed to violence . The Jury would be running counter to the evidence if they deemed that the Chartists had been other than eminently pacific . The defendants , during the whole of the proceedings , though the crown had elicited the secrets of the Chartists—( and
undoubtedly if there had been any illegal practice in their most secret conclaves , tnose men , Cartledge and Griffin , would have given them in evidenpe )^—and though the defendants must have fult btrongly indignant against these witnesses , if they had been the violent nun thoy had been represented , would they have respected tho sacred precincts of this court of justice , and remained silent . Amongst the Chartists , as amoDgst other bodies , there would be firebrands , aad those men had told them there was one law for the rich and another for the poor . In conolusion , he left the case of the defendants with great confidence in the hands of the jury . The Learned Gentkman resumed his seat at twenty-five minutes to eleven o ' clock , having spoken au hour and a half . Mr . M'Oi'bbey next addressed the jury . He said he appeared for tho defendants Mooney , Thornton , and Aitkin , but the Attorney-General had withdrawn the prosecution as against Thornton .
The Attorney-General—My Lord , it appears to me that he has been only imperfectly identified , and tba representations as to his character were tuoh as to induce me to withdraw the prosecution . By the direction of the Judge , the jury acquitted Thornton . Mr . M'Ocbre y then addressed the jury on behalf of Aitkin and Mooney . He adverted to the expression attributed to Aitkiu , that " the reckoning day is nigh , " recited the verse of the hymn given in
evidence , and argued , that it Was impossible to believe that men thus engaged in devotion , could rush from the worship of God to defy him by plunging into scenes of violence . As to Mooney , the evidence depended on the testimony of Cartledge , who merely swore that he was present at the Conference at Mr . Soholefield ' s . He ridiculed the evidence of Whittam as to Moonej ' s declaration of war against the British Government , with " four double-barrelled guns and two tingle-barrelled guns . " The learned gentleman spoke about twenty minutes .
Mr . O ' Connor said that some of the other defendants wished to address themselves to the jury , and bad arranged amongst themselves in what order they should speak . The Judge—I have no objection . [ The great length of the observations of the Learned Counsel employed , and of some of the Defendants , has debarred our own Reporter from transcribing the whole of his notes : we have , therefore , taken the speeches of Mr . Bainea and Sergeant Muiphy from the Morning Chronicle , as being the best report we could find ; and ; the commencement of Tuesday's proceedings to this point , we have extracted from the Manchester Guardian !
Mr . Gjjobqe Julian Harney—May it please your Lordship , Gentlemen of the Jury ;—In rising to defend myself from the charges preferred against me , I must crave the indigence of the : Court for any imperfections in my defence—imperfections which &re extremely likely to be made , caused by the novel situation in which I find myself placed , and my total ignorance of all the forms of law . Had 1 consulted the views of many of my friends I would probably have , instead of defending myself , employed one of the n » any learned and talented gentlemen around me \ o advooate my cause j but conscious of my innocence and disdaining the arts of
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policy—believing ttat ** thrice he is armed who hath his Quarrel just / ' I appear before yoa to defend my own cause , believing ia spite of the array of legal talent opposed to me , that I can convince you of my innocence and the injustice of the charges against me in the indictment . Gentlemen , I jass over the barbarous phraseology of the indictment upon which as a civilian , not understanding the terms employed therein , I might have very fairly commented , I pass by that and many other topiea uponjwhich I would have commented but for two reasons , —first , I feel that 1 have no right to occupy the time of this Court to the hindrance of the other defendants who have to follow me ; and second , because I feel that I ought to detain you as short as possible , in
consideration of the labour you jhavo already had to perform , and hence , gentlemen ; I will come at once to the question . Allow me here to remark that to me it appears passing strange , that while I occupy a prominent place in this indictment , I find no mention made of my nan . © in the openingladdress of the Attorney-General , nor any evidence joflVed against me until the morning of Saturday laajt , when Cartledge gave evidence that I was at the Conference . Strange , gentlemen , that there should bo so little evidence against one of the chief i conspirators ! Well , gentlemen , I find myself charged with having conspired with a number of persons to the number of fifty-eight ; of these fifty-eight I am only well acquainted with one , viz ., Samuel Parkes of Sheffield ,
