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    Empmai ^aHtanwut

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    TO 1 KB MXSEBERS OP THB RKPE 41 ASSOCIATION , 3 BELA 252 ) . "Hereditary bondsmen , know ye not , Who would be free himself must strike the blow . " liilEm ^ o writes the poet , and so repeats the leader rf the Bepeal movement . A better text for a political sermon there cannot be j it contains all that is necessary to remind joa of your ptwrfHea sad stimulate you . to individual exertion . That roch a quotation should be on the lips of a leader of a suffering peopu is not to wondered at , but that the party using itshould even while repeating the words / have neither the win to eonfornvfcimself to its precept , or admit his follower to iake it in its literal and plainest sense , is not a little astonishing . " ° =============

    « Who would be free , himself most strike the blow , " says the poet , and so says O"ConneIL Now when a . teacher of any ; do < 4 fce wcommgads any given prin-OplBto Bi 8 notice of Ms ^ aieace n ia tantamount to an injunction io adopt it as a measure . The injunction to "befree , " -depends npon yourselves , therefore the only difficulty to be solved is , how are you to" strike the blow , and what that blow should be ? Ton are . I presume , atUfi * i with the doctrine here taught for several reasons—1 st—Because tie workings of nature in your bosomB prompt yon to be free . 2 nd . —Because it is the language of inspiration and the text of jour ovrs leader , and finally because it is not the doctrine of any " mad or thick-headed Cbartist .

    Tbereis an old ad « e which says , "Don't do as I do but do as 1 say . " This although true in a particular sense in the case in point , is net exactly the case with you . You are told , " Ton must strike the blow yourselves : - if so , your teachers ought to set you the example . But although you are bound to do as he says , 1421 it is tckot Tie does you are constrained to follow ? Hie better way io explain this WiD be to examine What yon hare Individually snd collectively flona tOT&rdB striking that ess-ntaal Wow , which the poet * nd CTConnell bold to be necessary , and which yon , as the "bondsmen" should be anxious to strike . By a reference to my former letters , yon will find that an alliance was

    formed by your leader and the WhigB , and , consequently , it will not be necessary to remind you that the iloweouia never be struck with success in that quarter . So , no ; the men who bo often struck terror and dismay into your hearts , are not the men to strike the chains off your necks . Therefore , I hold it « s an incontrovertible opinion , that every act of a leader of the people , which had for its ostensible object thB striking of a blow for liberty , and which , through the influence or designs of that leader , Tested on , and sought , tar assistance from the enemies of the people , Tras , to Say the least of it , aa act of base hypocr isy ana treachery to the cause . This will be by many called strong language , bat it is not more strong than true .

    Irishmen hare Been long TieSmlBed , and erery evil which could possibly befall a nation , sa- ? e annihilation itself , has been Tisited upon their country . Thus persecuted , . driven to despair , and goaded almost to madness , they intrusted themselves to the guidance of -trhat they supposed , a wise , generous , brave , and invincible general ; they placed implicit faith in all his promises , and , confident hi his integrity , anticipated the most successful results . Tears hare , however , rolled past , and thousands of

    sanguinary hopes have been extinguished by protracted disappointments . . Numbers have sunk into their graves , who looked forward in anxious expectation tor the promised day of liberty . MilHans are still awaiting the day of peace , but as likely to perish ¦ with their hopes , as their brethren whs sunk oppressed and disappointed before them . And why ? Because the general who enjoyed the confidence , and , if I might add , sported with the miseries and liTes of his people , has net proved himself worthy the confidence reposed inhim .

    It is sot the tray to win a battle , to held communication with the enemy , to expose the plan of action , and lay tere the secrets of a council « f war , much less is it likely "victory would crown the efforts of the most courageous and highly disciplined army , did its general expose its weak points to the enemy , and Tender him assistance in the Btrife . JTow , this is exactly how Ireland h *» been treated ; she opposed her political strength against that of her enemifis ; sob opposed right against might ; and trusting te the npflinriinng patriotism of a chosen leader , anticipated speedy and successful triumphs . But with more enterprise than judgment were those dispositions taken . The enemy , wily , artful , and ever on the alert , changed their position , offered terms of capitulation .

    and ultimately succeeded in drawing oki sot only the leader but also Ma followers to their ranis and when Ire had fairly caught them in the snare , pnnished them for their credulity and weakness . If your leader had exercised his reason , -or profited by the experience of bis country's wrongs , ha would not have made the shadow of a compromise with any party whatever ; he would not have listened to proposals , or betrayed his followers into the toils of the enemy . He was chosen npon thB belief that he would be all that was required of . him ; upon that understanding aid lie accept leadership ; and npon Mb good faith to his engagements you have a r ight to hold him responsible . Let no man suppose this is intended as a personal attack ; it is merely political , and . simply intended to awaken you to a sense

    of your proper position , and , if possible , induce you to adopt efficient remedies for the removal of your grievances . Thus J ! ar it is certain your individual and coHec&re energies have-set yet been able to strike that " blow" fio earnestly recommended . I hare endeavoured to explain the most glaring cause of defeat , and I am confident if you calmly reflect on what I have advanced you will admit its truth . Although I did intend to particnlnriBfi the various acts of weakness , folly , or treachery which retarded your movements , I will , for the sake of harmony spare jour feelings for the-prese ; . t , and content myself by stating that your every act since the first moment of agitation has been directed for the support of the "Whigs , and consequently opposed to your own and country's interests . If I mistake net ,

    the advice received from Mr . O'Connell previous to the late election , materially proves ay statement . You Were advised by that gentleman to get , IF you . could , { mark the if !) " Radicals" as parliamentary candidates , if they could not be found , you were to get" Reformers ;" and if you could not get Reformers you were to get "Whigs ; any one but a Tory . Now the writer of that advice well knew there could not be found in Ireland , Sadies ! candidates qualified to become members , and knew equally * s -well that the Reformers , so-called , were to a man Whigs , and no mistake . Then why , you will ask , did he use the distinction ? Simply to blind you to the real object of his wishes , and to cover his motives with the semblance of patriotism . His 21 ore recent appeal in behalf-of Morpeth farther confirms

    the fact , and establishes beyond a doubt bis alliance with one section , and that the wont , of your enemies . 2 $ nt yon wiQ doubtless . say , wb iisve an insuperable objection to the lories , and titiIpm we get Whiga to represent ns we cannot be represented at all ; true , you might under the present system of property f ualiScation find it difncoltrto get others totake their places : but in good earnest I assure you . yon might ba much better eif without any representatives at all ; for those who TOigb * to represent the people forget their £ uty and represent themselves . Ton haTe , however , a simple remedy for the evil , and if you only apply it , you will soon aeeiis < JE « sey .. And here 1 wonld xtmiiia you of the words of my text , which says , " If you would be free , you mnst strike the blowyonrselves . "

