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QZti&tg i£ $fc?m*nt0,
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O'CONNOR'S LETTER TO HILL AKD W ATKINS.
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THE SOUTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1844.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Bath . —Pcblic Msetisc op thf Tailors—A numerous xieetiL ? of the tailors of Bain w » s fcelsl on Monday evening last , at the large rocm , St . ^ licbiersplacs , Ur . J . Hams in the chair . An address 7 ? LIeh containedjaa able exposition of the principles npon which the society -was founded , and the sheets -whiE . il k hid in Tie-w-wss read . Aftez expressing a hope that-all
pre-Bsnt "would ex = rt themselves to cany tees * prinrcplBs into tffrct , the Chairman read a letter received from 3 Ii- Parrott , of London , in answer to the Secre t ary in Bath , in -which that gentleman strongly m-i-e : the importance of sending a delegate to the fcrcbcosi ' mi-etitg in London , sad gave a chrsring account < A the movement in deferent parts of the iincdom . cntlndhie by shewing the necessity of the B ^ h Society scaring the co-operation of the respectable masters . It wsi then resolved unanimously " That ths rulea . acd names of the committee « -s read bj the Chairma ., ba sanctioned by this meeting . " . Mr . Crmvin then maved " Tfiat this meeting deplore the miserable and distressed condition of the trade 3 s regards the remuneration allowed t * ie ¦ workmen by unprincipled masters , -who , fur tbc sake cf
theb own EjgrsBdiBement are cairying on a ej stein of tttfair compttition , ruinous not cdy to the "workmen bnt sIbo to the £ air trader . " Mr . Ciements ^ n *< -ccndsd the rtsolction . The resolution "was then csrriel unanimously . The next reselntioon » ss prepo&ed by Mr . 23 art , and -was as follows : — "Thai in or .= er to avert the tvUs of unfair compfctition , "we , tbe journeymen taDora of Bath , agree with the honourable portion of onr employers in order to stay the inroads of this Iffo ^ ring evil ; and further tha t we tLali is goided by the principles of the Metropolitan Tail rs' Tft 4 e Protection Sadety . " Mx . Gapper ptcou . ' ed the resolution . The next resolution ¦ which "was a % follows , ha Ting been moved and seconded , "was al » o carried uEiciiuondy : — "That a deputation frosi this soci = tj ~ beapisjii-ted to
confer -with the repntable portion of onr employers , to explain to them onr principles and o j ? ca , aEd to tequtat their countenance and tnppori . " Messrs . Harris and Gapper were appointed as the deputation . It was then agreed that the consideration of seeding a delegate to £ be forthcoming Contention be deferred tii ) after the confem . es -with the aisS « s . Yotea of thanks » ere then given to Mr . Lewis for hU kindness in allowing the use of th « room—to the cectlfcir . Hi who attended on biha f of the press , and to the Xorihem Stir ir . d BaihJcvTTial , for th ^ r s ^ -cocscy on all occasions of the interest of the "wcrkir . i ? classes . The kusiness of tbe evening terminated by ihe enrolment of members [ Owing to onr not r * c = iviag the repeat of th « above jobbing until Thursday , w have bttn compelled to o&it all the speeches . —E-N . S ]
Teotil—A general metfir-K of the tailors of Yeovil and the neighbourhood , -was held on Munday evening , tJjB 11 th inst ., Mi . Bennett in the chair . Scvfcr » l respectable masters "were present . After tte elc-ction , a Jencthy gisensfflon took plsce , on onr present Gigradtd petition , and the means of amendment- ' Tee meeting separated highly gratified with the evening ' s proese £ l £ gs , Leicesteb FeaXE-wobk-Ksittebs . —A delegate uststing cf Trame-srcrk-kBitttrB , of ^ e tovru arid count y of Leicester , was holden at the Biriby Arms , Upper Gsorge-street , Ldcester , March 18-h , for the purpose of « cei"ving reports from the seTeral localities , and the election of a ne-w Committee of Mansrt » ent Serenl letteni were read , and Messrs . Smith , Spitlehonse , Poleing , aDd Winters stated , at great length , the condition of the Framework-knitters , from which it
appeared that hundreds of Trorsers were cot earning more than from three to fire shillings per week' clear of all < lecftw < aoitB , which s » tb about onee shilling and eightpenoe per head to each member of their families for idod , house rent , elothiDg , and all other nccewaries . The folio wing resolutions were agreed to : — " That a { J-mmittoe of fire ba appointed at a Cjj ' ral Committee Itit ieioestershire . to act in cOTJunction -with the CenjnJ Committesior Kottirghaiusbire . " " Th ^ t Vae fellowin * persons be the Commlttte : —Th .-mas Winters
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and Thomas Smith , of Leicester ; Thomas Smith , of Enderby ; "Walter Upton , of Tbimnaston ; and Thomas Clews , oi Hinkley . " Tbal the Central Committee of Leicester Iring forward evidence , to be laid before the CjmmiEsioner , on behalf cf the general body of Framewori-knitters , at the forthcoming inquiry . " « : That we , the delegates here assembled , give the Central Committee power to levy so much per village , according to the s ii" "Tnat this meeting tenders its alnoere thanks to W . B . Ferrand , E » q ^ MP ., for hlsuntired Zial on bsbalf of the general body of frameworkknitiers and their families , "
Pbotection fob . Labour Ladies' Shosmakkrs . —A public meeting of the above trade was held on Monday , in the Mechanics' Institution , CircuBfctreet , Marylefeone , Mr . Burden , operative , waa unanimcnsly called to the chair , and briefly Btated the purport of the meeting . Mr . A- Hunnlb&U most eloquently expatiated on the manifold grievances of the trade , and argued that the great misery and destitution sow prevailing among shoemakers was mainly to be attributed to the want of union among tha operatives , and suggested co-operation with the trade society , which wes sow thrown cpea to all as , an tfficient remedy and tha best present measure to ensure protection and arrest
the downward progress of the trade . He showed that lately there had been reductions in -wageB ; for making ladies' shoes from two shillings down to tenpence pei pair ; the average reduotion was from 10 to 25 per cent . He need not tell them how injurious this was to their interest av . d to the interest of the community in general . They felt that too severely already , Then let them unite and give their suggestiens for the revision of the rules . A committee was sitting at the Green Dragon , who would through their secretary be happy to receive tuggestiocs from any portion of the trade in town and country , so that in the forthcoming Conference abont to be held in May next , they nay have such materials te work on as ahall enable tham to
effect a national union of the trade . Mr . Hunniball addressed his shopmates for upwards of an hour and a quarter , and sat down londly applauded . A letter was read from Manchester , and correspondence with many other towns was announced . The usn&l compliment having been passed to the chairman the meeting Beprrated . The Chainuakebs' on the Mote . —Walsall . —A spirited meeting of the Chainmakera took place at the Lamp Tavern , for the purpose of forming a local Union , with a view hereafter to join in general Union vr tth the Chainmakera throughout the ootintry . Spirited resolutions were adopted , and the following evening their Barnes were enrolled , and contributions paid .
