Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th May 1843, Edition 1 of 5, Page 4, Emperial parliament

Page 4
Page 4
4 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (2)
    • THE NORTHERN STAR. 1
    • Emperial parliament
  • Text (6)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF LORDS . —Tcesdat , Mat 2 . After tbe presentation of * petition by the Duke of ASGTLL . praying for a settlement ot tbe difference * of toe Scotch Chnrch , ... . Th * Marquis of BseadalbaX * decla ed hu conviction of the incalculable miBcbief waich would ensue , if " one measure van not passad to settle the question . Eifbtv per cent of th ? popu ation would sec . de from &e Cnnreb alon ? wHh their mifUters . Thp Earl of Abebdee . n Ki-l that the Government had off-red all that could be conceded , and that there wp * no iuteDtion of introducing any meature on the ^ Thfsecond reading of tbe Townshend Peerage Bill raised a dUcawion on tbe peculiar nature o ( the case and the remedy proposed .

      Lord Cottexham opposed the . Bill , as contrary to precedent , aod without necessity , a legal remedy being open to the parties Lords Brocgham , Desman , and Campbell supported the Bill , as a remedy for a wrong wbieh could not be otherwise rectified , and the Earls of Devon and Wicklow opposed it , as being at once unprecedented and extreme . Tbe Losd Chascxllob supported the second leading . The case was a singular and extreme one , and if the facts were true , constituted a scandalous lrrong , noi only against individuals , bnt the peerage , and tbe privileges of the House of Lords , for which no adequate rtmedv was afforded in the courts below .

      L-ird Cottexham declined to press his opposition ; the BUI was read a second time ; and counsel were ealled in , and an arrangement made tor bearing evidence .

      Untitled Article

      HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Tuesday , Mat 2 . Sir Robert Peel , in reply to Captain Pechell . said tbit be expected in a few days the exchange of the ratifications of tbe treaty between France and England for regulating the fisheries , and that be would then apply to Parliament to give it effect . Mr . Hcme brought on his motion for a vote of thanks to Ljrd Ash > . nrton , for bis management of tbe negotiations which ended in the conclusion of the treaty of Ws > hirgton . He went over tbe history of tbe negotiations between Lord Asbfeurton and Mr . Webster and tbe nature cf those mutual boundary arrangements which have been already so ample and frequently discussed , contending that the treaty was conducive to tbe interest of the two cations , and honourable to tbe negotiator .

      Dr . Bowbisg seconded the motion , remarking on the violence and injustice with which the treaty had been assailed , and arguing that Lord Asbburton had served tbe interests of this country . Sir Charles Napieb was sorprised that Mr . Hume , a plain honest Scotchman , should have followed tbe eccentric movements of Lord Brougham . The Government had not originated any motion fcr a vote of thanke to Lord Ashburton , and the conclusion was that they did not think that he deserved it . The question cf the right of visit was left unsettled ; a suspected American vessel tu warranted , by tbe expressed opinions of the President of the United States , in refusing te submit to tbe search of a British cruise ; and at this very mement we were exposed to all the risks of collision . Nor was the settlement of the boundary line between the two countries satisfactory . He m-ved , as an amendment on Mr . Hume ' s motion , that tfce bouse do now adjourn .

      Captain BERKELEY seconded the amendment , disclaiming any wish to east censure on Lord Ashburton , bat not considering him entitled to thanks . , Mr . Escjtt taunted tbe gallant officers with evading tbe question , 'PTt n * * of boldly meeting the motion with a direct negative . Impartial history would hereafter record its approbation of tbe conduct of Lord Ashburton , in settling tbe long standing boundary dispute between tbe two countries . If the late Government had any excuse at all for not concluding such a treaty , it was because they bad bo such negotiator as the Noble Lord in order to tfiVct it Mr . Edward Bulleb regretted the introduction of tbe motion , and tbe revival of & di&tOislon which he deprec&U d . Without blaming Lord Ashburton , be did not see why they should step out of their way to thank

      Sir Howard Docglas , drawing on his military knowledge and experience , acquired during his governorship of New Brunswick , justified the arrangements ef tbe treaty . Mr . YKKJ * OK SuiTH quoted Sir Robert Peel ' s sentiments uttered on tbe occasion of voting the thanks of tbe House to tbe officers and men employed in the Chinese war , when be assigned precedent for not ineluding Sir Henry Pottenger , he being a diplomatic agent . He was therefore surprised when he found thai tbe Right Honourable Gentleman i- tended to support the present motion . The best that could be said , even

      by the Noble Lord ' t most darling friends , of tbe mission of Lord Ashburton , was that we were all out of the scrape . Under the treaty , we had surrendered territory , and tbe question of tbe right of search was left unsettled ; andpow ground had be- n taken on tbe kubj-et of slsvory i ? jurious to a question ¦ which tbe peeple of this country bad deeply at heart . Mr . Huras was patronised , on this occasion , by the ministerial tide of the House ; bat bow was it that tbe Government followed his leading , instead of having anticipated him , as they ought to nave done , if the vote of thanks was usual , or deserved ?

      Mr . Cha&lks Bllleb regretted differing with friends with wfcom he usually coincided in opinion ; but , on tbe present occasion , he w&s disposed to oTerlook precedent , because he con * i <' - ? red the treaty of Washington a great achievement of diplomacy , and highly honourable and advantageous to the country . We forgot the succession of irritating incidents occurring on the frontier between Canada and the United Btatea , exciting hot blood , and keeping us on th- verge of a disastrous war . Lord A » hburton not only removed these dangers , but he had procured a change in the legislation of tbe United States , by which such cases as that of M'Leod could never occur again . We ought not to argue the question , as if we were exclusively in the right , and were justified in insisting or . tbe full amount of our claims We bad got better terms than under the award of tbe King of the

      Netherlands ; under that line the American tront : er was brought inconveniently near Quebec , which was , in fact , a material and main objection to it , asd of far more importance than tbe territory which had been conceded under tbe treaty of Washington , and by which the frontier had been removed to a satisfactory distance . This , it might be said , had been purchased by tbe concession of tbe navigation of the St . John . But this was balanced by other advantages ; and even the abandonment of tbe Madawaska settlement was not of the importance attributed to it For himself , be was not disposed to censure Lord Ashburton for abandoning that style of diplomacy , of which he was not disposed to speak in terms ef very great reverence ; and he was disposed to estimate at its full valne the settlement of disputes between -two gTeat nations , tht eSects of which might -be as great as lasting .