with about nftf ea or twenty of the defendants I am partially acquainted , but these I know mostly only by name , wtulo with from twenty-five to forty of the defendants , I am totally unacquainted ; I never heard tell of them before my arrest ; when I was taken to Kirkdale gaol 1 for the first time met ! some of these persons—but still so little d » I know ! of them that were they placed before me now . j and my life depended on the issue , I assure yon , gbntlemen , that I could not distinguish even twelve of them by their nameH . Some reside in Ashton , some in Manchester , eoma in other parts of Lancashire . ; I reside iu Sheffield ; what connection could there have been between them and me ? Letters and papers were taken from me when I was arrested , the prosecution has HO
doubt looked through them , is there any letter from any one of these defendents to me ? A \ considerable number of the defendants have been treated in the manner that I was , letters were taken ! from them , — is there any ono of these letters from me I Can the prosecutor show that thero was any connection between me and them ? He cannot ; [ what then becomes of the charge that I conspired with these men —men I never knew—men whom , previous to my arrest , I never saw } I find I am charged with conspiring on the 1 st of August and following days . Now , Gentlemen , no evidence has been offered to shew that there was any strike , turn-out , or disturbance on the 1 st of August , —what th ' eu oecomes of the charge that / conspired on the lot of that month I
The strike commenced on the 8 th of August , but as has been shewn over and over again ] the strike at the outset waa for wages , and not for the Charter . In fact , the Charter wa 9 never mentioned until the 10 ih of August , when an a meeting of I trades' delegates held in the Carpenter ' s Hall , ' Manchester , certain resolutisus were passed approbatory of the principles of the Charter and declaratory of the necessity of the le ^ al enactment of those principles to secure to the working classes thei f rights—this was the firat timo we find the Charter even namedthis was the 10 th of August , yet we are charged with conspiring to bring about a great change in the Constitution , and that on the 1 st of August 3 Gentlemen , you have had laid before you a great deal
of evidence touching these trades' delegate meetings . I protest against that evidence ; we bavenothJBg todo with what the trades' delegates did ; their names are not in this indictment , and hence I suppose that they did nothing illegal ; if they had , I suppose that the Government would have prosecuted them ; well , if th ( y did nothing illegal , why is evidence of their doings brought against us who had nothing to do with them ! Gentlemen , I have shewn you that the strike did not commence until the &h of Augustthat the Charter was never even mentioned until the 10 th of August ; and now I will shew you that I knew nothing of the strike until ! the 13 th of August . Gentlemen , the strike commenced on the 8 th , the march to Manchester was on the 9 th ; on
Wednesday the 10 th , early iu the day , I left Sheffield , my business as a bookseller and newsagent compelling me to occasionally leave home ; I was absent until the Saturday , when on my return home on the railway I for the first time heard of the strike , but it was not until I reached my home , and had put into my hands the local papers , that I became fully acquainted with the first movements ] of the turnouts ; and it was not until the next ] day , August 14 th , that I became aware that a portion of the turn-outs had declared in favour ofithe Charter . Yot , in spite of tbeso well known facts , we are charged with conspiracy on the 1 st of August ! 1
now come to tbe 16 th of August , ; the day on which I left Sheffield for Manchester to attend a certain Conference . Gentlemen , 1 believe the sum total cf the evidence against me is that I attended this Conference . I will not deny the ] charge , but , Gentlemen , how came I to attend that Conference ; I will britfly answer tbe question , jit has been already shown that the calling of this Conference was originally suggested by the Hunt Monument Committee ; how it was suggested I will show . On or about the 8 th of June , 2842 , an address from the Committeo was published ; in that address is the following paragraph : — !
