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Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th March 1846, Edition 1 of 3, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • BANKRUPTS. , .
    • , THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, MARCH 14,1846.
    • THOttiaS COOPSB. THE CHA&TIST'I WORKS.
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  • Text (9)
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      This du v is Published , Foolscap Svo ., Cleth , Price 7 s . Gi ., THE ARISTOCRACY OF IJXGLAXD : A History for the People . Uy John IlmnpOen , Jun . —London :

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      REDUCTION OF PRICES . THE Trials of the Fifty-nine CHARTISTS , published in Eight Parts , at Sevenpence each , now offered in complete sets , at One Shilling per set . The same done up in cloth , with portrait , title , &ii ., Two Shillings per copy . Portraits , which lrora time to time have been presented with the Northern Star , and latterly sold at One Shilling each , now offered at Threepence each : —Richard Oastler , Robert Emniett , John Frost , John Collins , P . II . Hc'Douall , the Rev . J . R . Stephens . View of Monmouth Court House during the Trial of Frost , Williams , and Jones . The First Convention . Letters of F . O'Connor , Esq ., to Daniel O'Conoell , Esq . Published at One Shilling each , offered at Foui'pence . Price Fourpenee , The Employer and Employed . By F . O'Connor , Esq .

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      [ from the Gezett * of Friday , March 6 th . ] James Shaw , Knightsbridge , licensed Victualler—John nankins , Holyport , Berks , butchtr—Benjamin Louis Meyer Rothschild , Great Queen-street , Lincoln's-innfields , diamond merchant—Richard Blacklecks , Lydd , Knit , innkeeper—Ann Martin , Sturminstar Newton , Dorsetshire , linen-draper—Thomas Lupton and WuMiam Binglcy Lnpton , Leeds , flax-spinners—William Boond , jun ., Manchester , stretcher—Jolra M'Gibbon , Urernool , boot and shoemaker—Thomas Maguire , Birmingham , draper—James David Cripps Wheeler , Torpoint , Cornwall , victualler— Sinmel Boord , Bristol , woollen draper —John Clougb , Iluddersfield , York , chemist and druggist —Benjamin Clark , Leeds , corn factor—George Williams , Bristol , watchmaker—James Hastings , Monmonth , draper .

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      ! { b ;; . ¦ ¦ ' ¦;• • notice . - . _ ¦;¦* ' ¦ ¦ ' :: The great length at . which . we . have reported the debates in Parliament , and the glorious insurrection in Poland , has reluctantly compelled us to , withhold , our weekly summary . However , we could : not abridgethose matters .

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      . FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . The great length at which we have reported the debate on Mr . Dtocombe ' s motien would render anj extensive commentary unnecessary , had not th < lawyer members , and a portion of the press , succeedec to a considerable extent in so mystifying the case as to puzzle the . brains of ordinary men . Of the debate itself , and the temper in which it was conducted , we shall first speak . Mr . Duncombe , in his opening speech , . displayed all the tact of a practised advocate , the shrewdness of a . senator , and the feelings of s gentleman . The honourable member for Finsburj saw the difficulties with which the case was surrounded , and the consequent necessity of limiting

      the debate as much as possible to the humane and merciful portion of the subject ; and in this he succeeded , even beyond our most sanguine expectations . There are men , it , is true , who , with such a theme for oratory and display , would have established a character for eloquence , philanthropy , and patriotism , regardless of the damage that such course might entail upon their clients . Not so with Mr . Duhcombi , however ; for it was manifest that whenever the sudden burst of overfeeling was calculated to carry the discussion beyond the limits within which it was necessary to restrain it , its expression was instantly ' checked ; and all thought of display was mergtd in public ! duty , and the interest of those whose cause he had undertaken . ; .. i '; . . : :. '

      i So completely had Mr . Ddncombe succeeded in his judiciouB opening-speech , that even' Graham himself was melted into softness , and , fettered to the stake of mercy . His speech was just such a speech as should at all times characterise England ' s Home Secretary . It was tender , humane , and merciful , and -stripped ef that repulsive Ministerial caution which sometimes leads ordinary men to look upon Ministers of the Crown as bespoke for their respective offices . Indeed , so far had Sir James Graham committed the Grown to the release of the prisoners , that we feel convinced that had the debate closed