      Sir John Hasmeb admitted the importance of the treaty , but protested against setting a precedent which might be disadvantageous hereafter . Lord Stanley said that the Government would cot , in tbe ordinary course of business , have departed from precedent , in proposing tbe thanks of tbe House to a negotiator , however successful . But the ungenerous attack of Lord Palmerston was the moving cause of securing to Lord Ashburton the unprecedented honour of such a vote . Mr . Macaulay bad contended that Lord Afhburton had east a stain on British diplomacy ; yet to-night it was admitted that tbe trea \ y was not so bad a one af Ler all , and the only objection taken was to the unprecedented nature of the motion .. There sever had been a treaty concluded in tbe face ef greater difficulties , or which bad more effectually removed tbe chances of a disastrous war between two countries .

      every blow of which would recoil on both . In a few ] months Lord Ashburton had concluded tbe settlement j of a dispute which Lord Palmerston for several years j had successfully protracted ; even tbe Madvwsska j settlement , about whieh so much was now said , was one of the objects which tbe Noble Lord , when in [ ofice , bad vainly offered , in order to induce the ) United States to accept tbe award of the King I of tbe Netherlands . Lord Ashburton had entered j on his task , after ths question had been embroiled : by the management of Lord Palmerston , and I after separate states were committing themselves j on the subject by strong resolutions to support tbe claims of Maine and Massachusetts , and in six months he brought it to a conclusion . Nor bad the Noble Lord or the Government compromised tbe question of tbe Kigbt of Search , though Lord Aberdeen did not imitate the « npereilious style of Lord Palmerston , in addressing a people at once strong and sensitive , and on a subject

      of peculiar delicacy . Tbe United StaWs did not recognise tbe right of search , but they agreed th&t it might be exercised under certain conditions of remedy tor injuries . The very con # ention on this subject in the Ashbnrtoa Treaty was similar to a proposition made by Lord Palmerston in 1 S 39 , yet be now turned r » nnd and said that it was a step in the wrong direction ! The ease ot M'Leod , which tbe present Government , on entering office , had found to be so imminent and dangeroua , had been successfully settled , aid its reeamnee provided against Lord Asbburton had , in fact obtained a better military boundary than nnder the award of the King of the Netherlands , he had procured the enactment of a law whkh would prevent the recurreaee of irritating questions , and he made no cenceslion dishonourable or disadvantageous to the country He trusted , therefore , that the House would auk its sense o £ bis high merits , and of tbe party attack which had been made oa him , by supporting the motion of Mr . Home .

      Lord Johs BessBLl was surprised that tbe Gov ? rD . meat never thought of coming to the rescue of L > rd Athburton ' s reputation and honour , until 2 gfcuUfcman came to their aid , who was so littfe disposed to uphold the honour c f this country , tiai he was the corresponded of one of the chief rebels in the Canadian insurrection . The precedents adduced fcy Mr- Bnnie for his motion Were not very apposite ; ard it would appear as if the speeches of Lord Pataerston and -Mr . M £ C 2 u ::. j- ea tie former discussion cf this subject , tad trcccctO m pr-w-

      Untitled Article

      erful an effect that they couW only be met by reeolutions passed without precedent by both Houses of Parliament . The rijfht of seaicb , asserted by this conn try , and denied by America , bad not been settled by tbe Ashburton Treaty—the very convention on the subject of repressing the slave trade , which that treaty contained , bad already been the cause of producing an excitement in France which it required all the prudence of M . Guizjt to allay . Without going into all tbe complicated details of the boundary question , he declared his conviction that the tone adopted in the negotiations was sot only calculated to lower us in tbe estimation of the world , but had actually done so , and had produced the impression thatl oar claims had only to be resisted in erder to compe concessions . An ultimatum had been proposed and abandoned by Lord Ash burton , who had claimed the

      Madawaska settlement , and had resigned it , as well as the definite proposition of a river boundary , at the bidding of Mr . Webster , in a manner not calculated to sustain the honour of his country . Lord Ashburton was not unlike Moses in the " Vicar of Wakefleld , " whose successful bargain ended in a case of shagreen spectacles . One of tbe first results in America of the treaty of Washington was the passing of a Bill to seize the Oregan territory—a plain effect of the want of upholding the dignity of Britain . He was not disposed to censure with severity the expression of Lord Asbburton , in terming Boston the " cradle of American liberty . " He rather rejoiced that the Americans appreciated the noble struggles of their forefathers ; but while he wished to Bee the bonds strengthened between tbe two countries , he did not think the treaty had done so .

      Sir Robert Peel censured the conduct of Lords Palmerston and Russell , and their friends , in endeavouring to ruin the character of Lord Ashburton , who , actuated by the purest motives , had undertaken this difficult negotiation . Mr . Hume ' s support bad not always been so indifferent to the late Government . Was it creditable to public men to pursue the course which had been followed by the Noble Lords ? The Government was Hunted with violating precedent by adopting the motion ; but when Mr . Canning ' s policy with respect to Spain was questioned , be refused , contrary to bis original intention , to permit the motion to be withdrawn without a definite expression of tbe opinion of the House . The question was not , on the present occasion , about the giving up of a Madawa&ka settlement , or of a particular boundary ; it was one involving peace and war , on an irritating dispute

      which , in spite of negot iation , had lasted for half a century . As to tbe right of search , Lord Palmerston had authorised tbe capture of American vessels , which bad produced so much excitement in the United States , and bad rendered the question a difficult one ; and the convention in tbe treaty secured for five years the cooperation of a joint squadron on tbe coast of Africa for the suppression of tbe slave trade . He believed that tbe Oregon dispute would be settled ere long , as well as that of the right of search ; and , notwithstanding tbe efforts of individuals to excite animosities , be was satisfied that the Treaty of Washington would lead to relations of amity and good will between tbe two countries . He ealled en tbe House , therefore , viewing the difficulties which Lord Ashburton had successfully overcome , to depart from ordinary precedent in passing the vote of thanks to the Noble Lord .

