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THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1844. ^
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MEMOIR OF W. P. ROBERTS, ESQ.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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DEFEATS OF THE ANTI-CORN LAW LEAGUE The Jkv . Mr . Jenkins , M . A ^ delivered a kctture in favour of Free Trade on the 7 ; h in 3 t . in the Council Chamber , at Newport , which was crowded to excess . 2 be mayor ocenpied the chair . The Rev . lrctnrer spokeat ereatlenKth . evidently with the view ' xrf taking up the whole of the evening and thus preventing diseoraon ; bnt this would sot do , fox the audience becoming impatient , Mr . J . aV length sat down . A Mr . Dutton addressed the meeting , after which Mr . Grorge Williams of Cardiff came forward to address the meeting , and wes hailed with the mo-t enthusiastic cheering hy \ he Chartists . He delivered a lengthy , argumentative , and eloquent address ,
declaring thai noihing short of the People ' s Charter would nable the working classes to ohtain justice and prosperity—( tremendous cheers ) . He concluded by moving the following resolution—' ' That it Is the opinion of this meeting that the present agitation in favour of » repeal of the Cora Laws , is an infamous jjggle ; and that nothing short of the principles contained in the People ' s Charter , will permanently bsnefit the working classes of tbis eoHniry , " Mr . Lewellvn seconded the resolution , bnt the Mayor refused to put it 5 npon which the Cnartlsts refuted to hear Mr * . Jenkins on hi 3 reappearance to answer tnesptrchof Mr . Williams . Finally the Leaguers retired amidst the peltings of a " pitiless storm" of disapprobation from the Immense body of the meeting .
Moklst . —SIGNAL Defeat oy the Leaguers . — Thomas Plint , Esq . of Leeds , delivered a lecture in the Wesleyan School Room , on the evening of Friday , the 9 ih current , in favour of a repeal of the Com Laws , Mr . Stanfield , chief-constable , in the chair . Previons to the commencement of the lecture , Mr . jKydd challenged Mr . Plint to discussion . Mr . P . df tlined , stating that Mr . K . could reply at the conclusion of his lecture . Mr . Flint-proceeded Jn a vain attempt to refute the facts and arguments of Mr . Campbell's pamphlet , in which he most signally failed , air . Kydd rose , at the conclusion of Mr . Plint ' s lecture , and reviewed the gentleman ' s address . He contended that Mr . P . had proved all be ( Mr . X . ) wanted . He had admitted that the
Belgian , by being lightly taxed and possessing English machinery , not only supplied hi 3 own market . bat contested the neutral ground , a-nd would shortly beat us out of every market . Pray then , Baid Mr . K , on what condition can we undersell foreigners ? * Pay less wages . " True , Mr . Plint had stated we would have cheap bread ; and whit did this prove ? Just that cheap bread meant low we yes . Mr . . Flint had talked much of sonnd principles . If the object of the discussion wis to arrive at umnd principles , he Mr . Kydd would say , that protection ws < 5 & sound principle—a natural principle . The brute protects its young , themother her child ; and the first object Of government was protection . Mr . Plint a'sks for an instance of the benefit of protection . He has
himself made out the case . He has Bhewn that the Corn Law has protected the landlord . Apply the same principle to the labourer and the same result would follow ; or the gentleman's whole reasoning fall to the ground . While rociety is divided into dastes , we must have protection for the labourer ; or the capitalist would be the lord—the labourer a cerf . Mr . Plint had stated thai pnre freedom was to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest . This be ( Mr . Kydd ) called refined desjjtism ; and it ws ^ acting on this very principle thai prcdneed all the horrors of the "factory system . We had no right , we should be told , to grumble about the rich miUocrat employing the infant child aad sickly mother—working them to death in a lime
ef good trade , and starving them to death when bad trade came . O no ; that was buying in the cheapest market and p * n »» g in the dearest . A sound principle indeed—it was a principle of robbery . Mr . £ ydd reviewed the other arguments of Mr . Plint , and concluded a clear and lucid speech amidst the applause of the meeting . Mr . Flint rose and procreded in a most violent manner * to abuse Mr . Kydd —calling him a tool in the hands of the aristocracy —shook his hand in Mr . K . ' b face , told him he was » dangerous character , and should be scouted from the society of decent men , &c , &c Having proerz ied in this style for about half an honr , he sat down . Mr . K . again replied , A resolution was
then submitted to the meeting against a repeal of the Corn Laws , which "was met by an amendment ; on being pat to the meeting the resolution was carlied by a large majority ; the chairman announced the same , and the meeting qpietly broke up . Mr . Plint and his friends declaring , ** Well gang n ? o Hair to yon toun . ** Morley is an excellent specimen of ** commercial prosperity . " Labour wag never iD fc ^ sater demand , and I am creditably informed that the average wages of the woollen weavers in the employ of Mr . Smith , principal manufacturer , is 7 s JOd per week ; the same labour tore 3 years ago would produce £ 1 . Devil's dnst is in great demand ; and the truck system is carried on in a most ingene-003 manner . —Correspondent ,
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ANTI-LEAGUE MOVEMENT . Sinc 3 out ]?« report meetings fcavel : enholden at the foltowjrg places : — ClKESCSSTEK , -where the Earl of Bathorat presided ; a ' so at "Wineasater , Tjr : hfl * u ^ Wester-Bars , Salisbury , Loath , Lincoln , Sec , && Berwickshire . —Oa Tsead&y , Feb . 6 th , a meeting el the landlords and tenantry of the county of Berwick » ri held in the County BnildingB , Greenlsw , to adopt r-aeh measure * n mifbi appear ' advisable to contend the exertions cf the Anti-Cora Law lessee . The Earl of laoderdale was in the chair , in -which be was anpportfd by lord John Scott , the Hon . James Sinclair , Sir John Pringle , Mr . Spottiswoode , Mr . . Hay , Mr . Bay , Mi . Wilson , & . * The usual resolutions were adop » 1 , a committee appointed , and a petition to Parliament , embodying the resolutions , having been prep&rtd and unanimously signed , the meeting separated .