    Nothing can be mora plain ; yon sre to take the matter entirely into your own franrjg , and act upen your own jndgments . The doenment of the People * Charter contains the remedy ; it is a sovereign balsam for all the ills which affect you , and the only safe , sure , and speedy method whereby you can effect you political regeneration . AH you have to do is to adopt its principles and carry them vigorously into practice ; by doing so you -wDlatonee ani for ever strike down class legislation , and with it the evils of misrule , and the sufferings of your country . If you adopt those principles , you will have the "Whigs pledging themselves to "vote for the Charter , as they cannot politically -exist without your

    Ton lave had many opportunities of learning the principles contained in the Charter , and you may depend on their legality , as O'Connell was one of the trrnm of that document But many of the Repealers say , " We ^ re Chartists ,, w »* gree with your principles , but we a » not CConnoriChartiEts , who would overturn the constitntion and-SdTOjsaJe physical force . " To . those I wonldaaswer , such remarks are very simple and altogether unfounded . It is -irett known that when Mx . O'Connell took the office of Chief Magistrate of the city of Dublin , be was challenged through the Star to snbstantiate Ms previous assertions that Chartists were such men as his lordship described ; and it is equally true , that several months afterwards he was told through the fame source that " Either there were no such

    dangerous characters in I > nblin , or that bia Zordahip had been gnilly of a n * gleefc of dnty , Jbeeauae as Chief Magistrate he did not bring them to justice . " Now as there were during that period several hundreds of Chartists within his jurisdiction continually holding meetings and augmenting theirnumbers , it proves that they must have been in possession of better characters and prin--eiplea Jhan ii » lordship admitted ? indeed the feet speaks londly foi itself . There is , however , a qnestion still to be solved , and to which 1 would like t » hen an answer . I mean an honest , straight-forward answer . Where is the difference , in point of principle , betwixt an OConnell Chartist and an O'Connor Chartist , or betwixt a Sturge Chartist or any other Chartist ?

    Wow X am a Chartist from the force of « onTiction , it being , as I firmly believe , and im able to prore , the only panacea lor present anS future evils , and Hbe most likely mods of reeling the "Union . Ton may designate theml > y any ' iianwa job think fit , but it is certain that all Masses of vTbartists proclaim the necessity of an "Universal or Complete Extension of the Suffrage ; how far they are sincere remains to be proved- To my simple mind these olnxot bb two distinct CLASSES OF 05 E OSTENSIBLE BODY . A man WOO « syB he is a Chartist ¦ houi'd show by his nets that he ia one in leaU ^ y . If a m an « t'ii b . B mi a Catholic , would yen not expect to see him at yoni Chapsls ? and if he did not attend those places , w" } uld yon not be justified in disputing his assertion , or elas pjononnce him U > be &

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    lukewarm member of yonr body ? But what thick yon of a body or mm calling themselves Catholics , and profeBsing to have the interests of religion at heart , to refuse admission to their Chapel of a man who was known to be a good and practical follower of their creed , and to exclude him for the especial reason that he was a good Catholic ? Why , if you thought as rational men you would protest against such hypocritical interference and Huspect the Bincarity of the parties so acting . Now this is precisely the case with the ulterior measure Chartists of Ireland . They profess to subscribe to the Six Points of the Charter , and yet a man who is known to be a . professor , and who may have suffered for his adhesion to those principles is denied admission to their meetings because he ia—what ? A ksowx Chartist ? . ' ! "Verily thiB is one proof of consistency in professors , and well worthy the party who broached it as a resolution .

    I canfess I am stronly inclined to suspect the sincerity of any man or set of men who act so inconsistently With theil professions ; and not only am I suspicious on account of this particular fact , but from a series of observations all tending to throw a deeper glow over the patriotic intentions of such underhand tricksters in political jugglery . . This is not the way to "Strike the bloW ' wbica is to restore yon to political equality , for if you aw told that ttnion is strength , and that a ffreat moral potoer is

    necessary , where can yon & d better friends than those who practice what yourselves profess to be essential ? Would you , as Catholics , ask the assistance of the " Orangemen of the North" to build or beautify your chapels ? No ; but if you required assistance you would first look at home ; and if you are Chartists in reality , why refuse connexion with known Chartists' } Of a certainty neither Whigs or Tories will help you to build up your political temple ; they would , like the Orangemen , sooner pull it down and bury you in the mins .

    Irishmen—I call upon you by your country ' s wrongs to " Strike the blew" -which -win emancipate you from Blftvery . I call upon yon in the name of the watchfrord of yonr fathers , " liberty , " to strikedown the citadel of corruption , and by your moral energies hurl the monster , Class Legislation , from its throne . Let the Chatter be yonr rallying cry , victory your okject , and peaceful but firm agitation yoni weapon , and with the assistance of Him who strengthens the hands of the weak , you will assuredly conquer . Veritas .

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    HABMONT HALL . LBTTEE III . TO THE EDITOB OP THE JfOHTHXBS STaX . sra , —in my last letter to you I affirmed that a remedy for the distress which n « w pervades all ranks and classes of society is at hand ; and that provided the attention of your readers could be aroused to an examin ation of the subject in all its details , that I had no feaz but they would be prepared to join in a course which would soon place them in a position to be heard , and listened to attentively , by the Government , respecting the introduction of such remedy on a national scsle . The remedy I weuld propose is a sound , practical education for every individual in the empire , and permanent beneficial employment for all who require it ; and since my former letter was written the Governmenthave shewn their willingness to make a considerable step in this direction by introducing a national plan of what they term education .

    This progress , tas far as it goes , is in a right direction , and the measure must not in any -way be repudiated 01 contemned for any imperfection of detail it may contain ; for it is only in proportion as sound information can be diffused through the public mind on any subject that the Government will be enabled to advance ; and on the ether hand sound practical information cannot long be given to the people , without its effects being manifested in every division of society . Whilst , however , I would urge the reception of the present measure as an assisting means for enabling our rulers and the public generally , to take a more

    extensive view of what is required , nothing can be more widely different than the education likely to be afforded by the measure to be brought forward by Sir James Graham , and that which would be introduced by the Founder of the Rational System of Society . Education , properly so colled , i > a full tie ? elopement of all the powers of the being educated , whether physical , mental , moral , or practical , and it can only be rightly given in connection with other arrangements than any which now exist , such in fact as shall procure , for every individual , all things that are necessary for his permanent well-being and happiness .