      Lord Palkbrston said that the argument used by Sir Robert Peel , on the occasion of the former debate on this subject , was that if a vote of censure were moved , he would meet it with one of approbation . No vote of censure had been moved ; yet the unprecedented course was adopted of proposing a vote of thanks . He bad shewn that tbe treaty involved a surrender of our rights , and was not advantageous to this country , but be would not now repeat his arguments . Tbe present Government were rather partial to following the example of the late one , but in doing so they frequently did not see the principle on which they had proceeded , and therefore imitated them wrongly . The late Government bad proposed a convential line for tbe settlement of the disputed boundary , and it would have been well

      if it had bees adopted as the baits of the treaty . He disclaimed all intention of insulting tbe American flag by using the phrase " a bit of bunting , " which had reference not to tbe flag of the Union , but to piratical and fraudulent attempts to sail trader it ; and he explained the circumstance * under which suspected American vessels had been captured on the coast of Africa by our cruisers . It bad been effected through a voluntary arrangement between the naval officers of botH countries , but being disallowed by the American Government , wai Immediately stopped by his orders . But tbe Convention in the treaty of Washington , for joint co-operation between tbe squadrons of

      the two countries , would not prove effectual for checking the slave trade . The Government had not stood up very manfully for their negotiator , in leaving him to the attentions of Mr . Hume : tbe principle on which he bad proceeded , of concession for the sake of peace , had been repudiated by so great a lover of peace as Mr . Fox . Even admitting that the treaty of Washington was advantageous to the country , it remained to be shown that tbe merit was due to the negociator , and then was no precedent for a vote of thanks to a diplomatist , which would lower the character of the House by dragging a majority through tbe dirt . In approbation of an unwise and disadvantageous treaty .

      Mr . Hume said a few words in reply . He did not think that any proceeding of his would have so stirred up the Noble Lords ; and tbe spirit now evinced convinced him that , bad they been is office , we should have been embroiled with America . On a division , the motion was carried by 338 against 96 .

      Shocking Accident . —Last Friday morning , about seven o ' clock , a frightful and fatal accident occurred at tbe Lancaster railway station , to James Witham , a porter in the employ of Messrs . Hartf-eaves and Co . general carriers . It appears that he was assisting in the removal of some luggage waggons , slowly propelled by one of the engines , and , whilst in the act of stepping between two of them for the purpose of unhooking them in order to divide the train , was caught between their "buffers , " and bo dreadfully crushed , that , after lingering in great agony for about three hours , death terminated his sufferings . —Lancaster Guardian .

      TJxjcst Weighing Machine . —At the borough Court , Bolton , on Monday last , Agnes Rathbone , keeper of a public weighing machine , in Black Horsestreet , was fiiied 5 s and expenses , on the information of Mr . Fogg , inspector . The machine , at t « n hundred-weight , was deficient a quarter of a hundred-weight , ana at thirty hundred-weight , one hundred-weigbA . Pabdok of Wilson Rocket . —A fr ^ e pard on was received on Friday week on behalf of Wilson Rocket , who was confined at the Castle under a sentence of transportation for life , for a burglary at Huntington . The intelligence as conveyed in a letter to R . H . Anderson , Esq ., the attorney for the prosecation , —and the pardon appears to have been granted solely from tbe report which the Secretary of State has received from Mr . Justice Coltruan .

      Sheep at Waretield . —On Wednesday week , at Wakefield cattle market , there were the extraordinary number of between eight and nine thousand sheep for sale . There were a thousand more than the pens would hold . A large quantity remained unsold . Tbe prices fetched were from 3 | d to 4 d per pound for mutten . Lambs sold at 18 s 10 21 s per head .

      The Northern Star. 1

      THE NORTHERN STAR .

      SATURDAY , MAY 6 , 1843 . THE FACTORY BILL . j THE GOVERNMENT CONCESSIONS . On Monday evening , Sir Jahes G bah ah detailed to u the House" the alterations in the educatonal I portion of the Factory Bill , which have , daring the recess , been determined on by the Ministry . As the subject is one of absorbing interest , no apology will be needed for making the readers of the Northern Star acquainted with the main of the alterations proposed .

      In th « first place the Homk Secrrtabt referred to tbe gross means of delusion that have been resorted to by the political dissenters to " get up the steam " against the original measure ; the palpable fraudB and lying misrepresentations of which they have been guilty . The measure has been almost regnlarly and systematically argued upon , as though it was a first attempt to introduce the principle of u Compulsory Education ; " and this , too , by the very parties who hailed and supported , and even carried , Lord Althohp ' s Factory Regulation Act , which made it law

      that no child should be permitted to work in a Factory , unless the master tato to it that it regularly attended school ! How well do we remember the glorifications in which the Whig press indulged , respecting this portion of Lord Althoxt ' s measure , when it was first introduced ! At that period the Ten Hours Axil ation was at its height . A demand , almost unprecedented for its urgency and unanimity , had been made upon * the

      Government , for the means of protecting the infant factory slave from a thraldom more oppressive , and aiora destructive to moral good and physical well-being , than the must direct and uncloaked system of slavery ever seen . The simple protection a&ked for , was a forbidding of any owner of a factory to work his " hands" more than ten hours a-day , it having been testified to , on oath , by the highest medical authorities in ! the world , that [ to attempt to work yonng per-