" The Committee held a ions and propeT discussion as to whether wo have the power , without being considered to have outstepped the power delegated to us , by offering a suggestion to the members of the New Executive , which eaded in a resoljre" That , in order to make the gathering of good men from various parts of the country to be doubly useful to tbe movement , and answer two purposes , we most respectfully suggest that they , tho members of the Executive , discuss the propriety of calling a National Conference of delegates to be held on the following day , August 17 th , in the Carpenter ' s Hall , Manchester , when perhaps a friendly understanding could be established , all ill-feeling and bickering
amongst leaders , put an end to , the plan of organization read , discussed , and , if necessary , reviged , and all je dousy for ever banished from our ranks . Differences arise frequently through misunderstanding—men who have done wrong unintentionally are denounced and looked shy upon—who , if remonstrated with , could be made acquainted with their error , and have some chance of reform , ! and for the want of which , the cause sometimes losses both their talents and influence . If this desirabler end could be achieved , it would give an opportunity for the delegates when assembled , to adopt other measures which they in their wisdom might deem necessary and prudent for the advancement of the cause . "
Gentlemen , Griffin , the secretary to this committee , has avowed that be it was who first suggested to tbe committee this proposition of calling ihe Conference ;—allow me 4 o read the conclusion of this address , it will serve to illustrate the character of tho writer , Mr . Griffin : — " In conclusion , we intend to do our duty , and believe that you to whom this humble app al is made , will do yours ; and may you and we work harmoniously together , until every man possess his rights and liberties , and may the Ruler of the Creation stamp your and oar exertions with the seal of his divine approbation . Until then , " We remain , " In the bonds of Friendship and Brotherhood , ' Your humble Servants , " Signed , on behalf of the Monument Committee , ' William Griffin , Secretary . "
On or about the 4 : h of July , an address was published by the Chartist Executive [ Committee , officially calling this Conference—in that address the intended business and objects of the proposed Conference , were set forth as the foliowiag paragraph will shew . — " Organization . The aspect of the movement , and the strength and position of the Association , were taken into mature ! consideration , and it was resolved to draw up a district plan for the whole nation , to prepare a plan for securing commodious meeting houses , to ] recommend ways and means of defraying the attendant expenses of the movement , and for the ( purpose of practically working these measures , and discussing others of equal importance , and ] of devising effectual means of preventing divisions and all squabbles tor the future in the National Charter Association . " ¦ !
All ideas of violence were emphatically opposed and denounced , witness the following paragraph : — " The Executive have seriously deliberated upon the distress of the people , and deplore the absence of the Suffrage , which could so speedily exchange comfort for poverty , plenty for starvation , and freedom for submission . They do not see any just or wise remedy in violence or insurrection , neither do they see . wisdom in uncomplaining obedience and servile silence . Therefore they are prepared to recommend peaceful and constitutional ulterior UiiASURiS ; as soon as they have gained the legal opinion oi an eminent barrister , at the head of the movement , whose judgment will not be biassed by the fear of the government , but whose opinion will be tempered by anxiety for the success of the cause , and cars for tbe safety of the peop \ e . ; " Tbe Executive will , therefore , be jprepared to recommend xneasoie * of peaceful resistance to the
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assembled 1 Conferences of the Association , where they will have tbe beneBfc of the opinions of the leading councillors of the- National Charter Association . " Is there anything illegal ia a , Conference bo called t : ft must be remembered that Chartist conferences are > not the only conferences that have been held ; & ; well known , talented , and in the sister country if not J in this , I believe a popular gentleman , namely , Mr . ; Daniel O'Connell , is in the habit of holding weekly , j large meetings of his friends and admirers , the i object of which meetings , we are assured by conservative writers , is the dismemberment of the Empire . Gentlemen , I don ' t believe this , bat this I will say , that if Mr . O'Conriell ' s meetings are legal , ' surety a Conference called as I have shewn is at least as legal . Conferences have been called together by a gentleman we )} knows