      after his speech , Mr . Duncombe would have abstained from dividing the house . The unfortunate member for the city of Edinburgh , however , with that distinguishing characteristic of unsightly men , which puts them out of sort with everything human and divine , seized the opportunity of rending the tether of the Home Secretary , and of expanding the field of discussion commensurate with his own unbounded antipathy and spleen . He ground his hurdy-gurdy , as is his custom , upon the old tune of Chartist avowal and Chartist intentions , with a few variations . He dwelt , with peculiar emphasis ; upon the notion of a plebeian linen-draper establishing himself as President of an English republic ; but he forgot the rapid transition of a briefless pauper barrister , who pleaded

      in forma pauperis before the electors of Leeds so successfully as to induce them , not only to pay the expenses of his election , but even for his board and lodging , whilst he imposed upon them by professions of the gigantic performances which must result from his return ; but they have not forgotten that lie sold them for £ 10 , 000 a-year ! He also had the audacity to taunt FnosT with his cowardice , but he forgot that he evacuated the " Invincible , " surrounded by 30 , 000 excited confederates , upon the approach of Richard Oastlkr and not more than 200 of the working classes ! Ho forgot that he scampered off , leaving his supporters to secure their own safety as best they could . This man did the question all the damage that he could .

      Mr . D'Israeli followed , and did the cause not less damage . Like all men without fixed principles or humanity , the condition of ' Frost-and his fellows was to him but a mist , through which he saw his own disappointment , his own party , and his own enemies . He merged the question in the one consideration of self . " The speech of Saint -Harry Inolis was not a SOBER reflection of his Christian heart , it was the reflex of his jolly face , more cheering upon the occasion than we have seen it for some time . He spoke rather in favour of the motion , but voted against it .

      The speech of Mr . Wakley , in reply , was a good speech , an able speech , a telling speech for his clients , and a cutting sarcasm upon the construction of the House . . The speech of the Hon . James Wort-IiBt , brother of Lord Wharncliffb , Judge-Advocate and leading counsel for the Chartists who were tried in 1840 at York and Liverpool , was just what Mr . Duscombe characterised it—" a vindictive , sanguinary , and blood-thirsty speech ; " and , in order to strengthen the position of the Crown , this government hack assured the House , that , upon his conscience , he believed the Newport riots had been the

      cause of the outbreaks at Sheffield and Bradford ! Such was the language of the Honourable James Wortlet in the House of Commons on the 10 th of March , 1816 . Let us now see what the [ hired declarations , of this honourable gentleman were on March the 11 th , 1840 , when defending those very Yorkshire Chartists . The Honourable James Stuaut Wortmt said , that "he had a perfect right to taunt the Attorney-General with having used Harmsoh , the spy , as the means of getting up this outbreak . lie reminded the learned gentleman that the Solicitor General at Newport defended the principle of

      employing spies , but he denied that there was any connection whatever between the two cases . He unhesitatingly asserted that the government had justified recourse to open violence to change the law , by having resorted to it themselves TO ACCOMPLISH THE REFORM BILL . " Again , in April , 1840 , when defending the Chartists at Liverpool , the learned gentleman said , " That there was no doubt of the abstract proposition that Englishmen had a right to the possession of arms for aelf-defence , and that , if thenationalcompnct were really broken , they had a right to RESORT TO STRONG

      MEASURES . Now , that ' s strong language for a Minister to have used ; but , perhaps , legal ingenuity may be called to his aid to furnish a case of infraction of compact . Well , the whole of the speech of the learned gontlemanatlork , as well as that at Liverpool , went to establish the fact , that the COMPACT HAD BEEN BROKEN , not only by the enactment of the Reform Bill , but by the means resorted to by the Ministers of the Crown for carrying the measure . But if that is not sufficient ground , we state the Poor Law Amendment Act as more than proof that the compact was broken .