      Untitled Article

      bods uader twenty-one years of age , more than ten hours a day , under the circumstances attendant upon factory labonr , was to sacrifice health and sport with life ; and whioh testimony' to this day unoonfcradioted and uninvalidated I The answer to thte plain and simple demand , oa the part of the Whig Government , was the Factory Act of Lord Althorf ' s , introducing the miseryengendering system of relays ; the obnoxious , and harassing , and expensive spy-system of Inspectorships ; a " Compulsory Education" for all children , as a qualification for work ; and the new fact ,

      established by law , that young persons , thirteen years of age , are " /«« agents" and out of the custody or care of the Lord Chancellor ! And 0 ! what credit was taken to the Whigs for the preparation of this measure . It was declared that the " Ultra-Philanthropists , " as Oastler and Sadler were sneeringly called , were beaten hollow : that these parties , with their utmost stretch of compassion , had asked for the employment of children ten hours a day ; while the Whig Act prohibited their being employed more than eight : that the " philanthropists" had not even contemplated

      the education of the objects of their commisseration and tender regard ; while the Whig Act provided th&t they should have an education , before any master should be allowed to employ them . O how vauntingly this portion of the Althorpean scheme was but set forth 1 The regard jt displayed for the intellectual culture and moral welfare of the factory child , was pointed out , and sung in paeans loud and long . A comprehensiveness of scheme , and enlightened views to meet the requirements of the case , were discovered in the plan ; and praise was thickly bespattered upon its " Btatesman-like authors . "

      From the moment of the passing of Althorp ' s Factory Act , in 1834 , to the present moment , has the principle of " Compulsory Education" been recognised and enforced by law ; and yet , notwithstanding this notorious ilact , the Dissenters have chosen to represent the New Factory Bill as endeavouring to introduce that principle ; and they have deluded their dupes into strong protestations and indignant denunciations against suoh an attempt 1 The introduction and legislative enforcement of the " principle , " when proposed by Lord Althorp , is stateaman-like and praiseworthy ; and the principle itself is legitimate and right : but an attempt to make that principle operative ; an attempt to secure an education , somewhat worthy of the name ; an

      attempt to put an end to " nre-hoile" schools , and " firing-up" masters , with scraps of the Leeds Mercury for books ; an attempt to provide day schools " efficiently conducted , " for the destitute populations of Abhton , Staley bridge , and Oldham , where scarcely a single public day school exists , amongnt their tens of thousands of wealth-producers : an attempt to accomplish these things is yelled down as an attempt to introduce a " tyrannical principle ; " a '' principle violating the sacred relationship of parent and child ;" " a prinoiple destroying all freedom , and interfering with natural rights f and yelled down , too , by those who have themselves established the very " principle" denounced , and taken honour and glory to themselves for having done so !

      Having replied to the objection cunningly enough , but roguishly , started , that the New Bill had sought to introduce the principle of " compulsory education , " Sir James Graham detailed the nature and scope of the alterations he and his colleagues were prepared to make in the Government scheme . He first applied himself to the question of Sunday schools . He said : — " The first objection generally urged , and it Is one with which the sympathy of a great part of the public , arises not so much from the intention of the clause relating to Sunday schools as from the t fleets likely , as

      is supposed , to result from its wording . It has been described as a clause violating tbe right « f conscience , and compelling parents whose children are employed in factories to use the Sunday schools established under this Act to the exclusion of all other Sunday schools Now , I beg to state that it is my intention to exclude from tbe 57 th and 68 th clauses all the words relating to Sunday schools , and I shall also propose that the 66 th clause shall be altogether omitted . In lien of clause 60 , I shall propose to Insert a clause providing that the master , or such other person as tbe clerical trustee may appoint , shall , at

      such time as the said clerical master may direct , openly aite d at such school to afford instruction according to tbe doctrines of tbe church of England , and shall give such instruction to all the children in attendance at such school whose parents may desire their attendance for tbe purpose of religious instruction of this character ; and further , this clause will enact that tbe said master shall , at least once on every Sunday , enforce the attendance of the children on divine worship in a church or chapel of the establishment , or at t' .. . e performance of divine worship In tbe school-bouse , if no church or chape ] is convenient . The House will at once perceive , that tbe tffect of this alteration will be that the schools will be open on the Sabbath — that the master will attend—and that , to the children

      of all such parents as may desire it , instruction in the catechism and liturgy of the established church will be imparted . But , as I stated on a former occasion that we recognised as a leading principle that until a child should be emancipated by age , the parent or guardian shall exercise his discretion as to that child's religious creed , we shall , acting in strict conformity with that principle , introduce a clause by which the child will be allowed to attend any Sunday-school such parent or guardian shall prefer , and by which tbe parent will be left perfectly at liberty to choose any other in case he objects to tbe schools ander this act I hope , therefore , that by these provisions any objections that may have been urged with respect to instruction at Sunday-schools will be entirely removed . "

      A tremendous hubbub has been raised about the intention of the promoters of the New Bill , to " break up the Sunday Schools , " and get the children into the hands of the Church clergy and their teachers oa the day Bet apart for hist , and not for instruction . From the above statement of the Home Secretary , it is evident , that if ever such an intention existed , it is now given vp . Surely , after the above " concession , " we shall hear no more about " the attempt to put dowa v our * Sunday School ?"