Berksbirz—On Monday , Feb . sib , " a meeting of Berkshire-agricnltarieis > n held at Abisgdon , for the purpose of adopting menures for opposing the progress of the Asti-Corn Law Iresgue . Mr . Harri « , the mayor , tfss in the chair , in -which he . tst-: supported by Mr . Urffield , M . P ., &c The usualTesolntions trere adopted . Sublet . —The agriculturists of tbis district held a mesting on Safarcday last , at the G'Cjhoncd Inn , Crojdon , for the purpose cf forming an r ~ sociation for the prou ction of British tgricultoxe from the attacks of the Anti-Cora law Lagus . Mr . J . W . Sutherland presided , ani vras supported bj itr . Antrobus , M . P ., SiiW . Jo « fia , Sir H . Briggs , Mr . J . W . Fresbfield ,
Mr . A . Br ~ day , &c Bcsoluuons were tdoptsd in * rr jrdsTirs "with the views of thoce -prerzai ; nnd & sol -jc / iption having fccsn entered into , the meeting aep ? j * -i . On the time day a meeting of Dp wards of 200 f ?* niers end cfsapierj of land -wr-. held ? n the Sea Hotel , Kingston , for tke purpose of forming an tzsocia tion for the protection of the ssricultBral interests agairst tfleprr *» dingB of the Anti-Corn Law League . Mr , 3 . MaydweU , a tenant farmer , was in the chair , and ¦ w —; supparted by Mr . Trotter , M J ., Sir D . Scott , Sir H . Ketcaer , 3 LP ., ? &i . Bow , ic An association was then formed , and a liberal subscription having tsen en ered 5 nto , the mesfing separated .
Qlovcesiek . —On Saturday last an Influential meetin ; of the landholders and tenant-farmers of the Tale of Gloucester was held in the Spread Eagle Inn , Gloucester , for the porpose of forming a " Protecidan-Ajrscaation to resiBt the machinations of the Anti-Com Xaw League The meeting was well srtsnded . Amongst these present were the Hon . Piancis Chartens , M . P ., Sir M . H . Bench , Bart ., Mr . C . Saywerd , Mr . Hawkins , Mr . Hyett , Mr . Goodrike , Mr . Butler , Mz . Mblett , ko . An a -a aaAion v ? 5 then loimzi for the purpaes of securing des protection to the intsrestaof a ^ rieolture , and a petition to Parliament having been agreed to the meeting separated .
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Maeikg AST Utieeisg Base Conf . —On Monday last , Thos . Uennard ( one of the celebrated " smash * ing" family of the towo ) was brought before Richd . Bramley ,-Esq . i and Griffith Wright , J-Esq ., at the Court House , Leeds , having been apprehended on Sunday morning , by the detective force , with twentyfour base half-crowns , thirteen base shilJings . and two nlaster monlds , one for eash description of coin , in nis possession . The facts of the apprehension , and of the possession of the articles , were deposed to by Policsmin Stubbs ; and Mr . Thorns ? Greenow , spirit merchant , Vicar Groft , stated that on the Tuesday previons the orisoner and another man entered Too 3 Ehop _ and called tor a Email portion of spirits , with which he supplied them , and for payment of which the prisoner tendered a shilling , and received
the change . On their departure , he discovered that the shilling was a counterfeit , and he therefore mentioned the circumstance to Mr . Head , the Chief Constable , on whose advice Mr . Grcenow acted , and no public noiice w ? 3 taken of the circumstance . Emboldened by success , the prisoner , as had been anticipated , called again on the Wednesday , and tendered another counterfeit shilling , which also Mr . Greenow took , and gave him the change , taking at lie same time particular notice of his person , a description of which- was given to Mr . ittad , who set the " detectives to work , and the result of their exertions was the capture of the prisoner and M 3 stock-in-trade . The piecrs which he had in his possession were very roughly cast , and had to undergo the finishing process before they were ready for the market ; the mouldB ,
however , appeared to have « een some service , ana there . " no doubt the prisoner hss carried on for some time ( in the provinces , probably ) . a thriving speculation . The depositions were taken , and the pneonex was rezoandca mull the pleasure of the officers of ihe Mist shall be known concerning him . —A young woman named Ann "Barber , was next brought ; up , and charged with having uttered several counterfeit shillingB . She w »* given into custody on Saturday i » ght , in Ihe shop of Mr . Hornby , tobacconist , Kirkgate , which place she had visited twiceivitbin a very short time , purcha < ? ing : half-an-eunce of tobacco on each oe ( # -ion , aott tendering in payment counterfeit shillings ; the first time she received the cb 8 rge , but the sreond she was stopped . There were seveial otheramilar cases against her , amonnting in sU to jglios . ffbielifihfl had eueeeeded in puitingoff ; In
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fact , the imitation , and the manner in which the counterfeits were " got up , " were of a very superior sort , and they were consequently received without suspicion . She also was remanded , until ihe offioers of the Mint could be communicated with .
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IRELAND CONVICTED . * ' DAMNABLE D 0 CIB 1 NE" OF CHIEF JUSTICE PENNJEFATHER . The Irish trials , if the ceremony recently per * formed in the Irish Qacsn ' s Bench can be so characterized , are new over ; and long , tedious and wearisome as they have been , and however the subject matter at issue between the Crown and the Traversers may nave bi ; n argued and exhausted , we yet find in the " damnable doctrine" laid dovfn by Chief Justice Penkefxthkb upon ihe law of Conspiracy , a new field opened , to extensive and unbounded , that we scarcely know how to commence our labour of criticism .