      'The ¦ speech of Sir Robert Peel was a more cautious retractation of the merciful hope hold out by Sir James Graham , ' and a Ministerial fencing of the prerogative of the Crown . The speech of Lord John Rcssell was such as , apart from all other considerations , would incline us to regard his accession to office as an assurance of the restoration of Frost , Williams , and Jones , and struck us as an open bid made with that very view . Such was the character of the debate , closed by a slashing summary from

      Mr . Duncombb . Here he was more unlettered , and had more extensive ground to . go upon , and here he shone as a debater , fiis appeal to Macaulky , why he had not stood up for the prerogative of the Crown in the case of the Canadian rebels , was unanswered and unanswerable ; while his denunciation of Mr . Woktley's cold-blooded speech must have been withering to the honourable gentleman . Having said so much upon the debate , we now turn to a consideration of the two important points relied upon by the Crown—firstly , the point of law ; secondly , that

      of prerogative . In point of law , said Sir J . Graham , Mr . Wortley , and Sir Robert Peel , the parties have but a mere fiction to stand upon , because the only benefit that would have accrued from the timely settlement of the point in their favour would have been a , postponement

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      of the triar . uniil the ^ iri ' fdrmalities had been corrected ...: M are not , so much astonished at Sir Robert Pbbl and Sir Jambs Graham , civilians , being led into this error , as we are astonished at hearing go ' , monstrous a doctrine propounded ; by ari English barrister . In every case , whether civil or criminal , the-whole pleadings up to- execution are so many fictions , and execution executed is alone the end of the law . Now , we will put a case in civil action . Suppose the plaintiff has committed such an irregularity in any one of the requisite stages as must

      bo fatal to his cause , we ask whether defendant ' s counsel would not rely upon such informality as a justifiable reason for diminished activity ? Tor instance , if the hearing of the case required the production of several witnesses from several parts of the kingdom , ' would not the informality in the plaintiffs proceedings justif y defendant ' s counsel in arresting the attendance of those witnesses ? Now , see the parallel . The trial of Frost , in whose behalf the point was raised , lasted eight days ; and who will say , that from more than a fiction , it may be fairly presumed that the strong reliance of counsel upon the reserved

      point did r not lead to less activity than might have been otherwisftused ? In fact , we are aware that such was the case , and-we are aware that the whole case was proceeded with under this conviction ; and , therefore , the only rational conclusion is , even admitting the position of Mr . Wortley , that the men have never yet been . legally tried . But then humanity , upon the part of Mr . Maule , is pleaded as a reason for this informality . It is . asserted that the prisoners were rather ' benefited than injured by the irregularity . Let us see . The fact is , that the indictment furnished for the instruction of the prisoners

      by the humane Mr . Maulb never reached them . It was purchased from the solicitor of one of them by Mr . Powell , the correspondent of the rimes , and served upon that journal , and . not upon the prisoners , This we have from Mr . Powbll ' s own lips , who , in presence of . the ; ' attorney' whb ; spld it , said , in a dispute , , V You know it ' s . false , y 6 u know the prisoners never saw the indictment ; you know that I bought it , and paid for it ; and there ' s the purse that the money came from ! " Then , with regard to the

      humane Mr . Maule , he was sworn upon this point , although the evidence is carefully withheld , and he swore that he had not given this humane instruction to any of his clerks upon which the point was raised ; when a noble-spirited young ' fellow , without being sworn , started up and said , " Yes , sir , you gave me orders when you were going away to serve the documents precisely as they were served . " ThiaamzctM ciirice was met with astern " Sit down , sir ; " and the humane Mr . Maulb blushed red as scarlet . Now this fact can be proved on oath .

      Upon the whole , then , quite agreeing with the fifteen judges who decided that , if the point had been raised at an earlier period , the result would have been a new trial , we nevertheless assert that the men have never been tried . What is the reason that the law requires strict compliance with so many nice legal technicalities in criminal cases ? It is because there is not the same extensive appeal in those cases that there is in mere misdemeanours ; and we shall ever contend , that , if there was a much less flaw than that Baid to be fatal by six of the ablest judges , the prisoners were entitled to acquittal . We now come to the question of mercy , which is whimsically reserved as the

      attribute of the Crown . We ask if that course has not been taken in the numerous memorials presented by Sir James Graham ? We ask if the significance of those memorials , and their value , is not construed for her Majesty by the Home Secretary himself ? Well , then , what more legitimate course than to convey the full force of public opinion through the House of Commons to the Home Secretary ! aud through that functionary to the Crown ? That it has been used in innumerable minor cases is an undeniable factin fact , ' tliat it is the rule , and not the exception . Wh y , then , attempt to make an exception in a case in which 3 , 000 , 000 of petitioners have evinced a deep and intense interest ?