      For our own part , we think it would be a great good were thet put down : i . e ., were the necessity for their existence superseded . It is of itself an evidence of the most weighty and telling character against the accursed THING , itself , that the only means of school education for the children of the poor should be the Sunday Schools , with all their narrow-minded , exclusive , and woefully imperfect arrangements . Were the parents of the children in the position they ought to occupy ; had they their share of the manifold blessings arising from the abundant means we possess to produce an illimitable

      amount of wealth ; they would not need to be dependent upon ostentatious fanatic " charity" for the education of their offspring in sectarianism and illibcrality ! The necessity that exiBtsfor Sunday Schools at all , is t strong . condemnation of all our fiscal , political , and sooial arrangements . The Sab bath should bb a day of REST . But there is no rest for the children of the poor . Toil all the week is their portion ; and a sacrifice of the only time for recruiting exhausted worn-out nature , ia demanded as the price for merely learning it to read

      and to think , and judge , and act illiberally towards all who do not belong to the " sect . " Whatever , therefore , will remove the necessity for tbe existence of Sunday Schools , will accomplish a great good , by removing a great evil . The working-day is the time for the schoolmaster to pursue his " avocation . " The Sabbath commandment , commands to "keep holy ( wholly ) the Sabbath day / ' In it we are to "do no manner of work ;" but "to REST from oar labours . " There is not much but in » Sunday School .

      Let us not be mistaken . We do not decry Sunday Schools , as things are . They have been , and are , of immense use , notwithstanding all their imperfections , and all their sectarianism . They have taught hundreds of thousands to read , who otherwise would not have learned . When thus taught , they have been cast abroad into the wide world , to battle with the stern realities of life . The power to read has placed within their reach " materials for thinking . " Thought has been awakened and evolved ; and a conviction that man ' s injustice has " established" a system of selfishness and fraud , to which

      Untitled Article

      the ignorant and unreflecting have baen subjected , has taken firm hold of the mind , and given birth to a holy determination to supersede the wrong by the establishment of right . Sunday Schools , poor , wretched things as they are , have had their usea ; and good has resulted from them . It would be but a sorrowful reflection , however , to have to think that by their means alone are the masses of our population always to be instructed in the little they can alone teach ! The introduction of right principles into practice would booh supersede the necessity for Sunday Schools , and give every youthful member of sotiety a scholastic oourse of education , physically , mentally , morally , and practically , suoh as the most favoured of our race do not ev < m now enjoy !

      The next *• concession" of the Government relates to the Certificates for school attendance . It is the law now , that no child shall be permitted to work in a factory , unless it attends some school ; but it leaves the master at liberty to let the school be of what nature or sort he pleases . It is from the latter cause that we have had the children sent into the M fire-hoile , " to say their " lessons" to the " firerup" of the engine boiler , their " lessons" being scraps of the Leeds Mercury newspaper , cut up for the purpose ; it is from that cause , that we have had these things practised , and dignified with the the name of " schooling" and " education . " The

      new bill sought to put an end to such wicked mockeries . It provided that a certificate of attendance , either at a New District School , or at a School of the National Society . or * a School of the British and Foreign School Society , or a Catholic School , or a School attached to any factory provided by the master himself ; it provided that a certificate of weekly attendance at one or othor of these schools ( stipulating that the four last should be " efficiently conducted " J should be obtained by the factory master from the schoolmaster , before he was at liberty to employ any ohild . An alteration in this particular is proposed . The Home Secretary said : —

      "On this point , I propose to introduce an alteration into clauses 16 , 17 , and 18 , and also propose entirely to omit clauses 71 , 72 , 73 , and 74 . In lieu of these I propose to introduce a clause that will enable the masters of all schools in the district to grant certificates of the attendance of the children , subject only to ttais condition , that all imcb . schools shall be nnder tbe superintendence of an inspector appointed by the Committee of the Privy Council , without any other sanction or control , and with regard to the character of the instruction , only insisting that in the course of such Instruction the authorised

      version of the Scriptures shall be used . With respect to Wesley an schools or to those of Protestant Dissenters generally , this clause will be unnecessary ; but it is desirable , In order to provide for tbe cases of certain Roman Catholic schools at which Protestant children may attend , and also it is necessary to provide against a Roman Catholic master compelling the attendance of Protestant children at any private school within his factory , and there instructing those children in religious knowledge , in the absence of tbe authorized version of the Scriptures . "

      The power to grant certificates of school attendance is to be extended to all schoolmasters iu the factory districts , who submit to place their schools under the superintendence of an Inspector appointed by the Committee of Privy Council , and who use the authorised version of the Scriptures in the course of instruction . This " concession" meets many difficulties , and many objections , that have been started . The charge that it was intended to get all the children to the New Distriot Schools , to be taught Puseyism by the Church parson , is now no longer tenable , even in appearance .

      The ohild may be sent to any school so superintended , and so conducted ; and certainly , if Inspection is neees $ ary , and if the use of the Scriptures as a class book is not to be dispensed with , we cannot see what objection can be urged against the provisions of the Bill , as now proposed . The world knows something of the utter inefficiency of much of what is now dignified by the name of " school education . " They know that the keeping of a school is a walk" of life in not very high estimation ; and that it is generally resorted to by tbe unfortunate and the disabled , with no other qualification for the task than that they are

      unable to obtain a miserable livelihood by any other means . " Do you teach morals to the young people under y < ur charge V was the question put by some inquirers into the statistics of " school education" to the coaduotor of an " establishment" for the teaching and training of youth . " La , Sir , " was the answer , who could afford to teaoh them for twopence a-week" ! If benefit is to be secured to the attenders upon " all schools , " in the major portion of them a far different system from that hitherto pursued will have to obtain : for it is a fact that the major portion of the " masters" are as deficient of all mental and moral qualifications for the task they have assumed , as the poor children are of

      that which they go to school , but go in vain , to learn . Should , therefore , improved methods of tuition , and a natural course of treatment to the children ' placed in the hands of the " educator , " follow from giving *• all schools" the power to grant ' certificates of school attendance , by being placed under the superintendence of the Inspector , it will be one benefit resulting from the system of " Inspeotion" which we have hardly any right to expect from such an obnoxious mode of proceeding . The system , however , is one of Whig origin : and , therefore , the Dissenters cannot with any show of justice complain , seeing that they were the strenuous supporters of the " principle" when it was first sought to be introduced in connection with factory children .

