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Northern Star (1837-1852), 5th September 1846, Edition 1 of 3, Page 4, DELEGATE MEETING OF FRAME WORK KNITTERS, Ac.

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    • O'CONNORVILLE.
    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY. SEPTEMBER 5, 1846.
    • DELEGATE MEETING OF FRAME WORK KNITTERS, Ac.
    • How ready. Tries One Shilling. TBK SECOND EDITIOS OF MY LIFE, OR OUR SOCIAL STATE , Part I. ¦
  • Adverts (5)
  • Text (11)
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      ,-. ¦ - . ..-. .- ¦ - ¦ - - - ' ¦ a - Poem , ""' " " ' " ' ' ' byERKEST JOSKS , Barrister at Law . We nope the author -will be encouraged hj the public to continue his memoirs . —Literary QazetU , An unequivocally strange and erentful history—Ossianic inits qmafity . —Morning Herald , Published by Mr . Xewby , 72 , Mo ; timer-street , Ca-renfish-square . Orders received by all booksellers . In the Press and shortly will be published , MY LIFE , Past II . By the same Author

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      TO TAILORS . Sow ready , THE LONDON aud PARIS SPRING and SUMMER FASHIOSS , far 184 C . By approbation of her MajeEty Queen Victoria , and bis Royal Highness Prince Albert , a splendidly coloured print , beautifullr executed published by BENJAMIN READ and Co ., 12 , Hartvtreet , Bloomsbury-squ&re , London ; and G . Berg r , Holy well-street . Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all booksellers , wheresoever residing . This superb Print will be accompanied with full size Riding Dress and Frock Coat patterns , a complete pattern of the new

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      A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . UBSDELL AND CO ., Tailors , are now making op - complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the rery best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change eolour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; Liveries equally cheap—at the Great Western Emporium , Kos . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London ; the noted house fur food black cloths , and patent made trousers . Gentlemen can choose the colour and quality of cloth from the [ trgest stock in Londan . The •«¦ t of cutting taught .

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      DAGTJRREOTYPE AND CALOTYPE . THE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICALS , PLATES CASES , and every other artici : used in making and mounting the above can be had of l . E ^ erton , Xol Temple-street , Whttefriars , London , descriptive Cata logucs gratis . LEREBOURS' celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET lENSES fer the MICROSCOPE , sent to any part of " the country at the following prices : —DeepPjwer , 68 s . ; Low 7 \ nve , 25 s , E ? ery article warranted . Practical instrucaons , Three G linens .

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      A meeting of Delegates from the Fancy Bobbin Het , Silk Blond , Lace , and Frame-work Knitters , of the Counties of Nottingham , Leicester , and Derby , was held on -Mon d ay , the 24 th ult ., in the Assemblyroom , of the " Dove and Rainbow" Inn , Parliament-Btreet , Nottingham . The meeting was most puuieronaly attended bj delegates from Mansfield , Leicester , Nottingham , Duffield , Sheepshead , Sneinton , Arnold , RuddLngton , Hyson Green , Thurmaston , Bulwell , HncknalTorkad . Radford , and other districts in which the above mentioned branches of our "Native Industry" are carried on . The routine business customary at a Conferencesuch as that now noticed—of the veritable representatives of the " order of Wealth Producers , " baring been transacted .

      Afr . ItoBsojr , ( of London ) from the Central Committee of the' National Association of United Trades , detailed the mode <> f action by which that important body had been enabled to bring a recent strike at Denbigh to a speedy and triumphant termination . Mr . R . then urged the fast superiority of a National combination of trades over mere sectional unions . Acting in accordance with the principle of " all for all , " their combined resources , energies , and ' might ' ¦ would be enlisted in upholding the interests , and securing the just requirements , of even the weaken among them;—the oppressors of any particular trade