    This education must be accompanied by permanent beneficial employment for all who require it ; for unless the means of supplying the physical wants of the present generation be provided , it will be folly to talk of training the children of such a population as now generally fills this country , in any correet or moral habits . The elements required for giving a good , sound , practical education , and permanent beneficial employment to the whole of this cauntry , exist in great abundance around as ; and the proper combination of these elements in their due proportions , will afford every thing that is required to repay the cost that must be incurred , and every additional burthen that the parties bo engaged may have imposed on them .

    Land , labour , skill , and capital , are the four great elements bom which every thing necessary for human happinesa must be derirad ; and the nature of each of these individually will be enhanced in proportion as it is scientifically combined and united with the then . If we look at the state of this country as it regards each of these elements separately , we shall find that they are to be found in great excess , and axe comparatively valueless , by the want of combination , to the fullest extent with the others . Take for instance , land ; we have millions of acres unappropriated to any useful purp » se , and of that in cultivation it must be apparent to every reflecting

    mind , that the prodnce may be increased many fold ; for even ameng the best farmers , the individualized system in -which their affairs are now conducted , pre-VBnts their taking advantage of nsmberless resources to be derived from a supply of skilful labour , welldirected , and sustained whilst it shall be required by an adequate supply of capital . Respecting labour , the destitution to which it is now reduced and its comparative nothingness in value , by its separation from laud and capital , cries aloud far an alteration ; and this CTJT must Soon be listened to . or a . state of anarchy and confusion will arise such as no pvrlod of history has ever witnessed .

    The present position of British society differs from every tfeing which has ever preceded it , in the immense addition that has been made to human labour by machinery . Within the last eentury , the machine power of this country has been advanced from about that of fifteen millions of men , to a power erceoding six hundred millions , whilst the rapidity with which this power is increasing , was mort forcibly shown by the valuable article on that subject , inserted in your paper a few weeks ' since . With regard to skill , it is egnally evident that an abundance of the most valuable talents capable of assisting in well developing the other resources we possess , is now being wasted in idleness , or mischievously employed in furnishing the means of coercing and restraining those unfortunate individuals who are made the victims of a state of society which all appear so earnestly to deplore , but which few have sufficiently eoBtemplated to ascertain the means of remedying .

    That capital abounds in the greatest superfluity ia evident wherever we look . The amount of gold now in the coffers of the Bank of England is about eleven millions . ConBols , notwithstanding a very deficient revenue , are rapidly advancing , through the general stagnation of trade ; and the opportunity of securing a moderate interest , on a good security , will be eagerly sought after by those who possess it The introduction of a rational system of society will secure the combination of these four elements on a scientific basis , and on an extended scale , and will also take care that they are so combined for the benefit of every individual who shall be placed within their operataen , as all will be provided -with everything calculated to ensure their permanent happiness .

    The extent to which this combination has already been effected in this experiment Appears large to many persons , but it bears not the slightest comparison te ¦ what may immediately be done , without any extraordinary exertion , provided the main body of the working classes can be induced to look to their own interests . The TaorB -we contemplate the subject , the more clearly will the fact appear to us that the general interest of humanity , is , the permanent interest of every individual ; and that , if we once begin society on "a true basis , and take the four great divisions , namely , the production of wealth ; the distribution of wealth when it has been produced ; education , or training of the rising generation ; and governing for the benefit of all , in thflii proper order ; wa shall no longer have occasion to fear , but , that the wants and comforts of all may readily be provided for .

    The great object of the Rational system will be to piovide for every human being as a member of one great family ; and although some may be inclined to say , lei as show the syxtem to answer on a small scale first , yet when they come to practical measures they will find that the shortest , the most speedy , and the most direct mode of accomplishing the object will be by always preserving the universality of the principles ; for wherever this has been lost sight of , hitherto , failure has followed , and like causes will again produce similar results .

    The efforts that the Rational Society are making here for the accomplishment of the object they have in view , have . progressed In exactly the -Bame-proportion as tbe knowledge of the principles of tbe society have been acquired by its members ; and this knowledge has been acquired by a daily experience in a new system of society , which , the more prominently it can be brought before the public eye , the more rapidly willit absorb all individual and competitive interests . We are sow in actual possession ef about 800 acres of land , whilst arrangements have been made for securing , at the earliest possible period , two other neighbouring estates ; and it would be a matter of the greatest economy and profit , immediately to locate a

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    person to each acre of land , and thereby form a powerful nucleus for the further development of the system , and the only reasons why this has not hitherto been done , has been that the provision of such superior circumstances , as should draw forth their higher and better qualities , have not been at the command of the society ; and until these can be procured it will be useless to associate together & number of individuals , who have no clear conception of what they are called on to perform . The progress already made is , however , a guarantee for the future : then is now associated in this establishment a number of individuals further advanced in the science of society upon true first principles than hare ever been associated together on any former occasion ; these parties are daily correcting their ideas by practice , and are acquiring an intelligence on the subject they are engaged in , that will make them fit instruments to exhibit to the world the difference between truth and error .

    On some future occasion I intend to give the outline of an rganisation , whereby the necessary impulse may be created that ahali move the government to adopt this system on its full scale ; but , in the meantime , I will proceed In my next letter more immediately to the detail of what has been done here up to this period , that our Chartist friends may see that although they very far outweigh us in numbers ; visionary as they have hitherto considered the attempt to gain the land to be , without first securing political power , yet considering the obstinate prejudices with which they have had to contend , the principles of the rational system so far as they have been tried , have done more than all other efforts together to lay the foundation for the future regeneration of man . I am . Sir , Tour obedient Bervant , William Galpin . Harmony Hall , Hants , 2 darch 18 , 1843 .

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    ^* TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . Iowa City , Iowa Territory , U . S . January 20 th , 1843 . Sib , —A communication from this remote part of the world , especially from one altogether unknown to you , may create a little surprise ; but , Sir , although I am unknown to you , yon are politically known to me : for even in this remote part , I am a periodical reader of your valuable paper in the cause of liberty and philanthropy . I therefore make free to communicate te you a few thoughts that have suggested themselves to me in view of tbe cause of freedom and indepandence , of which you are the strenuous advocate .