      The next alteration was announced in these terms : — " T e Houae will observe that I have now removed tbe difficulty with regard to Sunday schools , and that with respect to day-schools I have provided for the free granting of certificate !* , subject only to the inspection of the 8 choolu by the Inspector authorised and appointed by the Committee of the Privy Council . I will uow go en to notice tbe third class of objections , for which I shall also endeavour to provide a remedy . I propose to alter clauses 57 , 58 , and 69 . It is objected , that as Instruction in the catechism and liturgy of the Established Church may be siveh at any period

      of tbe school hours , the imparting of such instruction may interrupt the education of the children of thoae Dissenttra who attend ; and that it must consequently ensue either that those children will lose the benefit * of the education afforded , or that attempts will be made to instil the particular doctrines and catechism of the Established Church into the minds of those who dissent from its principles . We shall provide , in order to meet these objections , that instruction in the catechism and doctrines of tbe church shall be afforded daring one hour out of tbe three of each ot tbe five days on which the children are to attend the schools ; but we shall also provide that that boar shall be appointed by the

      masters , and that it shall be either tbe first or the last of the three hours . ( Hear , hear . ) Further , we shall provide that instruction in this branch shall be given to the children of churchmen in a . class held in a room apart from the school-room , and separate from that in which the children of those Dissenting parents who may object to the education of their children in the church doctrines receive instruction . Then we shall take a precaution with regard to a matter on which the Right Hon . Gentleman , tbe Member tor Devonport , urged some objection * the other night , —I mean with respect to the character of the books to be used . As

      the bill stands it is in the power of the clerical trustee to make the selection , and of course It is to be expected that every such trustee will select according to his own peculiar tenets . To obviate tbe difficulty we shall provide that the selections shall be made by the two archbishops . We shall also provide that no Inspector shall inquire into the character of the religious instruction imparted , unless he shall receive express authority to do ss from one of the archbishops , or from the bishop of tbe diocese . This , tbe House will observe , will prevent all inquiry into the special religious instruction afforded . "

      On this we have not , at present , any thing to say . It will be better to wait , and see how it iB met and received by the religious portions of the community , who object to mere secular education , and insist on ( he priest interfering with the functions of the schoolmatter , to impart religions instruction ; but who cannot agree as to what it religious instruction , and who , in their bitter quarrels and disgraceful contests on the point , evince that they are possessed of no religion at all ! but that its place is occupied by furious fanaticism and intolerant bigotry . Sir James Graham proceeded : —•

      " I now come to another point . In clause 69 it is provided , ' that if tbe parent of any scholar shall certify to tta master or trustees tba ; be desires that such gchola .-, on the ground of religious objections , may not bo present a ( . the periods when suoh catechism or por-

      Untitled Article

      tions of the liturgy are taught , it shall not be lavrful for any person to compel such child to be present at such periods . ' An objection has been taken to this clause , because of tfee introduction of the words ' on tbe ground of religious objection , ' it being thought invidious to compel a parent to state what may be the grounds of th « objection he entertains . I shall propose , therefore , to omit these words , and it will consequently be competent for a parent , without assigning any reason , simply to state that he objects . BeBiuos this , I propose specifically to enact , that during the hour in which religious instruction is afforded , which , as I said befare , may be either the first or the last hour of the three , provision shall be made by the trustees that the children of

      Dissenters 8 hal . receive instruction in some br . inch of knowledge taugbt in tbe schools . But although we make all these provisions , we do not think them sufficient to meet all the objections urged . The precautions I have stated I believe to be amp'e against any attempt to introduce a proselyting spirit ; but although we have taken these precautions—although we have provided that education in the catechism and liturgy of tbe church should be afforded in a separate room and at a fixed hour—still we think that these precautions fall short of all that tbe necessities of the case require . Excepting on Sundays , no ptovision is made for the education of Dissentersin the peculiar religious creeds they may profess . This i » an important point I propose to

      introduce a clause to provide for it . I prop * se that children of Di 8 aenters t > ball have instruction in the creed of their parents for a time exactly equal te those of children brought up in the doctrines ef the establishment . This instruction will , of course , be at the discretion of the parent Aa the case now stands tbe Sunday is provided for—that day is at the disposal of every parent to provide as he pleases for tbe education of his child . During the afternoon of Saturday It is also competent for him to provide for the special religious instruction bis child is to receive ; but something more is wanting , and we therefore propose to enact that the trustees shall appoint a day in each week in which any scholar whose parent desires that his child should not be present when the Catechism and Liturgy of the

      Established Church are taught may receive religious instruction from a licensed minister of any congregation at which such parent attends divine worship , and that such scholar shall attend to receive such instruction at Buch time as the parent may notify to the trustee that tbe minister will attend to impart it , and at any convenient place other than the sob . ool-b . ouse itself . ( Hear . ) Now then , Sir , I think I may say that everything has been done that I and tny colleagues could devise to meet the several objections which have been taken to tbe religious instruction of the scholars . I hope and believe that we have met the difficulties of the case with that candour and firmness which was required , and I am quite sure that the object of our regard has been to secure the instruction of Dissenters , as well as of other classes of her Majesty ' s subjects . "

      This , too , is a matter which does not call for observation at the present . It concerns the " unco guid" more than any one else . Upon the provisions as they originally stood the " fighting sects" have been m « st condemnatory and most severe . Let us see how they receive the " concession" here offered to them . We next come to the proposed alteration in The Tuusr ,, for the governance of the new District Schools . This is the whole question . If the Trust be a popular one , and unobjectionable in its nature , the government of the schools , and the nature of the instruction imparted will be all that they require to be . . But if the Trust be viciously constituted , it must follow that their arrangements will be vicious also . Here are the alterations proposed : —

      " I will now offer to the House an explanation of the course which I propose to take with regard to the constitution of the trust . The clauses in the Bill which relate te the appointment and powers of the trustees of the school are to be omitted entirely . I allndt- to clauses 52 , 53 , and 58 of the Bill as it now stands , and we introduce new clauses , which will give " an entirely new character to that part of the Bill . jrV is tbe intention to adhere to that part of tbe Bill which enacts , that when tbe srhoel shall be intended for a place for which there shall be only one officiating minister , such minister and the other trustees shall be the trustees of the school , the minister being termed the clerical trustee . When there shall be more than two er more ministers officiating in any such place , or when tht .