      being regarded , and battled with , as the " common enemy" of all ! A mong the immense advantages resulting from such a concentration of their powers it might be menlionr-d that the impoverished trades would thus command the resources of their better remunerated brethren of the order of industry . Having a more comprehensive base—and embracing a far greater numb ? rof inembeis—than any insolated union , the National Aaociatioi would , consequently , possess a wider field for exertion . Hence they might not only adopt the most effectual means for preventing a reduction <> f ""aces , in any instance , but they "would secure to the industrious workman—whatever

      liig denomination—a just and adequate remuneration for his labour . Say . further , they would no longer be necessitated to behold the miserable spectacle of Working men , "on strike , " reduced—as hitherto ha « l been the case—to 'be deplorable position of compalsorr idlers , and a > : e . ivy burthern upon their fellowa The immense fund * lobe accumulated by a National Association of tra- ' . e--, would enable them to give immediate employment » those unfortunate men . Thev ihi"Ut thus utterly "laugh to scorn theeflorts of SeTr oppressor ,, and combine the hitherto antagoS charactcrs of emp loyers and empoved _ o Wealth Producers / and 'Wealth Distributor * . ' Bitter experience li . « l indeed "made them wise ; - they wcrcnsU : ve . I l , c .. « f « rwatd , to be their men employers-nri t «« i' 3 "V the full product of the . r own ingenuity and indu « ry-wrth « at iht : interveution of mere profit-mongers ! - \ ir . Robson then submitted a Blan for the active notation of each locality , in the thr <» e counties , by the several District Committees , which would irn » ro to each an augmentation of membersand central ^ the e fforts of all

      , The enthusiastic plaudits with which Mr . Robson was greeted , on the conclusion of his eloquent and well-rea « 'Oned address , testified that the delegates present most heartily responded to the statements enunciated by bit" . -Tie * " past and present positions , and future orospects" of the various branches of the trade , Trere then dispassiwntely reviewed ; and the subjoined resolutions ( severally proposed and seconded by Messrs . Felkin . Buckby , Dean , Buston , Saxton , Warner , Ward and Sarson . ) were unanimously sttemnt relative to

      1 . — "That Mr . Robson ' s a e the ' ? Denbigh Strike , " is , iu every respect satisfactory . " 2 . —" That , inasmuch , as we cou-iider . that the Old system of "Strikes" bas been productive of the most disastrous consequences , we , therefore , fully approve of the principles and plans adopted by the recent Conference of United Trades , for employing men " on strike" in their own trades , in preference to supporting them in parading the streets , which has hitherto been the case . " 3 . —Timttki * Delegate meeting recommend the Central Committee , previous to their commencing the manufacturing of stockings , to receive from the localities all information as to the nature of the manufacture ; and that samples be sent to the Central Committee for their inspection , with the prices received for tiie making of that material . 4 . —That an active agitation of the three counties by the district committees in each locality be immediately commence , ia accordance with the pian laid down bv Mr . l :. <> bson .

      6 . —That a vote i < f thanks be given to the central committee in Lordmi , for _ deputing Air . llobson to the present delegate meeting , to explain the course the central commi : lee intend to take in reference to the employment of men when on strike . 6 . —That on the return of delegates to their respective localities , ihi-y use lbeir utmost endeavours in calling Public ikctiugs , and laying before them

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      the position of the Leicester men , in respect to the debt contracted through the Frame Rent lnal , ana that committees be formeiin eacUocaMtto . super-, intend the ' collecting of funds until J ^ ggjJJ raised to liquidate thi debt . All mome oollected to be forwarded to Mr . Winters W , ^ JgZh Leicester ; and a statement of the amounts received to be published weekly , in the fiorthern btar . After the Delegates had concluded their sitting , a pnb £ mS wS held in the Market-place , when Mr Robson . from London , and several other delegates addressed the meeting . A large concourse of the working classes were present and listened with the greatest attention , bo that they might hear explicitly every word which was uttered by the delegate from the Central Committee , London , the following resolution was unanimously agreed to : —