The mode of striking the Jury ; the seductive impunity by which the Traversers were not only led but encouraged , step by stop into the abyss ; the informality ; the irregularity and indecency of some of the proceedings ; the irascibility of the ministerial Hotspur ; " the noise of Shikl ; the reasoning of Pit 3 gibbon ; the eloquenw of Whiteside ; the tnxdtum in parvo of Hkhn ; the figures of
O'Connell j the embracing reply of the Solicitob-General ; the witticisms of the bar ; the bustle of the Court ; the excitement of the populace ; and the occupation of the Reporters are all , one and al ) , passed and gone . Created for a purpose , they have vanished with its accomplishment ; while the new definition given by the Chief Jvsticb of what ia termed the law of conspiracy remains behind , and may be considered as the beginning of the end .
Strengthened by his position , and still more emboldened by the importance ot the subject with which he had to deal , he appears to have felt himself called upon to establish such a law of conspiracy as , after trial , would embrace the acts charged against the Traversers . We much doubt if Chief Justice Pehnefathkb would have h&z&rded such a definition of what constituted conspiracy for the guidance of the trial , as he has ventured to expound £ ot the embraoeiBent of the evidence . We deny that the Judge was the
expounder of the law . * We assert that he was the framer of a new law , not recognized by any of those authorities cited by him in his summary . He has culled the gall from Dehmas , Alberson , Cole-&IDQB , Bushb , Bureowes , and those several great authorities npon whose judgments be relied . He has plucked the thorn from the nide-branohing tree of conspiracy , and left the rose . The Jvdgs told the Jury that , after all , it -was conspiracy , and conspiracy only , of which the Traversers Btood charged ; and that the overt acts committed were given as proof of the conspiracy .
With this doctrine we do not quarrel . W admit that if conspiracy be the crime charged the proof of overt acts in furtherance of the conspiracy is the most satisfactory evidence that can be adduced . Nay , we ro farther , and admit that the design , if criminal in itself , though not executed , amountB to a conspiracy . Bat , then , proof of the overt acts , if overt acts are relied npon , must be bo dear , plain , and unambiguous , as to leave no doubt of the commission of overt aota , or
of the agreement as to the common design . We ihiok we may lay down the rule , that in proportion to the mystery , ambignity , and flexibily of the law under which tbe crime is charged , should be the plainness of the evidence upon which guilt is established . Chief Justioe Pekkkfathkr , however , throws the Jury into an unbounded field of speculation ( admitting the commission of only one single crime ) , while he relies upon inference , and upon infererence alone , es proof of the applicability of the most far-fetched evidence .
We are now merely dealing with the subject ss between tbe Crown and Daniel O'Connell ; presently we shall have a word upon the more general question of the relative rights of king and people , as laid down by the Jndge . Chief Justice Pbnkkfatheb has unequivocally established the doctrine that sedition is conspiracy—thus narrowing tbe commission of that crime into an individual act . Romance , exaggeration , hyperbole ; nay , the very extravagance of thought , the raving of the most frenzied mind , the ejaculations of the opium-oater , or the nfght-mared sleeper , may , we contend ,
according to Chief Justice Pehsspatxeb ' s law of conspiracy be urged as proof of the crime . Indeed , so little did the Chief Justice appear to rely upon his strongest points , that be was obliged to weaken them by absurdities . Thus , while we admit the Etrength of his reasoning upon the argument between Mr . O'CoKMEii ' s sentiments , expressed at Mullaghmaft , and those contained in an address circulated at the same meeting , we are irresistibly moved to ! laughter by the further inference that the non-in-I terference of the O'Cootteli . police , not one of ' whom could probably read , wai not only prima
/' facie but conclusive evidence of conspiracy against j O'Conhell ! Overt acts , and acts done in furtherance of common design , are acts of commission ; j and the inferential mode of applying them as proof i of conspiracy , are , God knows , sufficiently wide and I irresistible . But what becomes of public liberty when acts of omission are relied upon as proof of conspiracy J This is indeed applying the spirit of the law of treason to the more mitigated crime of conspiracy . The Chist- JrsxicB appears to be
as embracing in his viewB of the prerogative of ihe Crown , as n his notion of what constitutes a conspiracy . He would throw around the strong and controlling prerogative of royalty an impenetrable barrier against popular interference , while he would measure the latter by a narrow role ot right to be prescribed by the most whimsical const ruction of law , or rather of convenience . The importance sought to be attached to the Coronation Oath by Chief Justice Pbkhefathek , is truly ludicrous and unique . Indeed , if his reasoning is sonnd , and his conclusion is law . he has established
the * fixity" of legislation with a vengeance ; while his dealing with ihe question of the Union in detail establishes the principle , that however Monarchs may violate any or every portion of their contracts with the people , any demand npon the part of tbe people for the performance of contract by the Monarch , becomes conspiracy . He cites the first , second , third , fourth , and eighth articles of the Act of Union , which are merely descriptive of those new powers to be vested in the Monarch ; while he leaves
wholly out of sight the fifth , sixth , and seventh articles which declare the things to be accomplished under those powers , every one of which have been violated , where the performance would have told in favour of Ireland . The very Monarch , whose Coronation Oath bound Mm to maintain the statute whole and entire , violated that oath , acoording to Chief Justioe Pekkehatheb ' r reasoning , by giving bis assent to the repeal of those articles , upon the condition of fulfilling which ihe new powers were created .