    In tbe first place , I deem it necessary to let you know something of myself , and iny feelings upon the great cause of which you are the advocate . I am a native of Banffahlre in Scotland , and was in business as a merchant tailor in Huntly , Aberdeensbire , for twelve years , during which time I became a great professional favourite with tho aristocracy in that neighbourhood , until it became known to them that I was a Chartist and Teetotaller ; and notwithstanding that neither my talents nor circumstances enabled me to do much for either canse . they became alarmed , and many of the most influential not only withdrew their own support , but used their influence against me . Among the many I may mention one of whom you , no doubt , know

    something—the Duchess of Gordon , who from her character and professions one would think would have been above taking notice of so insignificant an individual as me . But not bo . The religion of the rich is not commonly of that kind to subdue that worst of human passions that enslave nua , because of his dependence , and yon will not be surprised when I say that even ministers of the Gospel were my most rancorous enemies . However , I thank God that , by prudense and care , I had accumulated a little out of my small profits to render me Independent of . their hellish rancour , and thought proper to lay that out in providing a home for my family in a country I considered more free from thu devastating influence of Toryism and blasting British Whi ^ gery .

    I accordingly Bailed for the United States on the 26 th of May , 1841 , and located myself in this territory on the 11 th August of the same year . I might here say something on the working of democratic representation here ; but as that is apart from the subject , I shall defer , farther than to say , that such privileges are not valued by the working class as they deserve . Here , S 8 in Great Britain , money has too much influence , and I deeply deplore the ease by which unprincipled selfish and devilish demagogues mislead the people . Since I came to this part I have followed my former trade of merchant-tailor with good success , and am thankful , although sometimes I feel the want of a proper circulating medium , for prices both for British goods and workmanship are enormous ; so much so , that many are unable to get decent clothes—we being unable to Bell for any thing but cash , as nothing else will renew our stock . Many , therefore , are literally in rags , while they have plenty of produce , which they would with pleasure give in exchange .

    Ob , Sir , when reading your paper and others from the country upon the condition of my suffering countrymen and women , I have often shed tears to think that -with you they are dying for want , while here is a market for their labour , and abundance of food to exchange ; and glad would this people be to accept of the boon . These considerations brought me to the formation of a plan in my mind which I think would greatly effect the welfare of the poorer classes of both countries , and which I take the liberty to lay before you , in hopes that should you see it as I do , yon will use your influence in havisg its practicability tested .

    In the manufacturing districts , as you very well know , the poorer classes of the manufacturers are entirely at the mercy , and under the control of the monopolists , in consequtice of their inability to export their goods -, and many > f the "workmen are compelled to sell their labour at a miserable price , which is rendered much more miserable by having to purchase the chief commodity of life from monopolists of another kind . I therefore , think tbe following , if carried out , would tend to obviate both evils . Let the small manufacturers unite . Bent a store , or depot ; appoint a committee of management , whose

    duty it would be to take in their deposits , and see them regulated in price according to the home markets . They could also communicate with , and appoint agents in , any of the United States , or territories of this country , or appoint from among themselves , and send out ( but I think it wduld be most prudent to get some one resident in this conutry , as the expense would be less until they could test the practicability of sneb an undertaking ; to sell their goods , and take wheat , Indian corn , oats , fee . &c ., in exchange , which could be sent home at a small expense , and thereby receive the full value for their labour , and also avoid the gross impositions practised by bankers , tc , which they indirectly

    pay . I know that the extreme poverty of some of them will scarce enable them te be out of the price of a single piece of cloth until they could get a return ; but I think that the more fortunate conld advance part ef the price , when the goods are deposited in the general store , so that the very poorest conld have the benefit I am aware that considerable capital would be required to carry on an extensive business under the present tariffs of both countries ; but , as I have before stated , it could be tried on a small scale , and if any see fit to give tbe thing a trial , I shall be glad to take the first consignment to this territory , where I am sure goods to any amount could be disposed of at a reasonable price for the very best of wheat , < fcc in exchange , and fully as cheap as in any State of the Union .

    I think Illinois , Wisconsin , and Michigan , are also favourably situated ; as advantage might be taken of an Act of the Canada Legislature , whereby United States wheat will be admitted into Canada at a low duty , and after being milled , the flour will be admitted into Britain at tbe same rate as Canadian . I may state that the . above is no new formed idea , for ever since I came to this country , and saw the destitution for clothes , and thought of the sufferings of my countrymen and women , I have been trying to forma scheme whereby they might obtain relief , seeing the folly of trusting to Governments for immediate relief to the poor man , even when the Suffrage ifl universal ; and I have only made up my mind , upon the above , after consulting many in all the places I have named , none of which expressed the least doubt , bat on the contrary , appeared to think such an undertaking would be of immense benefit to all .

    I have more particularly directed my attention to cloth manufacture , but I fully believe that any kind of British manufacture would sell equally well , unless cotton cloths . I see nothing of this country manufacture that will compete with Britain . All kinds of hardware would sell well , and should any person incline to communicate with me , I shall give them every information with regard to any branch , and should they incline to send out a stock of goods to me , I can give them a reference to some of the largest wholesale houses in Forkshire or London , any person in Huntley , the whole teetotal society there , and some of the leading Chartists in Aberdeen . I leave tho matter with you . having no donbfc of

    your willingness to do all you can for the poor working man , and I am glad you have also tbe ability . Gv on , my dear Sir , and prosper in the glorious cause . Truth must prevail , and the day will soon arrive when your success shall enable you to crush all that oppose uuder yonr feet , where the ? shall wither before the beaming rays of the sun of righteousness and may the God of all grace and consolation beat you up above all your trials , is the prayer of yeur strange friend , George Andrews , Merchant Tailor , Iowa City . P . S . —I beg you w » H excuse the incorrectness of my letter , as I have come off a long journey of 1300 miles , and having to send it by steamer on the 4 th February .

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    Heboes op the American Revolution . —There are in the United State * just one hundred soldiers of the Revolution on the peasioa list over one hundred years oi age . The oldest man on the list is Michael Hale , of Union County , Pensylvania , who is in his Jloih jest . —New York Paper . Hajtoveb , Maech 9 . —We hear that several of the Orders of Knighthood , medals , and honorary insignia ( given on the occasion of the marriage of the Crown Prince ) hare been sent back to the Government .

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    HOUSE OF COMMONS .-Fh . idaY , Mabch 17 . In reply to Mt , Sharman Crawford , Sir Robert Peel denied being any party to counting out the House on the previous evening , in order , as alleged , to avoid Mr . Crawford ' s motion for leave to bring in a bill to secure the effectual representation of the people . The motion was fixed for the 30 th . The first ordar of the day which was taken , was the resumption of the Committee on the Registration of Voter * Bill , which occupied the entire evening . Tbe discussion was of a general and desultory nature ; but , after all the clauses of the Bill had been gone through , Mr . Cow per moved a clause for restricting the daratten of tbe poll , at county contested elections , to one day .