      We shall return to the subject again , because the tone of the debate rather leads us to hope than to despair ; and because there is something due to the TI 1 REE MILLION petitioners who have thus , in less than three weeks , nobly done their duty to their exiled friends . Who will now say that the Chartists are a disorganised body ? And with this observation we weuld conclude , twere it not for the stern necessity imposed upon us for devoting a word of comment upon the position of her Majesty ' s Solicitor-General . He was the counsel for Frost , and assured us of . the validity of the point ; and yet

      when the case of his client was re-heard on Tuesday night , he sat as a prostitute , with sealed lips , as far as the interest of his client was concerned , but whispering icounsel into the ears of his new masters . We would ask , is the style and character of a gentleman to be thus merged in the officialj ? And may . not the barrister , in truth , be designated as a prostitute who hires himself for the indiscriminate support of ri ght and wrong ? It was painful to see the heart that was roused to sympathy for the cold-blooded murderer , seared against mercy when pleaded on behalf

      of his client and his victim . The honourable gentleman reminds us of the Irish attorney , who was EMPLOYED for the plaintiff , but CONCERNED for the defendant . We by no means despair of the restoration of our friends , while we return thanks for the nation to their advocate , who hag so . nobly pleaded their cause against such fearful prejudice s and odds ; nor can we withhold our thanks from the brave minority who supported him ; while , with God ' s blessing , the Molesworths , the Brothertons , the

      Protherobs , the Napiers , the Foxes , the Phillipses , and the Christies , the " worst of all , shall feel the full measure of our vengeance when they dare to present themselves upon the public hustings . Nor shall the runaways , Cobden andBniom—who skulked out of the . House just previous to the division—escape . Our next petition shall be to a new House , signed by five millions , and accompanied to the door of the House by five hundred thousand ,, praying for the restoration . of the men and the enactment of our principles .

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      that the intelligence given is meagr t . unsatisfactory , and often contradictory . A number ' of tho French journals , with every disposition to aerie the Polish cause , are , nevertheless , as bad off as ourselves , inasmuch as th . ey , too , have to depend for the most part upon the German papers , whichpapersbeing subjected to the ceniorship ' , are anything but safe guides when reporting a struggle like the present . The following facts are , however , certain : —1 st . That an extensive "cORSpiracy" exists throughout ^ Poland , not

      confined to any one of the divisions , but embracing the entire . country . 2 nd . That the city , of Cracow , the ancient capital of Poland , has been taken possession of , and held by the patriots . 3 rd . That the sympathy of , the German people for , and with the revolutionists , is of the most enthusiastic character , and if tke Poles can hold out but a very short time—a few weeks , or perhaps days—the Rhine , as well as the Vistula , will be the scene of revolution .

      The courage and devotion ef the Revolutionists must command the admiration of Europe . Men sacrificing their private property—priests stripping the churches of their treasures—the Jews offering their wealth and credit—undisciplined men , armed with scythes , combatting and vanquishing the forces of one of the first military states in the world—women renouncing the natural timidity of their sex , and , : sabre in hand , encouraging their fathers , husbandV and brothers , to die for their country and liberty : these noble sacrifices present a spectacle which must move the heart and fire the veins of the lovers of liberty in every land .

      Not loss deserving of our admiration are the principles proclaimed by the members of the Provisional Government . Their manifesto appeared in our fourth edition of last week , and will be repeated in all our editions this week . The principles set forth in that document are our principles , the principles of democratic Europe . Poland has been too long cursed witli .- ( Classdistinctions , the privileges of caste , the tyranny and slavery of opposite castes . This lias been the source of all her evils and calamities . This made her nobles tyrannical , factious , and licentious

      and her peasants slavish , apathetic , and brutal . But for this radical wrong in the constitution of Polish society , the several partitions of the country by the crowned brigands of Russia , Austria , and Prussia , would never have been consummated . ' This caused the failure of the insurrection of 1830 . And if the present struggle shall end in ruin , we are convinced it will be principally owing to this mournful factthe brutalisation of the peasantry , the consequence of the system of " privilege" wliich is not yet extinct in Poland .