Baesslet . —Picketts' SxaiKK . —Oneof the largest meetings that has been held since the commencement of the strike took piaoe en Monday ni ^ ht last , in Mr . J . Pickering ' s large room . The meeting was addressed by J . Shaw , and Frank Mir-Seld . A unanimous vote of thanks was given to F . T . Wentworib , Esq ., of Stainbro' Castle for his very handsome donation of five pounds ; also to the weavers of Leed 9 and Knareibro , for their kind and liberal support . Public Meeting of the Makchesteb Tailors—A public meeting of th ~ j-mrneymen tailors of Manchester and Salford , was held on Monday morning , March 18 : h , in the Meal Hi-use , Nioholas-croft , High-street , Manchester . Tha meeting was
addressed by delegates from Liverpool , Bradford , Sheffield , Bolton , Warrington , Rochdale , and Ashton-under-Lyne ; acd by delegates from the boot and shoemakers , hatters , and labourers , declaring on behalf of their respective bodies , their determination not to deal with any employers who did not comply with our reasonable demands , while many other tradts sent communications to a similar purport . The following resolutions were passed unanimously : — " Tnat tfee system of unprincipled competition is a gross imposition on the public , and an unprincipled robbery on the heuest employer . " That the petition now read be adopted by this
meeting , and that the Committee be instructed to forward the s * mb to London with as little delay as possible . " M That we embrace with sincere pleasure this opportunity of expressing our warmest acknowledgment to the Northern Stir , the London Weekly Dispatch , and Lloyd ' s London Weekly Newspapers , ior the valuable assistance and buppori they have rendered to the cause of those who are suffering trom the fatal effects ot" unprincipled competi-ion in the tailoring trade , and that we respectfally and earnestly request the Editors to continue their noble and nnpurcbased advocacy of the cause of suffering humanity . " Yotes of thanks to the deputations from the other trades closed ihe nrootediugs .
Bbadfohd Shokmaieiu . —Oa Monday evening , ths Shoemakers Society held a meeting in the King ' s Arms Inn , West gate , The origin of the present strike & ; Mr . Huggan's shop was stated to be as follows : —Some time back , an agreement had been entered into with Mx . Huggan , wherein he pledged himself to give a certain rate of wages , and signed a statement of prices in token of his approbation . In this list of pricus there was a difference in the amount of wages paid for work Cone to order and that for shop , the former having more wages on account of the greater care required in the making and the small quantity sent to t '_ ie journeyman at one time . A few wteks ago , a pair ol boots were sent to a workman of Mr . Huggan ' s , to make according to order ; the boots were made and brought
to shop—no fault was found ; afterwards an abatement of trr . peDce in the wages for the busts ] took place . This w . is objected to by the workman , but Mr- Hug ^ an was determined , and the man applied to the trade . A deputation had an interview with tha master , the result of which waa , to use Mr . Huggan's language , " 1 sev you all a ; defiance ; I will do as I like . " The bond was then laid before him , with his name attached : hi 3 reply was—** What do I care for tha ; 1 will not be controlled ; tell the trade 1 aefy them I' Hence followed the strike . On Tuesday , the Committee of the Sh » t makers' Society made arrangements with the landlord of the Boy and Barrel Inn , Westgate , as a house of call . All correspondence in fnture must be addressed Buy aid Barrel Inn , Westgate .
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TRIUMPH FOR LABOUR . ADOPTION OF THE TEN HOURS LIMIT . At last the measure npon which the factory operativrse have set their hearts , and for which they have so long , so arduoui-ly , and so devotedly struggled , has received the sanction of the House of Commons . Out of a House of three hundred and forty nino members , one hundred and stventy nine have placed on record their deliberate conviction that ten hours a-day is fully 33 long as a Chkistian Legislature ought to require children , young persons , and females to work in factories ; and that it it the duty of Parliament to
interpose its authority to prevent their being longer subjected to that description of toil which engenders evil of a frightful amount , both physical and moral . "We confess that the adoption of Lord Ashlet ' s motion by " the House" has taken us bj surprise ; and we believe that feeling is generally shared in by the ccuntry at large . All hope as to any measure for the due protection of Factory " hands" bad fled . The prsyera and entreaties of the " hands " themselves , and the efforts of their humane and devoted friends , to alleviate the horrible sufferiBgs endured , bad bc ? n so often rejected and
so openly despised , that a feeling of despair and deep diBgBst hid sdzed hold of the mind ; i aud nothing , for good , was expected . The adoption of the Ten Hours' Limit has therefore ^ ome most unexpectedly . It has most agrseablj disappointed many . It has raised new feelings and new hopes . It has inspired with vigour and determination , where despond « ncy and consequent Iisiles ? ne 5 s prevailed . It has given the people a ? ¦ large the most heartfelt satisfaction ; and we most I ardently trust that their feelings of joy , and the hope ! that .- ff-ctual protection is to be afforded them , will
not be damped or dashed by the subsequent efforts of the Government to undo what has been done ! Thai—vie , deeply regret to say it—is to be attempted ! Soi content with the decided expression of Parliamentary will , after a debate of con-1 &iGerable length , in the course of which all was urged against the proposal that could be urged ; not content with this , the Government , through ; the cold frfzjn-up Sir James Gkabam , havej intimated their intention to contest the matter further ; and to oppose , by every means in their power , the carrying-out of the decisioa come to !