      school shall be intended for two or more districts , the bishop of the diocese within that district from time to time shall appoint from such ministers , or from tbe ministers officiating in such districts , one to be a clerical trustee of the school , and the clerical trustee will have the power , in writing , of appointing some person , being a churchwarden In the place where the school is erected , or being a person qualified to act as a trustee , to be one of the trustee of tbe school . I propose also , that a portion of tbe trustees shall be elected trustees . I will now state to the House what alterations the Government intend to introduce on this point I propose to enact , that when there shall be any number of persons , not less than twenty , who shall

      each have vuluntarily subscribed a donation of £ 10 at the least , in one sum , towards the expenditure in tbe maintenance of the school in any one of three years immediately preceding any election , or the sum of £ 1 for the two successive years immediately preceding any election , or one of whom shall have given a site for tbe school , the returning officer shall have tbe power to summon a meeting of such subscribers , and such subscribers and donors present are to elect one er more qualified persona to be a trustees of tbe said school . It will be expected that I should now state to the House the qualification of the trustee : — ' That any person being assessed to the current poor rate of any place wbotly or partly within the district of the said

      school , in respect of property situated within such district , and whose assessment is among the first third of the assessments arranged according to the amounts of rental from tbe highest to the lowest , aoy person being usually resident within five miles of the school who shall have given the site thereof , or one-tenth part of the entire original coat of the school buildings , or shall have given a sum of £ 20 at tbe least towards the expenditure in the maintenance of tbe school during any one of the three immediately preceding years , or shall have subscribed the sum of £ 2 at the least thereto for two successive years immediately preceding the publication of the notice of the said election , shall be qualified to be a trustee . provided that where any firm or

      partnership shall be assessed , the amount of the assess ment shall be divided fey the number of persons whose names shall be expressed in the rate , and each of such persons shall be deemed to be assessed at the amount assigned to him by such division , and no person shall be deemed to be qualified id respect of " the assessment whose name is not Bet forth on tbe said rate . ' These are the qualifications which I intend to propose with reference to the trustees . The House will observe that I have now mentioned three out of tbe seven trustees . It is my intention to aibere to tbe originally proposed number of trustees , viz . seven . One is to be the clerical trustee , one is to be selected by the officiating minister , and one to be elected by the donors .

      After this the remaining four more trustees aie to be elected . In the bill as it stands it is enacted that the means of erecting the school , and other expences connected with its efficiency and maintenance , are to be provided out of the poor rate . The Government thought it but fair and just tbat the ratepayers should have a considerable voice in the selection of the trustees—( loud cbeers ) . It is intended to propose that tbe four remaining trustees , to which I Have previously alluded , shall be elected by the rate payers assembled—( cbeers ) . The clause is a « follows : — "That four persons , qualified as hereinafter provided , shall be elected by the persons who shall have been assessed to the poor-rates in any part of the place to which the said school shall be assigned for a period of not less than twelve months

      previous to the day of publication of tbe notice of tbe election , on lands , tenements , or hereditaments , of the net annual value of £ 10 and upwards , to act as trustees jointly with the trustees hereinbefore provided ; and any rate-payer qualified te vote in the election of such trustees may put in nomination at such election all ot any of the requisite number ef persons qualified as herein provided . ' Whatever may be the predominating influence in the district , whether tbat influence be in accordance with the Established Church or with Dissenting principles—whether it fall on the right hand or « n the left , it was resolved that the minority ( as we understood the Right Hod , Baronet ) should be represented . No ratepayer shall vote for more than two trustees , and the minority in every case will elect two . "

      This " concession" ia net sufficient . The Trust so constituted will not operate for good . It is not popular . How easy this thing could have been managed had the Government dared to have applied correct principles . They come to the ratepayers for money to support the schools : they should have given the ratepayers the controul over the expenditure of the money . Had they done so , the way would have been clear o £ difficulties . But class interests interfere . There is the Church , with all her pretension ! and assumptions , compelled to seek the strong arm of the law to uphold them , having lost her hold of the affections and judgment of the

      people ; and who , therefore , must be propitiated by making her Parsons e * officio heads of Thb Tbpst : and there are , on the other hand , the hungry and aspirin ;; hordes of Dissenters yelling and clamouring against Mother Chubch , denouncing her for her intolerance and unjust assumption of power and positien , while they are merely seeking to occupy her place ! Were this not so , they would seek to enforce the principles of religious liberty and universal toleration , about whioh they so glibly prattle . Were this not so , they would seek to place the " dominant sect" on an equality with the rest , and leave each to the good sense and activo support of thuir reppectivej ^ adherent 1 . Were this not so , they

      Untitled Article

      would not content themselves with anun&l eihjV tions of virtuous indignation against Church Rates * and seek to set the mark of public odium upon part ' ' cular Ministers of the Church , while they resist with all their might , the only measure that would reader Church Rates unnecessary , or which could , by possibility , get rid of compulsory payments for th * offices of objected-to-religion . Were the Digggn ^ j . honest ; were not each " Beet" seeking by cnwOrthT means to take the place of the now " dominant sect " and thu 3 enjoy and wield the power they nowL ^ __

      much decry ; were not this the case , we should h » ta them pursuing a far more open and 8 traightfor ff « , i course from that they do pursue . We should hay them avowedly and energetically seeking forto abrogation of the " incestuous union" betwea . Church and State ! As long as there is an Estab . liahed Church , it is right that compulsory payment should be enforced . And as long as we have dominant sect" recognised by law , it cannot but be expected but that the " lawful" claims of such " sect" will be maintained . Tho oaly way to Bet aside the one , and abrogate the other , is to " cut tte connection altogether" !