      Now , the Revolutionists propose to change all this . " Let there be no more privileges . From this moment we recognise not any difference , " Here is adeclara . tion of ; perfect political liberty . Again : — " Let us endtavour to establish a community , where each shall enjoy the goods of the earth according to his merit and his tajiacity . The nation shall have the absolute property of the land , which to-day is only enjoyed by some . '' Here is a return to justice—the Laud declared National Property , and each man promised the fall fruits of his labour . This is what in the Old World and in the New the enlightened people demand . This is what , the working men of Britain are bent upon obtaining . This forms the ever-growing , and yet to be

      the all-absorbing question in the United States , on the solution of which depends the existence of that great republic . This practical equality , proclaimed and combatted for by France in ' 93 , the Polish patriots now offer as the prize of victory . Lastly , the manifesto appeals to the Polish people to fight only against tyrants and their armed slaves— "for we jight not against nations , but aqainst their oppressors . " Here la the hand of brotherhood held out to all men , without which true freedom cannot be achieved or maintained . " Equality , Liberty , Fraternity , " the old watchword which half a century ago thrilled the hearts of the nations , is again sounded on the banks of the Vistula—shall it be sounded in vain ?

      What are the chances of success ? In Posen , the insurrection has been paralysed by the arrest of the leaders . Not less than a thousand nobles , landed proprietors , and others , are in prison , including som of the men on whom the success of the revolt mainly depended . On the 3 rd , an attempt was made to liberate the prisoners , which was unsuccessful ; but the very attempt shows that the Revolutionists are not crushed even in Posen . The accounts from Gallicia are so obscure and contradictory that it is difficult to form an opinion of the state of things there . The German journals represent the towns to be ripe

      for revolt , while , on the other hand , the peasantry are said to be on the side of the Austrians , or at least , aiding them by a merciless destruction of their masters . At the time we write ( Thursday evening ) the latest news , as derived from , the Universal Prussian Gaxette of the 7 th , announces that Cracow was entered on the 3 rd by the Russian troops ; but this as yet requires confirmation . It is remarkable that this intelligence gives no particulars of the entry of the Russians—whether they entered with or without opposition ; whether the patriots submitted themselves prisoners , or whether they

      evacuated the city . If Cracow has been taken , whether forcibly or otherwise , and ifalso the main body of the patriots have retired without being crushed , ' it wil ] be but a transfer of the insurrection , likely to lead to a speedy extension thereof . An agent of the Provisional Government of Cracow arrived in Paris on Monday , and he stated that the patriots ; meant not to defend Cracow ; that only one of theTthree expeditionary columns which left Cracow ' had been dispersed , that another had established itself on the

      Carpathian mountains , while the third ( erroneousl y stated to have been defeated by Geseral Eenedck ) had entered Yaroslaw ( half way between Cracow and Leraberg ) , and that the peasants of that country were well disposed towards their cause . Letters from Corn-land of the 24 th ult . state that , in Semogitia ( now the Government of Wilna ) , tranquillity " prevailed , but the province was ready for revolt . Success in that direction would be of the utmost importance , because it would facilitate the arrival of arms and stores .

      > But whether victory or defeat shall be the result of this struggle , the people of this country have certain duties to perform irrespective of all such considerations . Right is ever ri ght , independent of success or failure . Tho Polish patriots have right on their side ; and he who aids them not , by every means in Ids power , is a traitor to tho human race . We commend to our readers the beautiful address by the Poles to the Prussian people , which address we know

      is heartily responded to by our German brothers , and which response they will give ' evidence of ere long , if this struggle is not immediatel y brought to an end . The greatest agitation pervades Germany , and it is with difficulty the revolutionary spirit is held in check . France , paralysed by the libcrticidal sway of Louis Philippe , at first viewed this manifestation of Polish life with apathy—but that apath y exists no longer . A committee of eminent men has been

      formed to watch over and aid the insurrection and all the liberal journals are devoting their energies to influence public opinion in > half of Poland . " Subscriptiona of money are pouring in ); and so far is public sympathy awakened ,, that even the aristocratic Opera-houso is occupied by armed police to prevent the audience ; expressing , by their cries , regard for Poland . What are we doing ! What manifestation has the British people given of their sympathy with Poland ? , Hear what is expected of us : —