It is therefore possible—would that we could add , but improbable—that the triumph which Labour has gained in this instance will be but short-lived . It is possible that the Governmental force may compel" the House" to eat its own decision ; and that the unworthy and shameful spectacle may be exhibited before the word , of the " Coupons Wis-
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dom" of " the most thinking people on earth , " solemnly deciding thiB day that to work children and females more than ten hours a day is contrary to nature , religion , and even state-policy , because of the evils inflicted on the helpless and unoffending by the over-r&sking of their physical powers ; and the next day as solemnly deciding that unless these parties bo bo over-tasked ; unless they be
worked beyond endurance ; unless twelve hours' toil be inflicted where ten is more than enough : it is not unlikely that wo may Bee " the House" deciding before God and man , that unless this bo done , the greatness (!) of our kingdom will depart I—the glory and benown of England will Ed © 1—the power and aathority of the British Crown be eclipsed !
Such is the ground put forward for his opposition , to what he admits to be the just claims of humanity and sound policy , by the Minister of State I He regrets that he is obliged to interpose between the unprotected and the humane and necessary protection determined on . His "feelings are with the Noble Lord" ( Ashley ); but " stebm dui y" requires that children and women should be sacrificed to maintain the nation ; and therefore on the sacrifice he must
insist S How humiliating ! The glory of England , the power of her State , based on the continuous , unremitting labour of the infant factory slave and its toiling mother ! and if there be but two hours relaxation to the unna urally " overworked , " the existence of the Commonwealth is periled ! Tonder , and evip unformed , human entrails must be spun into thread to bind society together ! The cement th ^ t keeps the social pile from crumbling to pieces is formed of blood and tears !
The " age of Bronze' has indeed come ! What a face of Brass the Minister mast have had , to jn 3 tjfy oppression and unbearable wrong on such grounds ! And what unfeeling flinty hearts must we have in the land , when such pleading , and such justification , is not visited with overwhelming indignation . // will be the duty of the people to prevent ihe victory that has been obtained for thfh , by Lord Ashlkt and his gallant supporters , from being rendered of no avail ! They are imperatively oalled
upon to stand in defence of their own friends and their own rights . The adoption of Lord Ashley ' s amendment has not been a giving-way to clamour ; a yielding to the immediate pressure from without . It is the result of a deep and settled conviotion on the minds of men of all parties , that it was needful for the hand of power to interfere between the helplesb victim to an unrestrained , unregulated system aud
the system itself ; a conviction produced by the unshaken testimony and irrefragable evidence adduced as to the horrible nature of the suffering entailed . It is the triumph of the better feelings of our common nature over the sordid claims of avarice and gold . It has been accorded to labour , from a firm persuasion that it was at once necessary and jast : and having been so accorded , labour must see to it that it is not snatched back again .
The Short Time Committees are at work , we have reason to know , to prevent so dire a result . They have been intently watching the progress of the measure which it has bfen their especial duty to promote : and the signal sucoess of their Leader , Lobd Ashlet , imparted for the time unbounded joy . That feeling they but enjoyed in common with the publio at large . We know of no measure that haB been received with such general aud manifest satisfaction , as the result of the Ten , or Twelve , Hours' debate : not
a wild burst of enthusiasm ; but of firm and settled joy . It seems to be the universal feeling , that the time has come when this long-agitated questiou of Factobt Uf « i : lation can be satisfactorily set at rest . This it can be , if " the House" will but thoroughly embody in the present Bill the spirit ai . d intent of the proposition it has already affirmed : and , by doing . so , it will do more to enhance
the real interests of all engaged in manufacturing pursuits , employers as well as workers , than by any other measure it has adopted daring the last half century . To compass this ; to prevail on the members of the House of Commons to carry out what they have so well begun , tho Short Time Committees are actively and energetically at work ; animated by a fervent hope tha' their labours will be successful .
At present they are labouring in a quiet and almost unseen manner . By means of correspondence . of deputations , of personal representations and conferences , they at present 6 eek to influence the Legislature . They wish the question to be set at rut . They have no desire that it should again bo made a cause for popular agitation . They do not wish to have to appeal again to large bodies of the working people , and concentrate popular opinion on am as-ure which has already received so much of popular support , and which commends itself
to the heart of every man , even had it not one voice raised in its support . They feel the immense advantage of having the question considered in all its bearings in the absence of excitement and unreasoning clamour ; and they are , therefore , desirous that no cause should be given to render it necessary for them to have to appeal to tho popular power to stand between Ljbo * r and those who woald deprive it of tho PKoTicrioN promised by the recent vote of " the House . " The Government bad the-vfore brttor beware ! They will find infinitely rocre difficulty in un » oia « what has been done , than in originally preventing it ,
Should it be necessary to rou ? e the working people —to call on them to come to the rescue of the little ones and their mothers from the hands of the State , who iusitt on maintainine ; Na » ional globy and p web by death-dealing toil ; should this be necessary , it will be done : and in that event , it needs no second sight to tell that the storm of public indignation will be powerful enough to drive from office any Ministry who dares to deal 30 insultingly with the working people , as to insist on the Parliament resevnding its resolves to do a bare act oi justice in satisfaction of the claims oi humanity .
It is not out intention at the present to revert to the'debatfl , which led to such a satisfactory result , as the carrying of Lord Alley ' s motion by majority of wise . A copious report of it will be found in another place . To it we beg to refer the reader . He will find that'it will amply repay perusal . Lord Ashlet ' i opening was worthy of him and the eacred cau . ^ e he bad in his keeping . Calm , clear , moderate ,
and convincing in style , the matter consisted of simple facts , that carried the feelings and the judgments ot ths auditory with them . No attempt to gainsay his powerful statement was made . All that was attempted , was the unworthy device , that if the Factory labourers were ill-used , tho agricultural labourers were worse used ; as if two blacks would over make a white ; or one oppression justify another .