We could really laugh at the notion that the Unioinras to last for ever , as thus declared in the Act : la order , therefore , to give full effect and Vf'idity to the same , bo it enacted by the King ' s Most Excellent Majesty , by and with the advice end consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in the present Parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that the said FOREGOING RECITED ARTICLES , EACH AND EVERY ONE OF THEM , according to the tiae import and tenor thereof , ba
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ratified , confirmed , and approved , and be , and they are hereby declared to be , the Articles of the Union of Great Britain and Ireland , and the same shall be in force , and have effect for ever , from the first day of Jannary which shall be in the year of our Lord 1801 , provided that , before that period , an Act Bhall have been passed by the Parliament of Great Britain for carrying into effect , in l ike manner , the said foregoingrecited Articles . " Now then , here we have the terms of the contract . The Act of Union was only to be valid " provided that an
Act should be passed by the Parliament for carrying into effect the said foregoing recited Artioles . " £ very portion of which Artioles , stipulating the conditions npon which the Union was ratified , having been Binoe violated or repealed by the King with consent of the United Parliament 1 As well might the tenant , who held land upon lease for ever , contend that the holding for ever was tbe one thing stipulated for , and that the payment of rent was a mere nullity . The King preserved all tbe powers which the Union conferred npon him ; while he and the Parliament violated
every article of the Union that contained the conditions upon which the tenure was granted ; but more especially the seventh article of Union , which regulated the respective proportions in which the debts of the two countries waB to be paid , and which , according to the same article , was to remain ia full force for the stipulated term of twenty years ; and that at the expiration of that period , it was to be regulated by arbitration . This same article Gsoboe tbe Third and h ) B Parliament violated in the 56 th year of his reign , by consolidating the two
Exchequers . It was further stipulated that all the revenues of Ireland Bhould be expended in promoting the trade , agriculture , and charitie 3 of the country ; while they have b : 3 n applied to beautifying London , and to such other purposes as the English Government thought proper . Thus have the King and Parliament run away with the meat of the Union , and left tbe bare bone for the Irish to pick ; and now , forsooth , if they complain of the gross violation of all those artioles which the Queen ,
by her Coronation Oath , is bound to see carried into effeot , the Irish who complain are conspirators , and the Queen is their prosecutor ! and Chief Justioe PENHEFATHEE . as Judge holding the balance between Queen and pople , cites the powers of the Queen , bnt omits to state the conditions npon which those powers were granted . This perhaps , without straining the Learned Judge ' s construction of conspiracy , may be said to be a perfect illustration of individual oon ^ piraoy .
We say that we could laugh at the notion of the people of tho last century sanctioning an Act which was to remain binding for ever , was it not that we find that the first article of the new Constitution , proposed by the Loyal Repeal Association of Ireland , contains the same revolting absurdity . It commences by stating first , that the Irish people recognize , acknowledge , and maintain and will continually uphold and preserve upon the throne of Ireland Her Majesty Queen 'Victoria , whom God protect—Queen , by undoubted right and by hereditary descent , of Ireland—and her heirs and successors for ever . " AU that this passage requires to complete its absurdity would be tho addendum , u and may she live for ever . "
With theee observation s upon the charge of Chief Justice Pennkfatheb we conclude our commentary for the present ; and shall now take a retrospective glance at the position of the Traversers . Our readers will do us the justice to admit , that from the commencement of the agitation to the close of the trial , we have devoted our columns to the advocacy of the great principle of Repeal . When Mr . O'Conkell was weak and cautious , we supported him ; when he was strong and over confident , we cautioned him ; nay . we bore
his acts of intemperance and denunciation with temper and resignation . We warned him ; we remonstated with him ; we advised him . We told him that the day would come when it would be impossible to live and thrive upon national ebullition , or to separate himself from the most extravagant acts and expressions of his " wild followers" on the day of trial . We shewed him that his proffered aid to suppress Chartism by physical force , by the lawB of tyranny , party vengeance , and newspaper fabrications , would establish precedents in England ,
which would be strained in support of Irish tyranny . Were we not right ! and has he not been mainly convicted of physical force , upon the very same rule by which Vincent ( tbe now moral enthusiast ) was convicted of the same crime ? We do not admit the justioe of tbe conviotion : while we mourn over the part that he took in establishing the precedent . If we have severely [ criticized the charge of the Chief Justice for the blighting effect that it was intended to have upon the liberty ot the subject , we are equally bound , now that comment
cannot affect the finding of the Jury , to enter our solemn protest against those portions of Mr . O'Connell ' s speech in which be repudiated French Republicanism , and English Chartism , and contended for tbe restoration of the heir of the older Bourbons to the throne of France , as the only chanco of restoring tranquillity to Europe . It does not lessen the enormity of the assertion that he adds " under liberal institutions : " for why expeot a euaranU 3
for the free enjojment of liberal institutions under the Government of a family against whose violation of every law , both human and divine , not only France but the world has cried aloud 1 and whose party , as Mr . O'Conneix well knows , would not tolerate his government except under theexprcos condition that ttie old tyranny of the older Bourbons should be established , and that France should be once more trodden under the foot of " hereditary " ruffianism .
There are many other portions of Mr . O'Conhell's sp < 2 ch to which we should be justified in taking exceptions ; but we are satisfied upon minor points t » allow him that latitude which is due to the ' advocate contending for himself or his client against the subtlety of law . We have merely dealt with tbe large question of principle gratuitously and uselessly introduced into his speech , for the purpose of crushing those powers from whioh alone liberal institutions can ever flow . We cannot take leave of the subject without expressing a firm conviction that the charge of the Cb ' ef Justice , the finding of the Jury , and the military force
considered neceBEary to carry their verdict into effect , will have the inevitable tendency of multiplying Repealers , and increasing Ireland ' s demand fortheje free institutions from whence they can alone expect protection for life , for liberty and property , emanating , as they shall , from that system of representation laid down in the document entitled the People's Charter , and contended for by the English Chartists . If the preliminary proceedings stripped the verdict of all moral in&utnce , the charge of the Chief Justice has put a sting into the event ; and thus has the Learned Judge carried into effect the modern policy of narrow-minded statesmen .