      We demand , says the CounierFrancais . tho intervention of the govOTnmant in favour of Poland , an immediate intervention by arms-should it be necessary , for the mo mentof action is come for France and for the govern ment , If war alone . can savo Poland , we wish for ww In suck a holy war every chance would be in our favour ' We shouldi have all G ermany with us , we should have Hungary , Italy , Bohemia , and all nations which possess neither independence nor liberty . We UmU have £ nghnd imthn , and of this m , haU have the proof to-norroxv I the Lnghsh journals Micft «» spuk of tht sympathies « J « 3 tn . ioudon uy tflg Woio # > rts of tke inimyenti of CvaZ But why do we speak of war ? If M . Guizot haHfe least courage ; if h . were tho real nriukter of the xovohi turn of JuljMI . Guizot would save Voland , and V >( J Zja l » ot CxchanS « a ball with the oppressors of twt 2

      Untitled Article

      & , » : j y _ -, j / , - .- icountry . S . ead 50 , 000 men to ' tn < rRhine ; send fio . OOg men to the foot of the Alps ; 1 st your fleet keep ~ th » passage free across the . Black Sea ^ and ' that will be suf , ficlent . Let us not be told of the power of Austria , or of Pruisia , or of Russia , for it is . evident they would fce at your mercy . You become atone * the arbiters of Europe , and the present mendacious balance of power in Europe would be changed for one strongly constituted on the un . perishable principle of our two great molution » . Alas ! the English journals , the Courtier Francis go confidentially looked forward to , would give no sign of British sympathy with Poland , with the

      exeeption of one journal , the Morning Advertiser . The rest of the London daily papers either advocate the cause of the oppressors of Poland , or abuse the patriots for what they call their "ill-timed , " "ill-advised , " " unfortunate , " " hopeless , " &c ., struggle . If , then , there has been no manifestation of public opinion in * this country , the people are not so much to blame as those false leaders of public opinion , the journalists , who , instead of creating and guiding , too often burh or mislead the public mind . There is another party whose iilence is inexcusable ; we speak of tha men who have been accustomed to patronise the Polish cause . Where is Lord Dudlet Stdartand

      , his aristocratic friends ? Where is Dr . Bowring , and his liberal friends ? Why has there not been a metropolitan demonstration before now ? Even yet shall there not be one ? Excepting the conductors of the press , we reproach ho one ; we ask their sympathy ior Poland even yet , at the eleventh hour . The parties we have named are men of wealth and influence ; and therefore can best take tho lead in this suggested manifestation of sympathy . But to the people we also appeal . " For our liberty and yours , " was the motto of the

      Poles , and still is . Working men of Britain , their c-iuse is your eause , the cause of universal freedom and j ustice . If you cannot give physical aid to your brethren , at least give them the moral aid of your sympathy . If you cannot give pounds , at least give penoe . Money it wanted and will be wanted , and however small the sum given , the giver proves by hia gift the sincerity of his sympathy . Let not our French brothers shame us . Let us , too , have our subscription . Who will be the first to give a pound , a shilling , or a penny for Poland ? We are poor , but we will not be the last .

      We abhor war , we deplore the fatal necessity fo the straggle bow deluging Poland with blood , but on the heads of Nicholas and his fellow-tyrants be the responsibility of the blood now flowing . By theic robbery of a nation ' s rights—by their savage persecution of a noble people-b y their flogging of women and destruction of children—b y their war against thought , and the other hellish means they have employed to establish tyranny in the place of freedom , ignorance in the place of knowledge , misery in the place of happiness , and barbarism in the place of civilisation ; they have provoked the present struggle , which we earnestly pray may result in the discomfit ture of the tyrants and the triumph of their victims . Blood shed in such a cause is well shed ; may it not be poured in vain !