      The Trust will not do I There is in its constitalion a union of suoh opposite principles , as mast of necessity , lead to inharmonious action . The Parson , an ex-qfficio head , with a power in himself to choose another to act as his echo . Another trustee to be chosen by the donors to the school ; and the remain , ing four elected by those rate-payers who ore assessed to the Poor Rate at Ten Pounds and upvoardt ! What a monstrosity ! A union of all the woast pot . tions of bad principles ! Even in the attempt u

      " popularize" The Trust , by a pretended election by the Rate-payers , the very parties who are mainly interested in the question are shut out from all con . troul ! Whose children are they who need the education sought for ? The children of Ten Pound Rate-payers ? or tbe children of the poor ! Then why are the poor rate-payers to be denied the privi . lege of voting for the four elected trustees ? View it in whatever light we may , the professed constitution of The Teust is vicious and bad .

      See how simply tbe object might be accomplished without injury or ^ favour to any . Let the rate . payers in Yestry assembled return annually 3 ]\ st say of twenty-one names , from which the Magistrates in Sessions assembled , shall select the seven required What more would be needed t What more Bimple ? What more satisfactory 1 The beard so constituted could appoint the instructor , and make all the arrangements for the school . If these were imperfect or bad , the remedy would be in the hands o { than whose money was wasted , and in the hands of those whoBe children were deprived of the instruction purchased . Abuses would Boon be rectified .

      Had those who have raised the loud clamour against the education clauses of the Factory Bill been sincere in their expressed desire to secure for the children of the poor an " education" at all , the would have sought to have accomplished a change in The Trust of the nature here indicated , instead of seeking to defeat the measure altogether . The fact that they have so sought to overturn the only approximation to a measure of National Education ever propobed , instead of seeking to reconcile existing differences , and to make it acceptable to all , is at once a self-evident proof that each religious " sect" dreads education , unless it can exercise over it undisputed and absolute control ! Pro * selytism is what each seeks !

      These , then , are the main of the alterations proposed . Whether they will be satisfactory or not ( 0 the Dissenters remains to be seen . We deem The Tuust to be far from satisfactory , for the reasons just adduced . And yet , so anxious are we to hare the children of the poor " educated , " and that , too , in other than Sunday Schools , that we would gladly prefer the Bill passed , in its present altered state , to no Bill at all . With those who wish to defeat the attempt to compel the rich to provide education for the poor , we bold no sympathy . Wiih an ignorant population society cannot be safe . Nor are we justified in subjecting the poor to inces *

      sant toil to procure for others the means of luxurious enjoyment , and doom the offspring of their loins to mental blindness and intellectual destitution . Every child has a claim to be taught . Society has an interest in seeing that it is taught , —and taught aright too , as far as all known knowledge goes , and as far as moral and social obligations are concerned . Any attempt to embody this principle will find support from us . Nay , we shall be disposed to put np with many imperfections and short-comings , in its first application , for tbe sake ef the " principle" itself . Once introduced , it will make its own way ; and the errors in practice will be removed .

      Should the present measure be overturned , shall have another blessing to thank religions bigotry for ! The children of the poor are enveloped in gross ignorance , and mental darkness . Every attempt to enlighten their minds , and cultivate their understandings , is opposed by religious sectarianism and intolerant fauaticism ! The Minister proposed to set- apart from the £ 60 , 009 , 000 a-ye&T wrung at the point of the bayonet from the toil of the producing classes , a pahry £ 30 , 000 in aid of too education of those who are uneducated , became their means have been absorbed in the way just pointed out ; and the proposal was met with ayellofe ^ e cration from the " dominant sect" aRd the Wes

      leyan body . The Minister proposes an approximation to a national system of education ; and a clamour is raised by the discordant sects agai&st tbe scheme itself , under the false pretence that they are opposing an unjust bestowment of power upon their already too formidable rival . And thus because of sectarian quarrelling and bitter religious differences , the people i . e to " perish for lack of knowledge" !! Sir James Graham , in concluding his announcement « the alterations , aptly said : —

      •« The great Anther of religion and of faith has left on record a test by which wo are able to know ntf true followers . It ia said , By this shall all men know whether you are my disciples , if you love one siiother . ' in the early periods cf tbe history ot tt » Christian world the bond of union was cemented b / martyrdom , and by every kind of suffering to wtucfl those men were exposed . The remark was , ' See flow these Christians love one another ; ' but in our own oaj the sceptic , the scoffer , and the infldel , are ready w exclaim , ' See how these Christians hate one another . The saying is not confined to the sceptic or tha scoffer ! It is truly no scoff to say it ! The " Christians" do hatb one anotheb : and bt cause of so "

      hatred , the children are to be deprived of the privi lege of having the door ot understanding unlocked i and knowledge and wisdom are to be a sealed book to them ! Out upon ye ! ye vile hypocrites , that stand in the way of mental light !

      Emperial Parliament

      Emperial parliament

      Untitled Article

      WORKINGS OF THE S YSTEM . THE NOTTINGHAM LACE TRADE . The Report of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the condition of the youthful jn * ^ fcuring population of these kingdoms ia a ni <** frightful document ! It has brought out revelations of the infernal money-grubbing syBtem under whictt we live , that make the flesh creep and »• blood curdle , and the whole man blush to own n » race . With some of the horrors of childre » employed in coal min « s and in factories , our i ** ?* bnt

      have become to some extent acquainted ; w » half is not yet told them . The treatment oft * Midland Counties equals if not exceeds all that , W been said of these pandemonia . We give elMW T / an article from the Times , in reference to tfii * matter , to which we refer our readers , and soliw * their attention for it . It is exceeding ly moderate m its tone ; and yet holds up a picture which humanity may well blush to contemplate . The article , we m , is to be continued . We shall most probably give the continuation : or , if not , revert to the subject , and have something of our own to say upon it .

      Untitled Article

      4 THE NORTHERN STAR . —^^

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 6, 1843, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1211/page/4/