    Sir JaMES Ob a ham was convinced that , practically , there wsts great convenience in the two days allowed . Farmers were net likely to sacrifice their market day , should it happen also te be the polling day ; and it was , therefore , desirable that there should be a choice of more than one day , in order to enable them to attend an election . A discussion followed , shared in by various county members , urging the advantages aud disadvantages of a two days' poll , which ended in a division , when the motion was rejected by 143 to 66 . Mr . Hardy proposed a clause to prevent fictitious value being put upon premises by arrangements between landlord and tenant as to the rent paid . Sir Jam Eg Graham and the Attorney-General objected , and tbe clause was withdrawn . Sir James Graham then proposed a series of clauses , having for their object to prevent and punish personation of voters , which were added to the bill , and the labours of the committee terminated . The House then resumed , the other orders of the day wer 0 disposed of , and the House adjourned . Monday , March 20 . The House met at four o ' clock . A great number of petitions on various subjects were presented . Mr . T . Doncoube said that it would be recollected that , on a recent motion repecting the conduct of a Noble and Learned Judge , be bad referred to certain transactions in Knutsford House of Correction . A few days afterwards the Hon . Member for North Cheshire bad given the most unqualified contradiction to his ( Mr . T . Duncombe ' g ) statement . To this statement , after making inquiries of certain parties , he had adhered , notwithstanding the contradiction of the Hon . Member , » nd the Right Hon . Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department had consented to institute an inquiry into the conflicting accounts . In fulfilment of

    this promise he had sent Capt . Williams , the Inspector of prisons , to Knutsford , aud he arrived there on the 2 nd instant ; and this morning he ( Mr . T . Dunoombe ) had received a letter from the Rev . Mr . Brown , the chaplain of Knutsford House of Correction , asking him to lay his statement before the House of Commons , justly considering that the investigation instituted by the Right Hon . Baronet , besides being an inquiry by Government , partook also of tbe nature of a Parliamentary inquiry . It appeared that the Rev . Mr . Brown bad been summoned before the prison Inspector , and had subsequently found considerable reason to complain of tbe conduct of the magistrates . The statement of the chaplain was contained in the following letter , which , with the leave of tbe House , he ( Mr . T . Duncombe ) would read ;—

    " Knutsford , March 18 , 1843 . " Sir—As you were the member who brought forward in tbe House of Commons the conduct of the gaoler of the House of Correction , Knutsford , and obtained from tbe Secretary of State au inquiry into the state of that prison , I have to beg you will bring forward in the House of Commons tbe conduct of the magistrates towards me , the chaplain , for having spoken tbe truth to the inspector of prisons when I was on eath . " On the arrival of the Inspector at Knutsford , on Thursday , the 2 nd of March , he sent for me to the Qeorge Hotel , where he was staying , and asked me

    several questions with respect to the Chartist prisoners and the general state of the gaol , which 1 answered in sincerity and truth . The magistrates met on Friday last , the 17 th instant , and aaked me several questions on the subject of my private interview with Captain Williams . I at first refused to divulge a private conversation . They then said , ' If you do not tell us what passed during the two hours you were with him , we shall consider it as a refusal to answer tbe questions ef the magistrates , and shall deal with you accordingly . ' They then asked if I did not tell the inspector in private that the gaoler had used these words , 'D—n these ChartiBta , I will give them a bellyful before t have done with them . '

    " My reply was , that the inspector had asked me if I bad ever heard the gaoler use violent language about them , I then stated to him the above language , which the keeper or gaoler had made use of to me when he had seen some of the Chartist prisoners who had complained of their food . " Mr . Trafford , the chairman of the Quarter Sessions , said , why did not you report these words to the magistrates at the time they occurred ? I answered , because you , sir , in April , 1830 , in consequence of some misunderstanding having taken plaoa between me and the gaoler , told me not to interfere in the discipline of the gaol , but confine myself solely to my spiritual duties , -which I considered a prohibition to report thtt or any such language ; or anything relating to the gaoler . After

    that order I made a note in ray private diary on the day it was given . The letter addressed to me on the 3 rd of February , 1843 , by the gaol committee , desiring me not to put anything on my public journal with respect to the gaol discipliae until I bad first laid it before the gaol committee , which letter is in Capt . Williams ' s possession , will show that my construction of Mr . Trafford ' a order was correct . After Bitting for some time in deliberation the magistrates sent for me , aud Mr . Trafford told me that they had come to the determination of reoocttmending to the quarter sessions to be held at Chester , on Monday ; the 27 th inat , to remove me I asked what ; charges were against me ? The answer was . none . No unfaithfulness In the discharge of my

    duties , no immoral conduct , nothing whatever ; only that I had stated to the Inspector of prisons what I ought to have stated to the magistrates . I again repeated I considered myself under restraint from the order given me by Mr . Trafford to confine myself to my spiritual duties , The magistrates replied it was absurd to consider such an order a prohibition . Mr . Trafford and Mr . Lloyd shortly afterwards observed to me , ' We find it impossible for you and the governor toga on together ; we cannot part with him , but with you . ' Mr . Lloyd added , ' II you were to remain , it would soon be no gaol at all . ' This remark had reference to the Inspector having bad all restraint removed , and liberty given to me to report to the nearest visiting justice any

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    improper comluct of the gaoler or any other officer ; both Mr . Trafford and Mr . jLloyd added , There is no imputation on your character , and no charge for your neglect of your duties . ' II replied , ' I will write to the Secretary of State . ' ' With that we have notking to do . ' j " When the magistrates met on the 24 th of February last , and took tbe depositions of some of the Chartist prisoners , which they forwarded to Mr . Tatton Egerton , as the ground of bis statement in tbe House of Commons , they never called me ; if they had done so I would have stated to the j magistrates the words I stated to Captain Williams , j Why they did not call me is best known to themselves . " I have been thirty years in the church , and some time officiated as chaplain to a garrison .

    " By the next post I will forward to yon testimonials from the magistrates , from the aurgson , and the gaoler in my favour , when I was candidate lot the Pentonville Prison chaplaincy . j " Tour obedient servant , ! " W . Browke . "Chaplain , Knutsford House of Correction . " He ( Mr . Duncsmbe ) now called upon the Right Hon . Baronet , the Secretary of State for the Home Department , ta say whether the chaplain of a gaol , who had been for thirty years a member of the established church , against whose character there was not the slightest complaint , who , according to the magistrates ' own account , had faithfully discharged his duty , and

    who , in obedience of that duty , had given information to the Inspector of Prisons sent down by the Government , ought to be vi 8 ite 4 | by the displeasure of the magistrates , and , at a court ; of Quarter Sessions te be held on the 27 th instant , should be removed ? It was clear , however , that by this falling out between the gaoler , magistrates , and chaplain , the public would get at the truth ; and , if he had heard correctly , the magistrates would have reason to regret ( hat this inquiry had been instituted , and that the statements he ( Mr . Doncombe ) had originally made would be mainly borne out The Right Hon . Baronet , the Secretary of State , who had charge of the prisons , pas bound in duty to preserve this chaplain from the anger of the magistrates , and see that he was not displaced .