      "That it is the opinion of this meeting that nothing short of a national organization of the Trades ' Unions of Great Britain and Ireland can effectually ameliorate the condition of the working classes . " Some of the delegates having business which called them together , subsequent to the day on which the three Counties' Delegate Meeting was held , and having found that the delegates had omitted to state when , where , and by whom the next three Counties ' Meeting should be called , submit the following for

      your consideration . Tt is thought that if a Conference of the Trades of the three Counties were held once in six months , it would be quite sufficient for the transaction of public business ; but should any thing occur in the interim to any locality which may require the advice and assistance of the Trades , it will be competent for them to call a meeting , after having consulted i he principal localities , and having gained their concurrence , and publicly stated the object of the meeting , and giving fourteen day ' s notice thereof .

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      Mast persons haying expressed a wish to be ^^ sessed of an engraving of O'Oonnorville , which may be framed and kept , we have now the pleasure to inform onr readers that we haveengaged the first artist of the day to furnish us with a correct sketch of the People's first Estate , in which every house and every important object , with a view of the surrounding district , will be faithfully represented . The engraving will be of a large size , and will be executed with great care and in the best style , so as to make it worth the keeping and framing ; to be given to subscribers only , from Saturday , the 12 th of September till the plate is aeady for presentation . It should be

      borne in mind lhat , in order to give a sketch of the farm in the Star containing an account of the Demonstration , it was necessary to commence the work long before it was in a finished state , and , therefore , the same exactness could not be expected as can be now secured . However , we pledge ourselves that full justice shall be done to the engraving about to be given , and that it shall be superior to any thing ever presented with a newspaper . It must be distinctly understood that none but subscribers from the date we have stated , will be entitled to the plate at any price , as we shall only print the number ordered .

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      NOTICE . Mr . O'Connor will attend the out-door meeting and tea party on Monday next at Newton Abbott .

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      " THE NATION" AND "TIIE CHARTER . " " We have received a printed address from the Chartists of England to the Irish people , with a request that we should insert it in the " Nation . " We desire no fraternisation between the Irish people and the Chartists—not on account of the bugbear of "physical force , " but simply because some of their Jive points are to us an abomination , and the whole spirit and tone of their proceedings , though well enough for England , are so essentially English that their adoption in Ireland would neither be probable nor at all desirable . Between us uvd them there is a guff fixed ; we desire not to bridge it over , but to make it wider and deeper . " From the "Nation" of Aug . 15 , 1846 .

      ABOMINATION NO . II . UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE . In- this age of simplicity , the value of the most complicated machinery is the facility with which its apparently irrelevant parts may be so harmonised as to constitute one great working whole the tangled state of our franchise must strike the thoughtful as a conundrum .

      When , upon all hands , we see ready reckoners introduced into all the relations of this great commercial country ; when we are startled with assurances of the necessity of introducing the principle of centralization into our representative system , and the prudence of relying upon the wisdom of one man for a reasonable digestion of public opinion , rather than submit to the crude notions of sectional or individual whim — all must admire the adroitness with which the interested have preserved complexity where simplicity is , of all things , the most needed .

      Men , and even women , wholly uneducated , and whose want of education is urged as a justification for withholding the franchise , are entrusted with the every-day management and sole control of those new and complicated productions of art , which astound the world and astonish even the inventor . No man , upon taking his seat in a railway carriage , dreams of examining the eng ine-driver as to his qualification , or for a moment hesitates to entrust his life to bis guardianship . It is scarcely susceptible of belief , that cotemporaneously with this delicacy of entrusting the ignorant with the government of their own property , we should , nevertheless , find the very lives and properties of the

      monopolists of political power necessarily entrusted to the most ignorant of the ignorant , and from whom no further qualification is required beyond the mere slavish performance of menial service . The age appears to be one of emancipation in all else save that which most requires it . The emancipated horse is stripped of the cumbrous hreechin , tight collar , and teasing bearing rein worn by his shackled sire ; the plough is stripped of its unwieldly mould board , every fragment of the superfluous is cast aside , for the better and easier working of the machine and the brute , while contrivance appears exhausted in the invention of new and more galling fetters for the mind and free action of man . Before we enter