We cannot bat speak of the unexpected and wel- ; come support accorded to the Ten Hours' proposal i by Lords Howick and Russell , and several of tho i leading Whigs . The speech vf the former Noble I Lord placed the question , as it then stood , before the House , in its true light ; and the reasons the speaker addnced for his ; conduct thereon do honour to both his i head and his heart . He has , in that speech , shown that hfl has deeply considered the question of Labour and Capital ; and the idea he 60 modestly threw ,
out , as to the necessity for investing a ) power of regulation in a body that wonld necessarily possess the requisite knowledge , ' , proves that he has weighed tho difficulties of the case as a Statesman ought to do ; and that he has arrived at a just conclusion . We trust that he will endeavour to embody that idea in the form of a Bill : for it is certain that if suoh a measure were to become law , many of the now almost insurmountable difficulties that hamper and pe&ier the Government would be removed .
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We have been uncompromising and inveterate haters of Whiggery and Whigs . W-j have omitted no oocasion or opportunity to do them damage We know that we have worked them much . We have done this , because we have ever deemod Whiggery—and so it has always proved itself till now— to be opposed to Labour ' s protection . The praise , thereforo , which we cheerfully accord to Lord John Russell , Lord Howjgk , Sir George Gret , and the other Whigs whoae names appear in the Ten Hours' majority , will not be set down by the readers of the Star to love of Whiffgery , or
an undue desire to restore the Whigs to office . We will however confess that if Lord John Russell will give ub such measures as the Ten Hours' Factory Bill ; and Lord Howick give us a measure for the universal regulation and protection of labour , they shall have our strenuous and hearty aid to the ousting of Graham and Peel , who wish to maintain protection for tho owner and " holder" of the soil , but who are determined to move heaven and earth to prevent protection being
accorded to the labourer either in tho faotoryor thefield . If the Whigi will give ua such measures as some of them have this last week supported , they will very soon see the inside of the Downing-street official residences ; and the present inmates be removed to the bleak side of the Treasury Benches . We have no notion , —Tory-Chartists though we are , —of a Ministry taking its stand on the principles of protection , and denying that protection to those who staud in need of it for their very existence sake .
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CHARTISM , DANIEL O'CONNELL , AND THE FRENCH PRESS . Tub English people have long marvelled , the Irish people are beginning to marvel , while France joins in the surprise , why and wherefore Mr . Daniel O'Conwell , the professed advocate of "liberal prinoiploF , " aud one of the principal concootors of the " People's Charier , " should now , and for some time passed , use his most strenuous endeavours to damn and crush the Chartist body aud Chartist principles . The English interlude recently introduced at Covont Garden , between the Irish comedy of Repeal and the farce of " Justioe to Ireland , " has led to copious
commentaries and some misgivings , as well in France as in England and Iieland . The Nation newspaper saw , as we saw , that tho "hat of Gesler" was to bo substituted for the substance of freedom : that the Irish demand for the one thing only which could ensure them "justice , " was to be merged into the one thing alone which the Irish leader hoped to achieve— " Patronage . " The Nation feared lest the rt patriotic pledge , " the " value of Repeal , " the " defianceof the Saxons , " the " threat of resistance , " the " boast of strength , " and the " proclamation of readiness , " should dwindle into sympathy for an individual .
The Nation , with oharaoteristte , but we hoped not unprofitable rashness , plunged into the troubled waters to appease , the growing spirit of jealousy and suspicion . The Nation would not bow to " G > slur ' s hat . " But alas I how frail is human nature ! The Nation witnesses scenes pre-eminently calculated to increase those jealousies and suspioions , which by the plunge it hoped to allay ; and behold ! there is less terror in the required obedience than our uncalculating ootemporary first dreamed of . Forthwith then , he bows , and kneels before , and worships , " Gesler's hat /"
One of the principal charges made by the Chartists against Mr , O'Connkll and his Irish p ' ress is , the continuous abuse that both have heaped upon the English people , without distinguishing between them and their oppressors , who equally misgoverned the English and the Irish people . This brutal inconsistonoy we were ready to confine to Mr . Daniel O'Conriell alone ; but the Nation , now anxious for
participation in the crime of disuniting , vies even with Mr . O'Connell in perpetuating those dissensions , which have been interestedly fostered between the working olasses of both countries . In the Nation of last Saturday we find the following Bi « tiifieant comment upon a letter signed " SfaRtacus , " written in refutation of the several charges brought by Mr . O'Connell and tho Irish press , against the English people : —
' ¦ ' Spartocua , ' who means what he says , and who has given evidence of a true sympathy with Ireland , is entitled to be heard when h « objaoti to any of our opinions ; but he is certainly wrong , as it would be easy to show , if we were not too anxious to secure tke sympathy « f men like himsalf , to produce our bill of indictment against the English people . " Now , we join iscue with the Nation , and defy it to frame its indictment , or to prove the English
people guilty of , or in any way implicated in , any single act of oppression or injustice towards the Irish people . Nay , more , we undertake to prove that the Irish " Liberal" representatives , chosen by the " Reform" constituencies , have been the greatest jobbers , the greatest jugglers , and the greatest impediments in the way of universal liberty . Will the Nation dare to meet us on the subjeot ! or will it abandon the charge , or still persevere in iis unjust and dangerous course ?