to the public , viz . Mr . Joseph Sturge , the avowed objeet of which . Conferences was the carrying ttiroagh tbe Legislatare of the Six Points of the Charier . There can have been nothing illegal ia such , Conferences , for the Government has not prosecuted the parties attending them . Surely tile Chartist Conference in question was eqoaUy legal . Hage Conferences havs been held in Manchester , called together by tho Corn Law Repealers . Great capitalists and dissenting clergymen have in large numbers attended these Conferences . Far be ifc from me to impute to those parties anything illegal in their acts ; on the contrary , I feel bound to believa that their acts have been strictly legal * otherwise the Government woald have subjected them
to prosecution ; but I dare challenge comparison of their speeches and acts with those of the Chartist Conference . If the former were legal , the latter has been a thousand times more so . Gentlemen , something has been said of th 9 meeting held on the Good Friday of 1842 , at which was laid the foundation stone of the Hunt Monument . I was present at that meeting , and if there was no harm , no illegality m attending the meeting at which the foundation , stone of this Monument was laid , surely there was no more harm , no more illegality in attenoing the meeting intended to be held in celebration of the completion of that Monument . Gentlemen , withoafc further preface , i will now come
to the Conference , and the acts of that body . Gentlemen , —It was on the l&th of July that I waa elected to the Conference at a public and legal meeting of the working olasses , and others , of Sheffield . This was nearly a month before the commencement of the strike , a ' nd when by no possibility could I have foreknown the events that were about to transpire . I have shewn jou that I knew nothing of the strike until the 13 th of August . Well , on the 16 uh I left bhcffield for Manchester , and , arrived there , I found mat not only tho procession but also the intended meeting had Been postponed by the Monument Committee , rather than risk a collision with the authorities . Permit me here to remark , that had tbe
Chartists wished to promote tumult and insurrection they would have pursued a very different course to that which they did . Had they wished to promote revo lution , would they not have appealed to the immense masses , of men at that time on strike , to come to Manchester on the I 6 th , and then and there avenge the wroffga of a more memorable 16 th of August ? Did they do so 1 No ; on the contrary they forbade the meeting , and gavo up the procession , that there might be no cnauce of disorder or bloodshed . Geml « men , I think you will admit that I did not go to Manchester for the purpose of engaging in a physical-force struggle with the authorities , when I tell you that I took my wife with me to sea the Hunt Monument and attend the festive meetings
in celebration of its completion . Had T . intended to have gone to war , it is not likely I would have had my wife with me . I have boeu sworn to as having been seen in Leach ' s shop . Well , Gentlemen , 1 I suppose there is no illeuality in being seen in a public shop ; that evening ( the 16 th ) I , with my wife , attended the tea-meeting ia the Carpenter ^ Hall , where the only sians of conspiracy I saw was the apparent universal determination to get rid of the tea and toast as soon as possible . On the 17 th , the delegates met ; it has been insinuated that it was a sort of secret meeting , and that there was an . understanding that tbe proceedings of the meeting were not to be published ; there is no truth in this , gentlemen ; the-meeting was open to all
Manchester , if they could have been accommodated wit \ seats ; indeed , I wished my wife to be present , but she refused on the very natural ground that there were no females present . Now , gentlemen , I think , tad the delegates been conspiring , I would not have wished to have brought my wife into their meetiHgfor , with feelings of the most profound respect for the ladies present in this Court , I must say , that when men do conspire , they are not in the habit of letting the ladies share their secrets . That , the proceedings of the Conference were not intended to be secret is proved bv thy fact of roportora hoimg
present . Griffia was there as a reporter ; and , if the whole staff of reporters attached to the Manchester press were not there , the fault was theirs , not the delegates . Griffin took notes as a reporter , and if he did not use them in the usual way it only shews that he was there as a spy . Something has been said of the violence of one or more of tha delegates ; the prosecutor has not brought , and cannot bring , any sudh charga . What pays the notes taken from Brooke , of Todmorden , respecting myself ? The Judge—The notes found on Brooke are nob produced against you as evidence , they are not brought against you at all .