    Mr . Tatton Egerton said that the magistrates were quite as anxious as the Honourable Member that the truth should be known . They had intimated to their Chaplain their disapproval ] of bis conduct , because , being the officer of the gaol , ; he had not communic&tad to them what had passed in the gaol , which they looked npon as a violation of the confidence that ought to subsist between them and their officers . It appeared that during the last two or three years the Chaplain had been in the habit of keeping private memoranda of what passed in the gaol-j- ( opposition cheers ) . He should think that tbe House would expect suoh to be communicated to the magistrates—( heir , hear ); for unless it were made it would be impossible for the visiting magistrates to have accurate evidence of what passed in the gaol . \ Mr . T . S . Duncombe—The magistrates prohibited him from making communications .

    Mr . Tatton Egebton could not conceive that any officer of the gaol could tbink that it was his duty to withhold such communications . The moment after Captain Williams had left they made the inquiry ; they were only anxious that the truth should be known ; he understood that the inspector's report had been received at tho Home Office that morning . Sir James Graham thought the complaint of the Honourable Member somewhat premature . Immediately after the Honourable Member's statement on a former evonlng , an inspector of prisons had proceeded to Knutsford . The inspector did institute a searching inquiry , but his report had not yet been seen by him ( Sir James Graham ) . It had been left at the Homeoffice , but on the request of Captain Williams , it had been forwarded ta him for revision . He was not , therefore , in possession of the report , and be thought

    that the complaint of the chaplain was premature , inasmuch as it was bis intention ; to lay tbe report upon the table of the House . It was also , he conceived , premature , because the power to deprive him of office Was not vested in the justices or in the visiting justices , but in the Court of Quarter Sessions , which had not yet met . They were , therefore , [ only discussing tbe apprehensions of an officer , which might be more or less well-founded , bat still they ^ rere only apprehensions ; it rested with the majority ] of magistrates at quarter aes&ions to say whether the removal should take place or not The Honourable Member had supposed , erroneously , tbal be ( Sir James Graham ) bad a control over the election or removal | of an officer . The power was absolutely vested by law in the Court uf Quarter Sessions . Till he had come into the House he did not know of the complaint ef the chaplain .

    Mr . T . S . duncombe aaid that the meeting of magia . trates on Friday was a separate transaction from the complaint on which was to be founded Captain Wil-Uams ' s report . Sir James Graham said , that at the request of Captain Williams , tbe report bad been returned to him . i The Honse then resolved ; itself into Committee of Supply , and a vote was taken for £ 18 , 000 , 000 t » meet Exchequer-bills—not without some admonitions from MeBBrs . Hume , Bowring , and Williams , that the interest on such securities ought no longer to exceed 2 A J . per day . j

    On the commissariat estimate Mr . Hume was strenuous in counselling an abatement of our colonial expenses . So long as the present large military establishment should be kept up in the colonies , these estimates were perhaps inoapable of reduction ; but his own conviction was , that those establishments were excessive and evtravagant , and ought to be reduced in favour of the people at home , who were { wanting food . He would recommend a Finance Committee . Sir R . Peel said , that even if the people were in the most prosperous condition , he should object ta any needless establishment in the colonies ; but that , on

    tbe other hand , a necessary establishment was not to be reduced because the revenue at borne was not in a flourishing state . A finance Committee was not bo competent to judge of colonial necessities as the responsible Ministry , which bad the aid , information , and advice of the colenial governors and authorities . It was not wise to break down the strength of our troops by curtailing the necessary relief to regiments which bad been for many yean on foreign service ; nor could forces be always withdrawn as soon as the country occupied by them appeared to be pacified . The last news from China would illustrate that aubjeet

    Mr . HUME admitted that a force was requisite in China , and likewise at the Cape : but what did England want with 10 , 000 men in the Canadas , 2 , 000 in Nova Scotia , and 350 In [ Newfoundland ? Every colony ought to be its own protector . Mr . F . Baring argued that it was sound economy to keep the commissariat establishment always in an efficient state . j After a few words from Mr . Goulburn and Lord John Russell , ' Mr . Hume complained of the amount of half-pay , and objected to some other particular items in this estimate . ! Mr . Williams thought that those who voted for such estimates as these could have no sympathy with the suffering people .

    Mr . Bern a l vindicated himself , and those who thought with him , from the imputation of wanting sympathy with the people . If gentlemen could see the returns of siokneaa and casuality on foreign service , tbey would not think tbe reliefs too large . Mr . HUME desired to have ! the inequality of taxation between the rich and the poor redressed . In the present state of things , the chief taxation was on the consumption of tbe poor . The landlords , who bad been living so expensively , mnst come down , so must the receivers of official salaries . ' The Commissariat votes having been taken , Sir 6 . CLERK brought en 1 the Civil Contingencies ; but !

    Mr . Hume , as these accounts had not been delivered to members till Friday last , j desired further time to consider them . He adverted particularly to the expenses incurred in fitting up St Qaorge ' a Chapel for the Christening of the Prince of Wales . Sir R . Peel justified this ! expense ; but acceded to the request for postponement i Mr . Williams believed that the estimates of this session bad been brought on , ] more rapidly than usual . SirR . Feel answered , that [ the reason of the rapidity with which these estimates ! had come on was the rapidity with which the prior votes had been granted , which he supposed had been ' owing to the surprise and satisfaction felt by the House at the extensive reductions effected by Government

    Mr . Hums protested that his own forbearance had not arisen from any surprise or satisfaction of that sort , but from the persuasion that as most of the members of Opposition absented themselves upon those estimates , he should have bad little or no chance of succeeding in a resistance to any vote . . ! Sir R . Peel hoped tbe Honourable Member meant to adhere to this good rule of not offering opposition when he found himself in a very small minority . In the committee on the Coast of Africa Bill , Mr . Hume urged the expediency of having a Colonial budget —and , Indeed , an Indian budget also . Lord Stanley was inclined to think that a colonial budget , that is , a series of details relating to about forty different colonies , would be exhibited to empty benches ? probably , indeed , it would be a tete-a-tete between nitnself and Mr . Hnme . '

    Mr . W . S . O'Brien wad understood to press Mr . Hume's suggestion j as did alao Mr . Ewart and Dr . Bowring . j Lsrd Stanley was sure that those colonies which have assemblies of their ewn would view such an interference with great dissatisfaction . Mr . Hume said the country ought certainly to know tbe financial circumstances of any colony which did not defray its own expencea . After the other orders of the day had been disposed

    of , Mr . Hume moved for seme returns respecting Sir Alexander Grant ' s appointment to the Board of Audit One of these related to the age of Sir Alexander , whom Mr . Hume was pleased to consider as too far advanced in life to be fitly placed in such a situation ; but Sir R . Peel thought Mr . Hume should be aware that a man might be about the age of sixty , and yet have a turn for figures . The returns , except as to the age , were erdered . Mr . Hume moved for an account of the emoluments received by certain officers of the Mint , including the

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    gains of business done by them during the hours in which they are not employed for the public To this Mr Gladstone objected , and Mr . Hume , on s division , was defeated .