Shall we be called alarmists , for having sounded the note of " compromise , " and for having warned the Irish people of the uses to which their patronage , their confidence , their devotion , and liberality were intended to be directed 1 or shall we be told tha . tho doings of Mr . O'Connell in England were calculated to advance the question of Repeal in the Honourable GenUunan's " own way . " *—" a way iuscrutublo to tno dull eye of the common observer" I If so , we shall not only summon other evidence , but the evidenoe of oouimou sense and reason , to establish the truth of our proposition . Would Ireland have tolerated auy " compromise , " upon the part of Mr . O'Connell ? or would tho Irish people
rejoice in that sympathy for himself if it was calculated to injure the cauee of Repeal i Do the Irish lovo the man more than the country ? Will they stray with the man , while the country becomes a wilderness ! Will they be satisfied with the printing , tho publishing , and the mouthing ot thoir suffering to loathing ? aud will they continue to bear the burthen of national degradation , upon the condition that their subserviency and patience shall be trumpeted in the eara of their oppressors ? If so , and if they are willing to hug their chains , that they may st : j themselves ignominiously painted , we have no right to complain ; but they have no right to charge us with being the manufacturers of their fetters .
Does reason and common sense lead to the conclusion , or does it not , that Mr . O'Connell is endeavouring to barter the principle of Repeal for patronage ? If he is not , and if ho truly desires the accomplishment of that measure , why is he found courting the plaudits , the co-operation , and support of the very parties who are pledged to a resistance of Repeal to the death ? Why is he found denouncing the only parties who have vowed eternal fidelity to the principle of justice to Ireland , through a douiestic
legislature , chosen by the Irish people ? Why is he now afraid to appeal to that power which he courted , and gathered in 1835 , and sold in 1836 ' Why does he now denounce that very power which made him worth Whig purchase ? Why does he now repudiate the supporters of Chartism , while there lies before U 9 the original document upon which the Carter was framed , bearing the signature of Mr . Daniel O'Connell , no fewer than five times ; and to whioh is appended the following
note : — «« It is alao worthy of note that to the meeting at the British C-tFee House Mr . O'Connell brought the draft , in his ore a hand writing , of a Plan of an Association to procure Justice fur the working classes , by r . n tfftctual Reform of the Legislature , which plan was only rendered unnecessary by the working men having anticipated it in the foregoing resolutions . When Mr . O'Connell signed those resolutions , he presented the deputation with a list , in his . own handwriting , of thirteen n rnies of Irish Membars , as persons be thought would also sign them ; but the death o £ William the Fourth , caused the dissolution of Parliament , aud prevented the deputation from waiting oo the Members enumerated by Mr . O'Coaae'l . "
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Docs reason anu common sense , or does it not » tell us that the maO wno would thus create and foster a principle , and wtt 0 would denounce it when it had gained a strength capable of achieving the desired object ; is a politico * JufiK ^ r , a trickster , and a cheat . ! But if we z ^ iu're oircumstantial evidenoe of the fact , evidence . ooming from those who judge of him , not as we do from his whole political life , but from occurrences mJcn bavo recently transpired , and to which the Afe . ' ' * WAS inclined to attach due importance , we find th- ^ ~ denco furnished in the leading " Liberal" Ffb . ich newspapers . The Constilulionnel speaks thus < ° f the Covent Garden dinner : —
" ThiB new line of conduct will certainly embarrass the Tory Ministry muck more than O'Connell ' s old and violent system . Taey can despisa his insults , be guarded against bis threats , and be prepared to meet his provocations : but they will have great difficulty in contending against the ascendancy of reason and of good right consistently maintained . In Ireland , O'Coonell demanded too much ; be punned impossibilities . The exaggeration of his pretenaions smothered the . sympathy which the justica of his oaiue created . At the Co ventgarden banquet he asked for nothing but what was within the bounds of sense and reason , nothing but what is practicable . Ha kept aside the question of Repeal , which has no possible solution , but enlarged upon the miseries of Ireland , on the partiality of the Government
imposed upon her , and the en ? rmites committed there in the name of Justice , appealing to a Jury of Englishmen against the Jury of his own countrymen , by which he has been condemned . He treated , in short , questions which , without wounding the national self-iove of his hearers , exoited a lively interest in the breasts of all loyal £ ugliahm « n . Consequently his success was great , aud if he perseveres in this course , if he does not suffer himself to be lud astray into his former abcrations , he does not resume his old theme of Repeal , he will obtain a position against the Tory Ministry much stronger than that which his agitation in Ireland gave him , ani he will be much nearer than ever to the attiinmeat for his country of those just reparations wbich he claims with such ardent solicitude . "
Does that , or does it not , bespeak the impression made upon the minds of the 'cu te and disinterested observers f Does ; tho writer of that extract , or does lie notjBeeJaright , jwhen he recognizes in Mr . O'Connell ' s new tactics and subdued tons the means of increased embarrassment of the Tory Ministry , whioh we have deolared to be his sole object , while the Whigi who are to replace them are , if possible , more inveterately pledged to resiBt Repeal to the death ! But the following extract from the National , the leading Liberal Journal of Europe , places beyond doubt the reasons why Mr . Daniel O'Connell has thought proper to wage war against the English Chartists . The National says : —
" We most aaauredJy have no wish to diminish his authority , but it seems to us that since his condemnation he appears too much as a mer « person I ; fore the public , aud that bis appearance casts his country into the shade . In the midst of the intoxication of those f » tes and triumphs , he writes to the Secretary of the Irish Association litters which contrast strangely with the speeches be hasjofteo delivered . IInqland is no longer composed of Saxons , aad , putting aside tha minions of the Aristocracy- and the Chartists , every one rallies around him . He speaks with emotion of the reception he has everywhere mot with , aud he demands with eagerness the union ot the two nations . But why are
tho Chartists so incassantly the objeot of O'Connell'a nnger f Has be forgotten that be himself was busied in drawing up the ¦ Charter which serves as their watchword ? Is it because the Chartists aim at serious reforms , which would strike at the very heart of this abominable British Constitution , of which wealth , bigotry and birth constitute so large a part , tb * t there remains nothing else to the rest but toil aud misery ? Ceuld it be also that in the ardour of their faith they have consulted ; their convicMous rather than th « ir sSrength- ^ tuat they have boldly proo ' aimed war in the name of the people 7 Could it be that their propagandise has penetrated into Ireland , and that ,