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MR . DUNCOMBE AND HIS TRADUCERS . It was not to be expected that faction would allow \ Mr . Duncokbe to hold quiet or unintenopted possession of that position in which his great public services , and not his own choice , had placed him . Not satisfied with all the aid so cheerfully rendered by the " flying artillery" and " heavy baggage" of , that portion of the Press devoted to the service of the " Completes , " the Adjutants of the " condemned
regiment 77 have pitched upon two great unknowns to lead the "forlorn hope" against the Chartist citadel . One Elt and one Hook , two of the " complete" officials of the Finsbury Complete Association ^ have transmitted the following note from their flying camp to Mr . Dxjncombe : — Finsboi j Complete Suffrage Association . SiK—We are Instructed to transmit to you the fojlowing Itetolution , pr-.-K-d . at a specie minting 0 ! t % ) 0 above Atsociaticn , on Thursday night last , "W « are , yours ob 3 diently , C . H . Elt , C . HOOK , Feb . lOtb , 1844 . tkaret ric
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' The following resolution accompanied the above" That this Association views with feelings of astonishment and regret the extraordinary conduct of T . S Buncombe , Esq ., at the Grown and Anchor , on Wednesday evening , 31 st ult They bad expeeted that Honourable Memtor would have attended n a guest for the purpose of promoting the object for which the meeting was called ; bat instead of this he most unwarranlaUpvad . irregularly aided Feargua O'Connor in disturbing and ultimately breaking up that meeting "Edwd Pulsford , Chairman . To these squibs Mr . Duncombe gave the following brief but cutting and significant reply : — The Albany , Feb . 12 th , 1844 .
Gemtlemen—I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter , and also of a resolution passed at a special' meeting of the Finsbury Complete Saffrrge Association . If by the term ' special' is meant , for the ' kjpecial purpose of arraigning my conduct at the Crown and Anchor , I think it would have I : en more in accoidanea with the principles you profess , h * 3 notice of your intention preceded your denunciation . With regard to your ' astonishmentand regret . ' I beg to observe that they are phantoms of your own imagination , rather than consequences 0 ? my ' untoarrant'ible and irregular conduct , to which you are pleased to ascribe them .
I trust you will ba bj prompt ta giving newspaper publicity to my reply aa you have been in publishing your resolution ; as that we « i the first cKcnel trough which it reached me . I have the honour to be , Gentlemen , Your obedient servant , Thos . 8 . Duncombe . To Messrs . Eit and Hook , Secretatlci . Before we offer a word of comment upon the foregoing documents , we will firstly have a word with respeot to the relative position of the parties The Casus belli is , as usual , the " interest of the
working classes f and ' * Union" the means of accomplishing the object ; and our consideration is , as to whether Elt , Hook , Pulsford and their division of" Specials , " or Duncombe with the millions at his back , constitute the strongest elements of union . Our first question then is , in the name of all that is fanciful and imaginative , whoever heard of Elt , Hook , or Pols ford , as friends of the working classes , or as the champions of their cause 1 Selfcreated—like all monkeys who take too high a step , they stand self-exposed ! Fortunately for them , their acts in the political field , their deeds in
labour ' s struggle , furnish U 3 with no means of commentary beyond the insolent , the ignorant , the foolish squib upon which we condescend to comment . Elt , and HooKjare for "free discussion , "for "freo institutions , " and for " full , free , and complete representation ; " and yet these all-embracing , liberty , loving , tyranny-hating , knowledge-discriminating , justioe approving , friends « of freedom appoint a SPECIAL meeting ; whioh means a meeting SPECIALLY called for the special purpose of doing a special thing and nothing eke . That special thing is the arraignment of a gentleman from whom by
their resolution they say they expected better things ; therfore the charge to be preferred against him was not one of continuous error , or even of apostacy , but merely of inconsistency . Nay more ; the resolution admits that he had been an invited guest ; and consequently his condact . up to the time of meeting met with their full approbation , and tho part that he took at that mceting | waslthe one , the only one act to be impugned . The criminal charged with the highast offence against the law finds a palliation in previous good charaoter . The theory and the
practice of these lovers of justioe so marvellously disagree , however , that the Judges thought it" upnecessary to give the accused any previous notice of tbe special thing to be specially done at the special an eting , of special humbugs ! and , rs isfpointedly obterved in Mr . Duncombe ' s reply , the first notice that that gentleman received of tho special verdict was through the press . Nay more ; this speeial jury was packed , "by special invitation , " with just a much fraud and culpability as was crammed into the box with the Irish i glorious , pious , and immortal dozen . "
Now , will nob every man of common sense and of sane mind say , that Mr . Duncombe should have had notice of the charge to be brought against him ! But no ; this would have been " Complete" imprudence ; because , no doubt , Mr . Duncombe , fearless of the charge , and anxious to give it a complete refutation , would have published it ; and would thereby have converted the packed jury into a tribunal too virtuons to befwarped to the purposes of faction , and too large to leave hope of unanimity or even of
success . Such is the miserable position into which the pioneers of liberty have brought their followers ; and we , forsooth , are called upon to follow such leaders , who , ' without our knowledge , would precipitate us into the gulf of injustice with our eyes blindfold . If we sought for a reason for withholding any connection with such a party , how could a stronger one be furnished than that with which they have precented us in this barefaced act of tyranny and injustice ?
Mr . Dvngombb's brief but comprehensive note epeaks for itself ; but only positively of the past , and expeotingly of the future . It speaks positively of the injustice of publication without notice ; and expectingly as to the publication of his answer . The positive injustice , however , has been committed ; but the reasonable expectation has not been realised . No ; the lovers of justice have not published Mr . Dvncoume ' s reply I Out upon the sycophants ! . the narrow-minded bigots ! They carry the people through their great struggle ! !— " They are not fit to oarry guts to a bear" ! And if they did carry
him " fiuts , " it would be but { in the hope of increasing the amount of bear ' s grease && pbofit for the porterage . Whoever heard of such a crop 0 / mushroom patriots as has sprung up almost in anight from the dung of decomposed Whiggeryt ! What working man can have [ confidence in a nameless , heartless , brainless faction , that has sucked the very vitals out of his body , and then complain of those grievances which their own rank customs have turned into statute , law ? Is there one bo ignorant who does not know that every complaint of tbe middle classes , from whose power legislation emanates , is self-condemnation .