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    Ykomanry . —A parliamentary txe&iaaii published yesterday morning , of the number and expenses of the effective yeomanry of Great Britain , in-the year 1842 , states the number , of troops to have ; ifeen 247 , containing s 831 officers , and 13 , 351 mediae total expense connected with whose maintenance was £ 101 . 831 83 lid . The amount voted by Parliament £ 82 , 458 , thus showing the excess ot expenditure beyond the vote of Parliament to have been about £ 19 , 373 . Thereason of the excess arise fromunforeseen charges on account of cor ^ s called out in aid of the civil power . Six yeomanry corps , containing six troops and 472 men , now serving g ratnUoasly . areto be placed upon the permanent establMBwwiwraa 1 st of next month ; and seven ^^ JW ^ S ^^^ v consist of 16 troops and 935 men , a ^ OHBSei hai ^ r ^ raised fox the year 1843 . ^ K ^^^ . .. ^ \ J £ jf " i *} - § 0 " / 2 ^/*^*^* \ * jitjf "T" *^ f ^ J \ ^ *^ ^ SB i

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    HOUSE OF LORDS-Fridat , March 17 . The only matter of special Importance , in addition to some routine business , was the moving , by tbe Marquis of Lanadowae , for the production of the correspondence between the British merchants at Canton and Sir H . Pottmger , and in so doing he pointed out the importance of a British judicial tribunal being erected in China . The Earl of Aberdeen had no objection to the production of the correspondence . The possession or Hong Koag removed many of the difficulties which existed aa to jurisdiction , but the Government were waiting for additional information from SI * Henry Pottinger in order to guide them .

    Monday , March 20 . Lord Debmah called the attention of their Lordships to the following extract of a speech , as reported in the Morning Chronicle , purporting to have been delivered by Sir T . Wilde during the late debates on the Privilege question : " Look at some of Lord Danman ' s opinions ; remember that which he expressed , that it mattered little whether or not licentious books might be read by the inmates of a prison , old snd young persons , placed there with a view to their reformation and amendment . What in the world , he asked , had that to do with the case ? -If they had got into bis own family , he would have seen in a moment what they had to do with domestic government . That any man should be found to say that lioientieus and profligate writings and their use by prisoners bad nothing to do with prison discipline , I own has astonished me . "

    It was imputed that these opinions had been propounded by him in the judgment he had delivered in the celebrated case of Stocfedale v- Hansard ; " but he warmly denied that any portion of that judgment would bear such a construction , and proceeded at considerable length to vindicate the course he and his learned colleagues on the bench hai taken on the subject He had thought it necessary to meet the charge by tbe most decided contradiction . Lord Brougham produced a letter from Sir Thomas Wilde , in which he distinctly disclaimed the expressions attributed to him in the report ; but he declined to enter upon the general question which tb » judgment delivered by Lord Denmon Involved , except by reiterating his cordial acquiescence and approval .

    Lord Campbell rejoiced in the disavowal by Sir T . Wilde of the charge against Lord Denman which the report had imputed to him , but agreed entirely in tbe opinion tbat the judgment which had occasioned so much controversy rested on a foundation wholly erroneous and contrary to Ivn . It had been condemned by the most eminent lawyers on both sides ; and , for himself , be gloried in having been a Member of the House of GommonB during the struggle in support of its privileges . Lord AiiiNQER thought that the unanimity of opinion among lawyers which Lord Campbell had claimed had been in accordance with , rather than in opposition to , Lord Denman ' s judgment , and bad go far coincided with the general feeling of the country . Lord Denman expressed bis extreme satisfaction at Sir T . Wilde ' s explanation ; and after some further observations : from Lord Brougham , the Duke of Wellington , and Lord Campbell , the subject dropped . In reply to Lord Rosebery ,

    The Doke of Wellington defended the composition of the commission appointed to Inquire into the operation of the Poor Law in Scotland . Their Lordships then adjourned . :

    Empmai ^Ahtanwut

    Empmai ^ aHtanwut

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    A WARNING TO BACHELORS WANDERING IN SCOTLAND . The following ia from the Freeman ' s Journal . We recommend it to the serious perusal of snob of our bachelor friends as may have occasion to visit Scotland : — " Married 6 R NOT Married ?—The Evening Post of Tuesday night contains a curious correspondence . It may afford a lesson to gentlemen travelling for the first time In Scotland , and we sball , therefore , give ita purport . A gentleman rejoicing Jn tbe name of Sydenh » m Snow was travelling in Scotland , in the month of December last , and was enjoying the amusements of the . good city of Glasgow . A gentleman in the search of pleasure , he admired the fair-haired dasghters o ? the north , with flsxen locks and sparkling eyes of bine .

    But among them a' , she who fixed bis meditations was a maid whose after life must mix strangely with his . Jolly in name , joli in spirit , she arrested the steps of the wanderer , melting him by the warm influences of beauty on tbe impulses of our nature . He loved merriment , aud he loved Jolly , and with both , in happiness , he passed the hours . Mr . Snow , as his naaie would lead us to suppose , ' is frae the North . ' He dates in ' bill , bond , quittance , or obligation , ' from Omagh , in the county of Tyrone . But Glasgow is still' farther north , ' and Miss Jolly , though she smiled so merrily , appears not to hav « been at all a degenerate Blip of the northern pine . In a moment of—we know not what—Mr . Snow may , perhaps , remember—Miss Mary Jolly and Mr . Sydenham Snew mutually acknowledged each

    other- ' before two witnesses' as husband and wife . Poor Mr . Snow ! he appears not to have known what he did . He forgot that tbe law of marriage in Scotland is somewhat different from that of this country , and even now seems quite persuaded that he is ' free as air . " Not thus Mary Jolly—alas , to , him no longer so ! She insists upon the law , and she has , it would appear , taken steps to enforce whatever rights this contract gave her . Mr . Snow insists that' he was never married . " Mary ' s agents say the marriage is a ' valid one / and thus their quarrel runs . The story is not a fiction , and may be useful to gentlemen visiting the Scottish bikes , or coursing on the Scottish heather for the first time . When they are attracted by the Jolly-tg of , 'the hill-side maidens , let them not forget the freezing gravity which Mr . Snow wears now . "

    Tbat the Snow was melted by the fires of love , ia a matter , doubtless , to be regretted . That the maiden waa not frigid , muBfc be eqnally monrned . But the circumstances , although melancholy enough , afford another proof of tbe simple truth , so long established , yet so frequently forgotten , that honesty is the best policy . Poor Mr . Snow . ' His life must henceforth be a sad one , for bis Jolly-tie , lika the jollity of many others , with whom " smiles form the channel of a future tear , " has been the source of bitter sorrow .