in the midst of this population deciminated by- pauperism , where OConnell always preaches up resignation aad pease , they have appealed to less Christianlike and more manly sentiments ? Could it be that in seeing tat great agitator tranquil and almost silant whilst the Whigs were In posver , th » y feared that , born amongst the middle classes , he would stipulate only for them ;; and that the people would remain in the same condition after some conquests , useful to the priesM and the : burgesses , but sterile for the majority of these who euflP . jr ? We cannot completely explain to outlives those ipurpetual attacks of O'ConneH against the vast association of workmen , which extends itself
at present into all the important manufacturing places . For if O'ConneH be really sincere in bis speeches , they ask for nothing that he has not often demanded himself—shorter Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , and a jast distribution of the elective franchise . All this ] O'Connell desires , if we are to believe what he says . In what , then , do they differ , and why are these attacks made ? The reasou is—England , as elsewhere , below this customary layer which speaks and agitates for personal results , there are other ideas constantly at work , and preparing a more general and more profound emancipation . Tae excluded classes are
by degrees acquiring the sentiment of their dignity , their strength , and their rights . Equality is no longer a vain Utopia thrown by tho Frtnch Revolution into the mi'lst of nations—it is become a sacrud dogma , and as such as has ; been received by the great family of mankind . All that labours—all that brings the fruit of Its toil for the ; baneflt of society , comprehends that utility constitutes right as well as capacity and wealth . If this I ) the cause ef O'Connell ' s angry tirades against the Chartists , we pity him for exhibiting them . But it is neither in his power , nor that of any other man , to crush the bud that is growing , or to prevent the future which is everywhere in preparation . "
How can we sufficiently rejoice , or be sufficiently thankfuf , to our French cotemporary , for this confirmation of the justice of our suspicions , the prudoDce of our ; course , and the propriety of our exposure of Mr . O'Connell ' s real objects ? Is there a Chartist who ; will not rejoice and exult in tho fact , that our principles , if calumniated , denounced , and misrepresented at home , have , nevertheless , in the midst of persecution and conspiracy , found grace in the sight of honest foreigners aad disinterested judges ! Yes ! Frenchmen and Irishmen : It is " because the Chartists aim at serious reforms which would strike at the very heart of this abominable [ prese ? i / J British Constitution , of which wealth * bigotry , and birth constitutes so large a port , that there remains nothing else to the rest but toil and
misery . " Yes ! Frenchmen and Irishmen : it is because of these things that Mr . O'Connell proclaims war , a " war of waters , " futile war , a war of imbecility and old ago against the hind ' s vigour and youth ! It is because that in the ardour of their faitli , they have consulted their oonviotioris rather than their strength—that they boldly proclaimed war in the name of the people—that O'Connell denounces them ! Yes ! Frenchmen and Irishmen : it is because " THEIR PJIOPAGANDISM HAS PENETRATED INTO IRELAND and that in the midst of this population decimated by pauperism , where O'Connell always preaches up resignation and peace , they have appealed to less Christian like \ and more manly sentiments , that O'Connkll dreads their iiijtuence" ! Yes ! " . Frenchmen and Irishmen : it is because that " " they have
SEEN THE GIIEAT AGITATOR TRANQUIL AND ALMOST SILENT WHILST THE WHIGS WERE TRAMPLING UPON the rlmnant of Irish liberty , that they feared that born amongst the middle classes , HE would STIPULATE only for them , and that the people would remain in the same condition , after some conquests , useful to the priests and the burgesses , bnt sterile for the majority of those who suffer . " Yes ! yes ! it is because we dread those things , not drawing our apprehensions from ungenerous misgivings of the man , but fromihis past conduct , that we suspect and doubt him . Who after attentively reading the concludiug portion of the above article will say that Chartism ha- ; lived a useless life , and fought a fruitless battle \ Let every man , who before doubted the possibility of success , read the hind of France in the last few ;* yords : — " BUT IT IS NEITHER
IN HIS POWER , NOR THAT OF ANY OTHER MAN , TO CRUSH THE BUD THAT IS GROWING , OR TO PREVENT THE FUrURE , WHICH IS EVERY WHERE IN PREPARATION . " Chartists ! re&d that ! and bear in mind that the tyrant who now crushes the growing spirit of liberty in Fiance is in bis 70 th yoar ; and that mind , and not l * the heir jof tho elder Bourbons , " will be his
successor to the throne ! Our principles can bide the shock of exuberant sympathy . They stand like a rock in the midst of the ocean , against which all the rage of " sympathy" may dash , but must part in foam . We can fold our arms , and laugh at the conversion of individual " ssmpathy" into tho extinguisher of a great principle . We can bide our time , till Irishmen shall see with their own eyes , and juigo from their own senses . ¦ When , " -sympathy "
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- ^^^—^—— - ^ ' ^— ' ^ -- ^ v % ^\ , THE COLLIERS' CONFERENCE . AND THE CHARTIST CONVENTION .
We directed attention last week to the Conference Oi'Miners' Delegates about to assemble at Glasgow on Jionday next ; and this week we have to call tha attentio . 1 of our readers to the approaching Chartist Convection , to the issue of which the working classes of ibis country must look forward with intense anxiety . Since our article upon the Miners ' Conference was written , a long letter from the correspondent of the Times newspaper has been published in that journal , npon the prestnt position , and the anticipated future course , of the Miners ' Association . From that correspondence we learn that tho programme of the business to be brought before the delegates at Glasgow , bas been forwarded , by some
officious policeman of Staffordshire , to the Secretary of State for the Home Department . We further gather , from the fame source , that some of tho tyrant Coal Kings , inspired with the wholesome dread of that combination which their own longpractised atrocities has called into existence , have resolved upon not employing any man connected with the Union . It is not improbable that the wellknown character of the modern Fouche at the head of the Home Department , taken in connection with the general constitution of the Coal King body may lead the Colliers to a belief that the power of the law , the power of capital , and the power of unjust authority , may be unitedly brought to bear against their Association .