We have shown that the volunteers ia the national service are unknown , and therefore untrusted ; while Duncombe volunteered his services when he 1 stood alone . He led on the forlorn hope , and contended single-handed against tyranny and oppression . He courted not the countenance and support of the working classes . He did not confine bis advocacy to the rights of those who were comparatively free No . He sought objects immured in the cold damp coll ; incarcerated in a living tomb ; men whom foul oppression had Bilenced , and whose complaints would have remained unheard but for his manly and
chcaring voice . The Reformers of old courted the people by false pretences , and extravagant promises . ArrwooD and the modem patriots would have done the same ; but the improved sight of thepublioeye saw through the mist , and required past integrity as earnest for future honour . Duncombe worked for the people when it was perilous to associate himself with their cause . No authority , unjustly used , escaped his exposure and denunciation . He . was loved , honoured , and respected , not for what he promised to do ; but for what he did , and for the perilous times in whioh he did it . And this is the mark upon
whioh public opinion has set the stamp of national approval and affection ; and this is the idol which the " false gods" would destroy , and set up theit own unclean figure as a substitute for adoration ! Duncombe has not made merchandize of his popularity . He has not paraded his services . Nay , far otherwise . If he has given any offence to the people , it has been his refusal to accept invitations , where , if vain , and a mere popularity-hunter , he might have received the cup of praise to
overflowing . The complaint against Duncombe is , that he does not more frequently present himself before the people ; and the charge of the people ' s enemies is , that when he doeB , he cannot be made a party to deceiving the people . Buncombe ' s exertions have been exclusively confined to that sphere where the proud and independent Electors of Finsbury have sent him ; and his conduct there has won for him golden opinions . Dun com us has not even taken advantage of tbe press , either to puff his actions
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or ensure him support . The public eye has watched him ; the publio miui biS Zy : ^ £ »!« . and public opinion will so strengthen his position as ' to make the blunt missiles of faction fall harmless at his feet , j Will the traducers not take warning by his reception amongst his own supporters on Monday last ? Aye , and although the press may be now mute , yet will the steadiness of public fopinion
support him against the omiss i ons of one faction , and against the commissions of the other , Duncombs has made no appeal to the people—Duncombe haa cost the people nothing . If his "Northern tour" was so galling to those who would bandage the publio eye and stop the publio ear , his consolation is , that he was a traveller on his own account , and not the " bagman" of faction , exhibiting the relics of defunct and decomposed Whi ^ gery .
We understand that the Manchester Chartists hare invited Mr .. Duncombe to a public entry , and tea-party , on Good Friday next , and that Mr Duncombe has accepted the invitation . Will Elt ] Hook , and Pulsford meet Duncombe in the hive , surrounded } by the bees , upon that day ! and will they then nxove their " special" resolution ? No ; the creeping crawling pismires : they'll sting where they imagine they can do so with impunity ; but they dare not meet those upon whose honey they live . \ ' \ ' ¦
We doubt that ever public man saw such a demonstration in favour of his publio conduct as Mr . Dujjcombe will receive upon that occcasion . Go on , brave Duncombe 1 in spite of faction , fraud , and injustice ; in spite of tyranny , vituperation , and denunciation . In spite of all , go on 1 and let your consolation ! be , that the censure of slavish faction is harmless when warded by the love of the millions .
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ROYAL CLEMENCY . SPANISH RESIGNATION , AND THE HEIGHT I OF MODESTY . Another ! Revolution has broken out in unhappy Spain , and a new adventurer , one Don Panteleon Bonet , or rather an old adventurer with a new face , has placed himself at the bead of it ; one who , no doubt , like Na&vaez , will spatter the city walls with the brains of some of his disappointed soldiers , as soon as he has oarried his own " Charter . " In
another portion of this day's paper , we have given full particulars of this " . insurrection , " as it is called ; and only refer to the matter here for the purpose of calling greater attention to the pious order of her most Catholic Majesty , or rather of the bloody Nabvaez to his bloody Commander-in-Chief . Here follows the ! wholesale death-warrant of God only knows howl many innocent victims it may include : —
" Ministry of War . " Madrid , Feb . 3 . " ExcaUentisalmo Senor—Her Majesty ( whom God preserve ) baa heard with satisfaction ot the loyalty with which the Commander and the National Militia of Alcoy have conducted themselves on the night of the 29 th of tbe past month . In accordance with the contents of the ; Royal order { of the first of this month , already forwarded to yon . Her Majesty wills that the rebels who have toen fifeen prisoners in the abortive insurrection ; of Alcoy shall on being identified as concorned in getting up the attempt be shot Cposodos por losarmasj . i
" Your Excellency will forward me an account , for the information of her Majesty , of having complied with this order , without respect to persons or other consideration whatever . Neither will your Excellency allow yourself to be stopped by any fear of any acts of retaliation which the insurgents of Alicante may threaten ; for , although her Majesty will view with grief the victims tbat the fury of the rebels may sacrifice , yet the
absolute necessity that the law and the public vengeance ( la vindida publica ) shall be a reality , weighs still more in her Royal mind , feeling cettain . that a little blood shed before civil strifes have time to inflime will save much afterwards , and also because the country requires that be who , through misfortune or negligence , incurs the unlucky fate to become a victim shall know bow to resign himself to it , when a benefit results thereby to tbe cause of tbe public .
" Tbis I communicate to your Excellency for its falfilment , tc . ; " Mazarredo . " Senor , Captain-General of tbe 4 th district , ( Valencia . )" Now what does the reader think of that piece of matchless demi-royal insolence , brutality , barbarity , and cold blooded murder I ! Was ever any thing so cool , as the ; royal care of her subjects liberties , and the disregard of their lives ?! and how consolatory , that he , whose " unlucky f ate" the negligence of government shall have sealed , shall be revealed as a " victim , " knowing how "to resign himself when a benefit results thereby to the cause of tbe publio !"