      " Though foul are the drops that oft distil On tho field of slaughter , blood like this Tor liberty shed , so holy is , It would not atain the purest rill That sparkles in this bowers of bliss . 0 ! if there ba on this earthly sphere , A sight , an offering heaven holds dear , 'Tis the last libation liberty draws From the heart that bleed 3 and breaks in her cause . "

      Untitled Article

      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Tire debate , on the motions of Messrs . Etwall and Christie , with reference to the Andover Union , and the conduct of the Poor Law Commissioners , scarcely falls within the retrospect of the week . There were , however , some circumstances connected with it , which , takeu in connection with the brief notice we could only give in our postscript last week , will warrant a . few additional remarks , At the time the inquiry took place into the mingled tissue of cruelty and lust which spread disgust and indignation throughout the country , we were of opinion that it would inflict the most deadl y blow on this infernal law which hU

      ever previously been aimed at it . The result has justified our ¦ expectations . Disgraceful as were tLa revelations made during the inquiry at Andover , under Mr . Parker , the political turpitude disclosed on the part of the men in office far exceeds it . The Cerberus of Somerset House stands not only convicted of systematic and relentless warfare against honest poverty , but of meanness the most disgusting , falsehood the most infamous . The conduct of the Official Administrators of this exquisite specimen of modern legislature wouM have been bad in the superlative degree , had Sir James Graham not been in existence , and Secretary at the Home Office . We all

      recollect Punch ' apt and striking picture of " Peel ' s little Dirty Boy , " in which the right honourable baronet ' s ptnehant for dabbling in the sewers was so graphically pourtrayed . He has quite a genius for dirt , and contrives "in the lowest depth to find a deeper still . " In the debate on this subject all the peculiarities of the Graham idiosyncrasy were brought into full play . He bsgan by trying to stop the discussion altogether , by sneering at the matter as a mere " workhouse ^ squabble in the south of England , " and pathetically lamenting "that so much of the precious time of the House should be wasted" on . such a trivial subject ; and then proceeded to explain

      and justify , in his peculiar style-admitting here , qualifying there , and . insinuating in the otherplaceuntil he thought his usual point was gained , that Of mystifying the House , and raising a cloud of dust under cover of which he mi ght escape . U pon this occasion ; however , he had to deal with parties who were not to be thrown off the scent . To Mr . Christik especially we are indebted for the reproduction in . Parliament of a" peep behind the scenes , ' given by the dismissed Assistant Commissioner Pauker , which iB oi a most edifying description ; Words would only weaken th | 3 account of a rehearsal at the Home

      Office , preparatory to an appearance on the floor o St . Stephen ' s / inftply to some ugly question or other It is taken fromHhe speech of Mr . Christie :- ' He would read to the house a memorandum of the conversation which took place between Mr . Parker and Sir J Graham , when the former called at the Home-office by desire of Sir James . ' Mr . Parker assured him ( Mr . Christie ) that tho memorandum to which he referred was substantially correct , that it was made immediatel y after the conversation closed , and that his recoUection haa not . since ' then furnished him with any additional parti , ciilars which could in any respect be considered material : —

      " After adverting to tho facts disclosed in the depoii tions , Sir James observed— 'I ' ve stated in the House of Commons' that the commissioners cannot prereut the boards of guardians from employing tho inmates of work houses at this bone-crushing ; I was ri ght in savin" - sn was I not ? ' ' ° "» " Mr . Parker .-I think not ; I hare no doubt whatever that the commissioners possess authority to issue re . S ^ onsby winch such labour n > ay be putVa proper ^• Sir ' janios . -I . thatso ? Are you sure you are " S iriam , inrw / « " »«» * V opinion : Sir Edmund Head , one of the Poor Law Commis skraers , was » nuounced , and Sir James Graham repeS oh , m whathe hadsaidin the House of Commas Sll ing the powers of boards ofguardiaastoenXtE * mates of workhouses in bone-crushing ; afldiL ¦ Mr ^ SSSSSSSS ^ r ^^ -AA