Apprehensions of each a nature , if not . met and guarded against , are sure to be taken advantage o by the artful and designing as a means of operating upon the fears of the innocent and unsuspicious Such are our reasons for notioing the circumstance at all ; and we notice it now , lest it may have any prejudicial effect npon the deliberations of Conference . There is only one course then , one strait course , for the Miners to pursue . Their meetings must be open ; their proceedings must be legal ; their language must not only ba free from sedition , bnt must be temperate . The best card in the players hand will ** win a trick , " whether it be played
softly or dashed on tke table with a rap of th » knuckles . So with the Colliers . If there is wisdom ii their councils , and temperance in their tone , in them they will find better auxiliaries than in . intemperate councils and the bravado of speech . They must avoid all secret associations , as they would avoid contagion . They mu 3 t have the corresponding act , and the present laws relating to combinations of working men , laid before them , expounded to them , and battered into their heads . They most be mindful of the language of all tho Judges—that workmen have a perfect right to combine together to agree upon the wages that their labour is worth , and that they are willing to exchange it for : BUT
THEY HAVE NO RIGHT TO COMBINE FOR THE PURPOSE OF COERCING OTHERS , DIRECTLY OR INDIRECTLY , UPON THE SUBJECT . They must publish their rules and objects of their Association ; and those rules and objects must be strictly in accordance with law . They must not , as a Miners' Association , mix np any political question whatever ^ with their present agitation ; for if they do , they will strengthen the Government , embolden the masters , invite the prejudice of jurors , and alarm some who would otherwise either profess sympathy , or abstain from opposition . They must of a ? things take caro that their legal advocate is
not allowed to be a member of the Union j and if he is a member he must resign or be expelled . They should set forth their rules and objects brieij n a petition to Parliament ; and , in fact , stand out boldly upon th « broad principle of protection for their own labour against the encroachment of those who under the protection of "justices" law would plunder them of their rights . They must issue printed rules for the government of the Executive and their lecturers ; and they should lay a monthly report of all the proceedings of their body before their advocate , which through some channel hb should communicate to the whole body in a digested form .
All intemperance of language , drunkenness , immorality of conduct , and neglect of duty by any ol the Association ' s officers should be guarded against by the immediate dismissal of the offenders . Thai pay should be good ; better than it is now , to ensure the whole and undivided services of the best men . We love to be thus plain , simple , and explicit with honest , simple , hardworking men . The mon so , because they may rost assured that however tolerated some trifling excesses may be in the com * mencement of so important a struggle , yet would those excesses , though tolerated now , be brought in
judgment against the whole Association at anj future period , when oppression thought fh to prosecute . Lei the evidence brought against the Glasgow Cotton Spinners of more than twenty years standing be a warning to the Miners . To close , then , with their case , let them hold all noa-Uniori i in contempt , in utter contempt , as willing underground unearthly slaves ; but let them not either coerce , insult , or otherwise interfere with them . Let them measure their power against tneir oppressor ' s might ; and let them be as sure as that an All-wise God rules over them that the combined power of the righteous will overcome and finally destroy tho united maohinations of ti «
ungodly . Let them be mild in langnge , firm in resolve , and bold in action . Let the cause of each 1 * the cause of all ; and iheir motto be—When one Collier is oppressed , then are the Miners of the Empire oppressed and insulted . Make no distinction between Chartist Miners , Whig Miners , Torj Miners , Free-Trade Miners , Orange Miners , 0 £ Republican Miners . Let not the Catholio laugh rf the conscientious Ranter ; nor the Ranter mock the scruples of his Catholic brother . Let each worship as he pleases in a religious point of view , and then all will equally worship the social rights of the undivided body . If the Miners are but true to ihetQr selves , no power on earth can overcome them . And .
in order to give strength , stability , and permanent to their grand and glorious undertaking , we trust that , be it short , or be it long , the Conference will continue its sittings until their whole work 13 doBe , and well done . Now turn we to the consideration of the forthcoming representation of the Chartist body . If * look for evident and striking signs of the progress of Chartist principles we have only to direct attention to that unity of purpose and action into whi ^ Chartism has resolved itself within the last fi ^ years . The first Convention , though productive of much good , was constituted hastily , and witho ^
thought , of many opposing elements . It was * revived novelty , calculated to fascinate , without loading to much deliberation or thought . To ensuW " respectables" to represent principles to whioh they pledged themselves , seemed to be the great deside * ratum with the Chartist body in 1 « 39 . The lessofl * however , taught by the trickery , treachery , ** & de .-ertion of those " respectables" have bad their due weight with the working classes ; mrl haTe lei thorn to the conclusion , that if their work is to ba done it must be done by themselves . H ence in eTer * succeeding Convention that has taken place , w e fin * the number of " respectables , " considerably && ' nished ; and the better performamce of there qai * *
duties the natural [ consequence . The unimpeded flow of this new current <» thought and actioa considerably limits our duty >» Journalists ; and we find it the less neoessary w throw out any suggestions or advice to w&
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In con = egaence of the difficulty in proouring the ib- / ve publication , wo have been compelled to disappoint many of our agents . We bf g now to state tirnt it may be had upon application at the Northern Star Office " , Leeds , or at Mr . Hobson ' 3 , JJockseller ana Nevrs Agent , Market Walk , Hudderbfield .
O'Connor's Letter To Hill Akd W Atkins.
O'CONNOR'S LETTER TO HILL AKD W ATKINS .