We know but of one way of making this brutal edict serviceable to the cause of peace and liberty in Spain , and at the same time of reconciling the country , —if not the " victim , "—to its fate , * and that is , by sacrificing ( if sacrifice there must be , ) Narvarez , and twenty-nine equally bloody ruffians if they can be found in Spain . Then there will ( be a chance for tranquility . Why , ' . in God ' s name , should ^ hebravest people in the world be thus tortured with continuous fluctuations between hope and despair ? Why not at owe . as they have arms in their hands , assert their rights to real libbrty , instead ef contending for a shadow ?
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seconder of tbe asddresff , applied ; himself to tlw all important Question of the Corn J ^ l ^ Had any alteration been contemplated , it Won | f have been intimated in the Royal Speech Mr . Home was therefore quite right ia aw inferenea that the absence of all allusion to it was an indjL cation that no change was intended . In a comma . * pity so complicated as ours it might be exceed ingly dangerous to apply , in practice , principles tw might be abstractly true . On this point the words of the Right Hon . Baronet were : — " I believe that 5 the Corn Laws were repealed next week it would produce confusion and great distress—( hear , hear ? The Noble Lord says the difference between us ia tu
fizsd duty and the sliding scale . Sir , I retain a » own opinion—( hear , hear ) . The Government hiw proposed , and they maintain their proposition , that protection is better given by a graduating scale- ! ( loud cheers ) . The Noble Lord says that Members of Parliament—Members of the House of ( W mons and of the House of 'Peers—are liable to the invidious suspioion that they are in fluenced by personal interests in maintaining the graduated scale . But the same suspicioo would apply to the fixed duty . ( Loud cheers and expres sions of dissent . ) The Noble Lord might say I prs . pose this fixed duty for the purposes of revenue- bnt
n that duty be carried nign , tnougn intended by him for revenue merely , it operates in the same way as a graduated duty—it operates as a protection . ( Hear hear . ) If the Noble Lord intended it for revenue merely—the Noble Lord will find it extremel y diffi . cult to resist the argument that if this duty be laid on foreign corn for the purposes of revenue only and not for protection , why not appl y it ( 9 corn of dome&tic produce ., ( Loud cries of " Hear hear , " in which several of the free-trade Mem ' bers heartily joined . ) When the Noble -Lord ij defending his hxed doty on wheat , as a fixed dotj imposed not for protection , but for revenue , he \ r 3 ]
have the case of barley and of malt quoted against him—( . hear , hear)—and will be told that with respect toother descriptions of corn , such as barlej we do raise a large revenue from our domestic pn . duce ; and that if you think it right to have a duty cj wheat , not for protection but for revenue , why not lay a tax on wheat ground at the mill , and'not confine yourselves to taxes on the imports . ( Loudcritj of " Hear , hear . " ) Why not pursue , with respect t » wheat , the course you have taken , with' respect to barley , and subject both foreign and home p « . duce to equal duties—provided you are sincere-( hear , hear , hear)—in enforcing your duty , not ( a
account of protection , but really mean to impose it on account of revenue—( hear , hear ) . The experj ence of the present Corn Law has not in the slightest degree shaken my opinion in preferring the prut ciple of a graduated scale to that of the fixed duty-( oueers ) . I say , therefore , now , a ? I said last jeai —though I should not , on the part of the . Government , think it consistent with the public -duty to conciliate support by engagements to adhere , under all circumstances , to a particular law respecting the imposition of duties—yet I can with equal truth saj I have not contemplated , and do not contemplate , aa alteration of that law "—( loud and continued cheers ) ,
Poor League ! What cruel usage ! No room left even for a flickering of hope . Not one straw held out to tbe drowning crew . Every peg on whiti confiding confidence could be hang , knocked out ; asi the poor dupes laid prostrate in the dust . And what are they now to do ? They have parti with their cash ; and what are they to have for it ! What is to be done with it 1 Will Cobden and ft crew return tV , now thai it is not likely to be succesful in buying Peel ? 0 no . ' The money will \» kept . It is in good fingers . It is where it yii stick . If Repeal is not obtained the money hasbeeti and that will be sufficient to satisfy some foltt desires .
Bat still some sort of a move mast be made . Tj stand still , or to return into utter nothingness under the blow of Peel , will hardly do . Even lit dupes will not tolerate that ! Some signs of life ; nay , even of activity , must be shown ; orthtpaj / tn will growl most confoundedly at the paid . Appearances ] must be maintained . Something , if it only be a merc pretext to earn tbepeJf the Leag * hired-ones sack , \ imust be attempted ; or the who !} scheme will be seen , even by the choused , to ( a what the working people have long known it to it
—a BANK CHEAT . And what is that "something" to be ! Wbaii the next move ! What sort of a face is the oU friend to assume 1 In what guise will he nes present himself ? Let Mr . O'Conmell ' ana ™ He ia in the secret . He knows the moves on ifca political chess board . He is | an old player ^ and ioa oft-times gone for heavy slakes . Believe us , he does not now speak without his book 1 Mr . O'Consm knows what he is [ about £ and also what other people are about ; and Mr . O'Conkell shall now tell the readers of the [ Northern Star . At the meeting of theJRepeal Association in Dublin , on Monday week , Mr . O'Conkell , when advert ' ing to this very question of the League and Peek ' s declaration , said : —
" The ministry have set their faca directly against the Anti-Cora Law League ; and the Anti-Corn Is * League will necessarily be driven to rom the people of England—to bring them tO'ctmsiitr the constitution of ihe House of the Commms and fit organic change necessary A . reform in Paliament fH necessarily follow tbe efforts to procure the enlarged of tbe franchise , and not leave the aristocracy of England , tbe sole dominion over the constitution of tint House ; AND WHEN THE LEAGDE COMBINE W 1 IB JOSEPH STUROE AND HIS COMPLETE SCFFBlGJ MOVEMENT' THEY WILL HAVE ENSURED A TRIUMF& *