The Defendant—1 am aware of that my Lord , but your Lordship will 1 know permit me to remark upon them . Of me ; these notes say simply this : — * Julian Harney , —No connexion with the middleclass . " - —Which can mean no more than this , either that I was opposed to any union with the middleclass , or else that I had no hope of the middJeclass uniting with the Chartist body for Chartist purposes , —not much violence there . I now come to the resolution adopted by a majority of the Conference . The witnesses Cartledge and Griffin , have both given evidence , that iu the Conference 1 opposed the resolution , upon which is founded this prosecu tion ; I did not extract these admissions from the witnesses by cross-examining them , I have not said
a word to any oae of the immense number of witnesses produced here on the part of the Crown . Yoa have then the evidence of these witnesses that £ opposed this resolution . I doii ' t thank these persons for their admissions , nor will I take advantage of them , to endeavour to clear myself at the expense of others . Gentlemen , if 1 did not support this resolution in the Conference , I will defend it here . What says the resolution ? It denies that the Chartists originated the strike ; that is a truth ; it has never been pretended "b y the prosecution , that the Chartists did originate the strike ; who were the originators is what has never yet been made public ; though the government have instituted an enquiry into the origin , of the strike : why has not the Government made
their report of the result of that inquiry I The resolution expresses sympathy with the men on strike . Ia there any harm , any illegality in expressing sympathy with our Buffeting fellow-men * The resolution next expresses approbation of the present struggle until the Charter becomes a legislative enactment ; great stress has been laid upon the word struggle , as though by it was meant a physical force combat with the authorities . Nothing of the sort is meant . There has never been a resolution pledging the people to continue the agitation for the Charter but in which this word struggle has been found . I have spoken at public meetings in support of such resolutions , nay , 1 have drawn up many such resolutions , and I maintain I have done
nothing illegal . It is the moral struggle of right against wrong , justice against privilege , that is meant by the authors and supporters of this resolution . Th . 9 resolution concludes by pledging the delegates te give on their return home a proper direction to the people ' s efforts . Well , Gentlemen , what was my conduct on my return to Sheffield i What was the direction I' gave to the people ' s efforts f Why , I opposed the extension of the strike to that town , and prevented any strike or turn-out taking place . That , I conceived was giving a proper direction to the people's efforts ; and 1 rejoice that by the influence I possess with the working classes of that town , I was able to give such a direction to the people's efforts . An address was adopted by the
Conference . I was not present when that address was adopted , but I approve of it , and would defend it if it were necessary . Much haa been said respecting a certain extraordinary document , as it has . been called , ascribed to the Chartist Executive . Not one tittle of evidence has been produced to show that I had any connexion with this address , that I knew anything of » its authorship or publication . Had any evidence been offered against me , I would have dfcf ' endtd myself from the charge . None has been offered , and I disdain to take op the question ; it is beneath my notice . I have done with the Conference . Oa the lS ; h of August I returned home , and on the 19 th , 1 reported to a large public meeting the proceedings of the Conference , so little ide » had I that I had done anything illegal . On Monday , the 22 d of August , a meeting was held in Paradise-square , to consider the propriety of commencing the strike in Sheffield . I attended that
meeting ; a resolution was proposed , the intent and meaning oi which I understood to be , that the strike should be forthwith commenced . I opposed th » proposition ; I moved an amendment against the Btrike ; I carried my amendment by a large majority . With year permission I will read my speech upon , that occasion , as reported in thp Sheffield Independent . £ Mr . Harney commenced reading the speech , but was interrupted by Sir Gregory Lewin ,, who objected to the Defendant reading the speeoh . The Judge overruled the objection , and Mr . Harney read the speech through , which was strongly , couched in opposition to a strike taking place in Sheffield . Gentlemen , continued Mr . Harney , my opposition to the projected strike was successful , an& though for my conduct I have bad tho abuse and calumny of some of my own party , I have never regretted the part I played that day . In Sheffield there has been no disturbances ' —no collisions of the people and the military—no marshalling of police—no calling out ( Continued in on ? fourth vuge *} "
Iakcasteb Assizes.
iAKCASTEB ASSIZES .
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VOL- YL NO . 278 . SATURDAY , MAECH 11 , 1843 . " "" °% ' ° J ^ rs ¦"" f *"" - ¦ £ . - ;¦ . ' , v-z' :. ; . y * v > ? We SbllllugB per Qoprter ti ' ¦ v ^ 3 Wt ' ¦ i
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AND LEEDS GENERAL ADVERTISER .
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 11, 1843, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1203/page/1/
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