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TTO THE JOTTRNETMEN TAILOBS OF THE TTNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN A 5 D IRBLAlfD . Fellott VTorsjiet ; , —Am opg the raried anomilies which disfcmgmsn our unhappy country above all others of Which ire nave "hitherto received any account , cony presents s more melancholy prominence or is so positively irjurisus to the common weal , &s the following —tfcafc every imerat In the state bnt that of labour is legally protected . This sole source of wealth ib left to the mercy of tTei-y withering ii fl-ieDce 3 through the Criminal indiffert-nce and neslect of persona in authority ; and the disastrous inattention of the wefkiag classes ihemselTea to tbsir best interests . Had the -working population fcnt xtfiected , aa they should have done , that
Capital is the prodnce of labour , and that , without labour capital must ever rtmiin idle , they would ( by a proper tmd , istanding -with each other ) have made capital the haBumaid of labour and lubservleiit to the best in torts ta of society . S&d experience has taught the working cla ??« s wherein -they bsTs erred : It Das proven that they haveksendoing * vtiything but tho right ; that they bars allotted themselves to become the degraded victims of misapplied capital ; and that through their untappy dissensions an 4 isolated views , they have-fattened » isd enriched the drones , "but impoverished and starved the bees . Ifor can it ever be otherwise until the wcifcias © bases fc-wsie from their mesmeric sites—learn
jceir ovn power—employ their intellect and energies in concert—and "with a holy determinaiion resolve thai Oieir labour shall be protected ; that they ¦ will no lonsrer remain the impoverished hiaves of misapplied capitai ; ihftt a fair d&ys -wages aball be paid for a fair day's work . This requires no more for its accompiishm ? Et \ y > xn t&e ¦»}!! ; and as society is composed of parts , and bach part composed of persons , a&d the complaints peeuliarto each are best understood by those immediately affected by them , were the trades property to bestir themselves , and unite their several members for the protection of those interests peculiar to each , the result \ rould be cf a most satisfactory character .
. ZBcing desirous that the Tailors . should stt an rxarople of prudence , ecsrxy , and unity , in the Slar of Maicb 2 , I supplied you -with the principles on ¦ wcicb a general movfment for the recovery of the trade , is most satuv fact' -rily progressing . That yon msy properly nnder-Etsnd the oVjecta < jf the movement , I ¦ will state tfctm most explicitly ; and at tha same time invite ail members of the trade to assist in their attainment by joining the movraGent . 1—To form a union of the entire trade , in town and country , on just and equitable principles , and of such a character that honest employers in every i-.-caiity , and in all parts of the United "KisgdGai skall find it t&eir interest to support it , and to obtain far it the protection of the law . 2—To reconcile unhappy differences among journeymen , and promote a mutual g&od understanding between respectable employer * » n § men , for the protection of the trai ' . e , snd the oomuien interest cf alK
3—To make amicable arrangements ¦ with respectable employer * of all grades , and supersede the necessity fur strikes by the substitution of arbitration ; the arbitrators to be composed ol an equal number of master tailors and journeymen . 4—To remove from our trade its greatest repr . ^ Ecb , namely , out-door iaboar , and thus destroy the accars-d lystein of ' tweatini :, " and ite attendant &bomio&Ut > r-s , Jjy inducing roaster tailors to confine their wwi to workshops provided by themselves , and under their Oira controul . B—To regulate the houra of labour according to the supply and demand , mike ( if necessary ) ihe day s -tverfe ten hours , to create a idgxj equal distribution of labour , in ci ' -ler that one man may not cave from ten to sixteen hours' ncrk per dsy , "while his tqaally talecUKi and Reserving , but less fortunate brother , is starving for "want of espWyment .
S- " -To provide a fund for the relief of the Kck , the Bged , and unemployed members of onr trade , s . uil to bury our dead , and to make it the intertot of ail tu- ^ st traders to eoclrifeute towards its support . 1—To establish as soon * s possible » well defined ¦ sale of prices in each locality , framtd according to tne standard admitted by respectable eiaplejtis in the locality -where such scale may be introduced . 8—To stein iby the f oresoing legitimate means ) the torrent of unprincipled competition ; and thus preserve honest traders from ruin , the psblic from tie iHjjMnt impositions practised on their credulity by pn-ftssedly cbMp tailors , and secure a fair day ^ s -wiges for a fair day ' s work . the
On the attainment of these oVgoc ^ ba'ags aalva-Bon of oar trade : eo other mode cen acccropiish it To this the "whole body of the trade , irdading masters and man , must direct their attention , a all -will ultimately "be lost . Masters and men sust be honest to each ether and to themselves ; there roust be io hjpoerifical delicacy cr ibelish tt * rs ; out a . trakh * fcrs-&rd manly way of doing busincES . This 13 the m&s * . h > sourable , cs it "will pr * ve the most successful The surplus labour will be taktn fran Hie market of eoiEpetiSon . ! The journeyman be fairly paid for bis labcur , hava a fair > Uare of it , and be provided with a itbstantial Satnroay night . " Masters and men will view each etber as friends ; mutual suspicion will £ ive » sy to -mutual confidence ; fcarmeny to restored ; and the community at larce ta bsurfitted by the change .
To carry out tbese objscts " ^ ith ifitct , a National Delegation is inaispensabla ; and as it is to bo holden in London , on the 8 th of April , each city , to-wn . boiough should strain every nerve , regardless o > the exp 9 E * 9 , to be represented in the delegate meeting . Small 4 o"wes -will do * -well to join together for the puTp-jsa . Ho time is to B 3 lost Already too mue ' has -beta &acrifioed . Let those row begin to be rational -who br / re hitherto purniad the contrary course , and all -win be VelL Of the necessity for this delegation it is stfikiei : t to observe , that -without it , the JjhIm itself , will Y 2 contrary to law : that by it tee intelligence of the trade ¦ will be collected from diff = rem parts , and a plan of general orgar ' zstion , suitable fcr town and country , adopted , satisfactory to all parties , and adequate to the end .
Whatever place inr-audB Bending a delegate should Bead an intimation to that effect , to London , f ^ ur days previous to the meeting at least-I am , your obedient servant , FS . XHCIS PaBEOTT , President s > f thfc Metropolitan Jnui'ia ' Trade Protection Society . 11 , little Cross-street , Islington .
The Southern Star. Saturday, March 23, 1844.
THE SOUTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 23 , 1844 .
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has passed away , principle will present itself through the dissipated mist , even to the eyes of the now wilfully blind . Yes ! the attempt of the traducer of English Chartists and English women , to turn the cor rent of Irish feeling to the account of Sturgisn , and restoration of Whiggery , will fail ! The handwriting is on the wall ! ThoHgh Ireland and her patriot ! dare not be honest , England and her people will not be sold !
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. 4 THE NORTHERN STAR Mabch 23 , 1843 /
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 23, 1844, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1257/page/4/
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