There it is J The murder ' s out ! Have we » all along said that the " Complete" movement n > only a feint of the skirmiihers of the Last army ? M The League combine with Joseph Siem * tolENSURE their triumph" ! Just so . W we have all along said . Joseph was sent , U * pioneer , to pave the way ; and now the wl ^ League are to follow . Well , well ; it wi ) l be something to get & « League to oombine for the suffrage , even shoaM it be with tho H Completes . " The Chartists law all along told them , that without the sufr ¥ they could noi accomplish what they sod | MJ and that if they procured the Suffrage , if there was . any benefit in their scheme , the kok « who had power to procure it would also bw *
power to secure for themselves some share of tW benefit . BHt the Leaguers said they could ob ^ their ends without the Suffrage . They " knew ho * it was done . " They " were up to snuff . " " ^ could do without tbe people ; and the people 10 be-- . » The League have failed ! Then «* sity has now arisen for their " COMBINING m Joseph Stdrce and the Complete Suffrage mow * ment " . ' They are forced , after the expenditure " £ 50 , 000 in lying tracts , treats and in ihe 3 ool-hi »<» mouthing epoutera to blacken and traduce W people , asd the collection « f £ 60 , 000 , " hobe" ( towards their £ 100 , 000 ) for a similar P ^ po 3 e , to tell that 6 ame traduced peop le that $ * League have been wrong ; have been pursuing thetf object ia an endless path ; and that now $ M mast take the path long since pointed tout to ti $ &
to " ensure their triumph !" And now comes the danger . Whatever of sasp 1 ' cion has attached to the Sturce Move hitherto that suspicion is now tremendously increase Whatever danger it may have been tp the honc » exertions of tbe p : ople in seeking for Bonest po ^' that danger is now more imminent . But not ® if the people mind what they are about ! If ° ^ be taken , the League Move may be m ade o useful to the people ' s cause V but if care benot takfa that move will be utter destruction . _ ., » m > utvvv « v »* r v& vckfrO' iVbOftf m / vivi'i rfV
The people have only to ask themselves , W the League Combine with Joseph Stitcge" »» hia little band of " Completes . " Not because tWJ love the principle of Complete Snffrage ! K ^ because they are anxious to give the vf 0 T ^ ^ , lir the vote ; not because they are in favour of Wi . * en f ranchisement ; but , beatjse it is NfiCESSA * TO ENSURE THEIR OWN TRIUMPH ! The people mast also reflect en the cause # necessity . They ; the people themselves , are I cause ! The League have failed , because they M *
not the people with them . The people long & saw through the selfish and wicked designsw » League , and not only did not accord w support , but offered strong and effectual opP ^ tion . Aye , and they did more . They ban themselves together on their eutn accou nt , sought for political power for themselves . tion and party tried to wheedle thorn fton 1 ft duty . They have held out every la ™ J P \ operation every seductive art ; tried every wr but all to no effect . The result is , that " ^ op are now bidding for their support : and if wW P
The Northern Star. Saturday, February 17, 1844. ^
THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 17 , 1844 . ^
Memoir Of W. P. Roberts, Esq.
MEMOIR OF W . P . ROBERTS , ESQ .
We have received a portion of a very interesting Memoir of Mr . Roberts , with a promise that it shall be continued in our next . We have , however , thought it more judicious to defer its publication until we have received the remainder , when we shall be able next week to give it eomnlete .
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WHAT ARE THE LEAGUE TO DO ? THE NEXT DODGE . The question might almost be ventured , " where are the LeagueV instead of the one " what : are they to do V—so quiet and spiritless have they been since Sir Robert Peel's declaration at the commencement of the Session , that he deemed it more prudent to sail in the boat of tho landlords and tonant-farmers , now they had itjairly afloat and not laid dry upon the beach ; and that he would nob join the manufacturers in their attempt to rob the agriculturist ; ruin the shopkeeper , drive to the lowest depth of destitution the labourers of every description , and add / o the incomes of the annuitant , the DEBT-hoIder , tbe salaried-man , the siuecurist , and the pensioner .
That declaration was a floorer ! The dupes ot the League had bouyed themselves up with hope , that the well-known inclinations of the Premier towards free-trade , aa exemplified in his Tariff-scheme , and in his enunciation of the free-booters' maxim , " buy in the cheapest market , and sell in the deareit ; " the dupes of Cobden and Co . had flattered themselves , judging from these symptoms , that Peel was a very squeec&ble Minister ; and that if they only gave evidence of their " sincerity" and their seeming determination to have " Repeal , " that therefore Repeal would assuredly follow . Fine hopes . But how doomed to disappointment ! How miserably out off ! And how chop-fallen the confiding now are , that the Ministerial scythe . 'has mowed those hopes down !
Could Cobden and Co . now get the £ 100 , 000 ) Would the dupes now bleed ? Would tho spoonies even , " come down with the dust" 1 We trow not . Sir Robert Peel , in a few short sentences , has done more { to Open their eyes , —not as to the folly and wickedness of their demands , but as to the hopelessness ot their present mode of proceeding , — than all the experience that the last two years has afforded them , that they neither had , nor were able te get , public opinion with them . He has effectnally put the damper on . The " ardour , " the , " zeal , " the "indomitable perseveranoe , " about which we have heard so many fine stories , have all disappeared for the time ; and the question might indeed bo very fairly ventured M where are the League" ?
And what were the words of Peel , that hafve wrough | such consternation , and operated so repressingly on the hopes of the hope-full ? A plain , unreserved , distinct declaration , that fie is not their man ; thatjjie has now taken | his stand ; that his Tariff Corn Law was the only concession he will vouchsafe : ] and that" powerful" as the League are ; " wealthy' ^ as they may be ; still tbe landlords and tenant-farmers are more powerful and more wealthy ; and therefore with those landlords and tenantfarmers he will abide . He is hot to be purchased for £ 100 , 000 ! It will be well to have Peel ' s declaration here , to refer to . It is short , but conclusive : — Sir Robert Peel , after hearty commendations of the ability displayed by the mover and
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4 THE NOR THE R N S T A R . ; February 17 , 1843 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 17, 1844, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1252/page/4/
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