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    WORCESTERSHIE ASSIZES . AN IRISH BURGLARY AND AN IRISH DEFENCE . Henry ( John ) , aged 51 , muslin weaver , a merrylooking " son of the sod , " was placed at the bar , charged with having , at Tenbury , on the 16 th of August , feloniously broken and entered the dwellinghouse of Francis Thomas , with intent to commit a felony . Paddy , for such be really is , although his godfathers thought proper to " christen him out of bis name" ( just as the veritable Joseph Miller hath it , te make people believe he was "born out of his native country" ) , was , by some curious freak of fortune , transplanted from the Emerald Isle to the town of Tenbury , and while there , on the 16 th of August last , a Mrs . Downey saw him , about eleven o'clock at night , sailing along the street , and tome to a dead halt opposite the door of prosecutor ' s house , which was then Ucked up , he having gone out of town a few days previously .

    After briefly reconnoitering , Henry raised the latch , but could not open the door ; he took another survey of the house and the street , and then , placing his brawny shoulders to the door , away flew ketch , and latch , and lock ,- and away flew taddy too , for the ease with whieh the fastenings gave way tilted him forwards , and ths last seen « f him at tbat time was his head going into the house at a tremendous pace , with his heels doing their best—though that was bad enough—at following after Mrs . Downey , who had watched his movements from her window , waited about a quarter of an hour for prisoner's return ; but , as the door had closed after him , and nothing was seen or heard , she called Mer eon , who went to the house , and found Henry standing sentry , stiff as a poker , and speechless as a mute , in the centre of the kitchen . He cellared him , bore faim away to tbe station honse , he was committed for trial , and now " stood at the bar on bis deliverance . " Paddy , when Mrs . Downey stopped in her evidence ,

    exclaimed—Well , Mrs . Downey , have ye done ? Case if ye have , I'll throuble ye to begin again . Mrs . Downey , is it ? Ye ' re " downey" enough , that ' s throe for yej but p ' raps yer not" downey" enough for to get me thransported , anyhew . Now attind ; wasn't I so dhrunk as I couldn't see a hole through a lather ( ladder ) ? Witness— -I can't say , indeed . Paddy—Dlrtby water on ye , but ye do though . Wasn't I dhrunk enough to mistake a dirty baste for a respectable woman ? Wi ness—Likely enough . . Paddy—That ' s thrue for ye . I took you that night for a daeent body , likely to do a gintleman in distress a good turn . Now , wasn't I dhrunk ?

    Witness—I really cannot say . Paddy—Can a man rob a house convaynently , if he can ' t see at all ? Witness—I should think not ; but you were not blind ?; Paddy—There ye're wrong J I was " blind dhrunk . " Can a man see in the dark ? Witness—Certainly not . Paddy—Wasn't I in tbe dark ? Witness—Yes . Paddy—Thin till me , Misthress very Downey , if a man can't rob a house if he can't see , and a man cant see in tbe dark , and I was in tbe dark , how conld I intind to rob this house ? Witness—I don't know anything about that

    Paddy . Faith , Mlsthresa very Downey , yeapalpeen , nor nobody else . Now , if ye'll jist be kind enough to pick up yer trotters , and cany yeraelf off , I'll be obleged to ye , ' case I want to spake to them gintlemia o'the Jury . Yell understand me ,. Lord Judge , and Misthers , gintlemia o' the Jury , as I'm a respectable man ; that ' s true , yell find . Well , thin , I had been selling some books—I'm a bookseller , yer honoursthati 8 , I'd been thrying to sell seme tracts as gintleman bad give me when they could find any coppers in their trousers . I met with some friends , and- in course we bad a " dhrop ef the crater , " and I could't see a hole in a lather , so I starts homo all alone by meself , and wid no body wid me . I thought what a blessing a a potheen of the rale stuff was , and then I wanted some frind to tread on the tail of my coat , for love , money , or . whiskey ; but I was obleged for to be afther going home widout a bit of a fire , singing

    " Saint Patbrick was a gintleman , And came o' daoent payple ; He built a church in Dublin town , And « n it pat a stayple ; whin all at onst I comes aginst a honse , or a house cornea against me , which is all the same yell say ; and I looked at it says , " Och , here's lack and Mother Griffiths ' s . " Wid tbat I tries the door , and finds it fastened against a gentleman . Wid tbat , I says , " Misthress Griffiths , ye'll perticlarly obleege me by taking off yer night cap , and opening the door ; " faitb , but she didnt come , and I tried to make meself happy while " She lay fast asleep , snug in bed and snoring , While round the house I crept , her hard heart imploring . " " Misthress Griffiths , asthore , bat won't ye let me In Och , dirthy butter to ye ; and ye'll keep me here in starvation , will ye ? " Bays I" Och , I find I waste my breath , and may the agne take ye , — Sure I will catch my death—the divil himself can't wake ye . " Amd bo , yer Honour ' s glory , I jist let the few potheens of whiskey put ttve shoulder to the door , and in it wint , and so did I . It closed , yer Honour , and , by St . Pathrick , I was all alone in the dark , without a living bouV to spake io but tables and chairs . I thought it was all over wid me , and was a giving up the ghost when that ugly sinner , Masther Downey , toek me away for to be put in the hole . " That ' s all I have to say , ' and , perhaps , ye'll think it enough too , " quoth Paddy , concluding his address with a profound ealamto the Jury , with a ditto to his Lordship . The . Learned Judge re-called Mrs . Dawney , and ascertained that prisoner had taken lodgings at a Mrs . Griffitbs ' s , two doors from tbe honse entered ; and , ftbeifeapon , directed a verdict of Not Guilty , which was ' ¦ at once returned . Upon leaving the bat , Paddy again went through bis bowing and scraping—saying to his Lordship , " I wish heaven may blow a favour on yer Lordship when ye die . " . ' ¥ : OS- *

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    THE NORTHERN STAR . 7

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 25, 1843, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1205/page/7/