      " Sir Edmund . -I think we can do so , but-Sir James . _ I do not likethis kind of employment in 2 khouse 8 ; we shallhavesoffieconfo uuded £ rblno " " lirT ™ ^ 1 am 80 rry t 0 hear > » y «<>• . r £ S f ^^ r 8 - o ^ r ^ r : not countenanced this descri ption of labour , haveyou S , r Edmuna . -No , but we h » ve not discouraged U 'Mr . Parker , handing Sir Edmund a copy of the com . ZnoTto l l r 8 qUirinf ? Wa J farers an " »« oh casual Ba ? n tf a ? CerUin 9 uantit y . <> f bones before eavng the Andover workhouse , in return for a night ' s odg , ng and Jood . ' said ' In the case of mentf ca « ts such labour hM been directed by an ord . r of the comm £ uZcuouT th < S COrtifiCate ° f the 3 Urseon tU * "

      "SirJameg ( taking the paper from Sir Edmund ) , 'Is that so 1-wh y it makes tU « case w «* t& . ' "Sir Edmund observed , that he regretted thnt Sir James entwtained such au opinion , aud that he did not think such iabour could be abandoned without giving offence to boards of guardians ' . " Sir James . —Now , what am I to teUthe / muse about this business « It will never do to produce Mr . Parker ' s re . port and these depositions , I will tell yon what I will say . I . will begin by adverts toboncwushing in workhouses ; then go on to say that Host no time in communicating with the comuu&sionossjVib . o fovttiwi . tim \ ftte&tyuii no in-

      Bankrupts. , .

      BANKRUPTS . , .

      , The Northern Star. Saturday, March 14,1846.

      , THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , MARCH 14 , 1846 .

      Untitled Article

      THE POLISH INSURRECTION . Back to the struggle—baffled in the strife , " War—war , " is still the cry— " War even to the knife !" — ' ¦ ¦ Byron . In ; another part of this paper our readers will find ample details , of the desperate struggle now raging i » unhappy Poland . The reports from that country for some'time past must have led our readers to expect this issue of the merciless system , to which the Poles have been subjected since 1831 . It is now seventy

      years since Poland was first assailed by her robberneighbours , arid despoiled of her national existenoe ; In the course of that time she has , however , never failed to protest against tke giant wrong of wliich she is tho victim , and '' sealed her several protests with tho blood of her children . Repeated insurrections have attested the vitality of Poland , and the unquenchable desire for freedom which stimulatss her sons . The insurrection , headed by Kosciusito , had been quelled but a few years when the insurrections o !

      1807 , 180 !) , and 1812 , .. followed in rapid succession . The glorious , thouglr unfortunate , ' insurrection of 1830-31 , will be within the recollection of all our readers . The battles fought , the victories won , tho superhuman courage of the Poles in that contest , exhibited under the most trying difficulties , need not to be recited here ; that struggle is embalmed in history , and , independent oi all other historical associations , would of itself suffice to ensure for Poland an undying name .

      Whether the present struggle will be more successful , or so protracted , it is impossible to foresee ; but when or how it may terminate , at the worst the restoration of Poland will not be lost , it will but be delayed . Although we have occupied several columns of our paper , with the details of tUe present insurrection , itiving , ill fact , all that the German and French Journals have furnished us with , we , nevertheless , feel

      Untitled Article

      ; * ' ¦ • • -i * . 1 ' ^ v i » ¦ # u f # 0 K- ¦ ¦ SI H ' T ' •¦•¦ ¦ r " •* t- ¦ «—¦• -- <¦ ¦ - ¦ - ¦¦ ¦ ¦ :- ¦¦¦¦ - ¦¦¦¦ ....- :.- ¦ -v : —' . — •¦^ ¦ Ti # iB ^ N-6 ' li ¥ MfeB ^~^^ V ^ . -- ¦ — ¦ : ,-.- ,- -.. ¦ . .. - ^ ¦ .,, , ^^ ^ y-, ,,,.., .,, ^^^ t

      Thottias Coopsb. The Cha&Tist'i Works.

      THOttiaS COOPSB . THE CHA&TIST'I WORKS .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 14, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1358/page/4/