      upon the simple question of rig ht , and the indis . pensable necessity of substituting a simple system of franchise for a complex system of enfranchising , we shall call attention to the present patchwork , composed of indefinite shreds and patches . We have a House of Commons returned by 40 s . freeholders , £ 50 freeholders , £ 50 tenants at will , 4 > 10 leaseholders , with a beneficial interest , and JE 20 leaseholders without a beneficial interest , by £ 10 householders and freeholders , by freemen by birth , freemen by descent , freemen by servitude , and freemen by education , by pot

      walloppprs and scot and lot voters , by fabricated votes and faggot votes , the dependents of tlte several classes being mere tools in the hands of the owners of the property out of which the vote is created , and sufficiently numerous to overbalance the independent minority , and before even this mysterious privilege can be possessed , the anxious expectant has to run the gauntlet of overseers , with the formality of notices and required technicalities , the tax collector and bis demands , then conies the bias of the partisan revising barrister , the interested support of

      the friendly lawyer , and the factious opposition of the antagonist , and then the caprice of the assessor against whose partiality there is no appeal save to that dread tribunal a committee of the House of Commons , where reduced faction gives final judgment , according to its party ' s iuterest , thus making merchandise for partv purposcs of man ' s dearest right and most valued privilege . Nor does the complexity end here , as we have recently seen in the further threat of entanglement by the creation of free trade voters . What we demand , therefore , is the application of the new science of simplicity to our complicated

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      conundrum of franclii 5 e , 4 ii ) i the .. s , ubstitut . ion of . ma suffrage for house suffrage ahd the simple paris register of his birth for those mazes arid labyrinths through which the claimant is now compelled to pass ere he can secure his natural right to vote for the representative best suited in his judgment to protect his life , his liberty , and his property , and to adjust the profits of his labour with justice to society and without detriment to the owner . What

      we demand , therefore , is , the restoration of the suffrage to every sane man of 21 years of age and at large on the day of election , as the only mean s of securing a constituent body sufficiently large to defy bribery and corruption ; sufficiently varied to insure the representation of all classes according to their number and usefulness , sufficiently intelligent to distinguish between a good or a bad servant , and sufficiently simple to admit of definition without the aid of the barrister , the lawyer , the overseer , and

      tax gatherer . As it is an admitted fact that labour is the source of all wealth , it naturally follows that the primary aim and end of all governments should be . care of thai spring from whence the refreshing waters flow , and it follows as unerringly as effect follows cause , that neglect of the source must lead to irregularity in the several streams that should mutually and evenly

      contribute their supplies to the one great reservoir . In our treatise upon Annual Parliaments , we trace ministerial difficulty from the folly of an obsolete age to the wisdom of the present , and we shall now proceed to trace the embarrassment of the several represented classes to its natural causes , namely , the disfranchisemeut , and therefore neglect , of labour , which is the source of that wealth , that only wealth

      which all enjoy and would vainly hope to increase by restricting instead of extending the limits of the fountain from which it springs . > Vc have asserted , and have not been answered , that if society is composed of an indefinite number of antagonist interests , all represented , while labour alone is unrepresented , ; t will be impossible to secure harmony in the

      representative system , so long as the contest of faction is for the lion's share of labour's produce , while , on the other hand , inasmuch as capital and skill will ever possess their legitimate share of influence and power , if the anomaly of class legislation must continue it would he incomparably more beneficial to society at large , that labour alone should be enfranchised than that labour only should be unrepresented .

      The major device of the day is the means by which our national resources maybe better cultivated while the loudest cry is PROTECTION TO NATIVE INDUSTRY . If , then , we can prove beyond the power of denial , that the enfranchisement of labour is the only means by which this double object can be achieved , and that the desired benefit can only be insured by Universal Suffrage , we establish a claim for the principle , which can only be resisted by the tyrant ' s plea of expediency—a plea , however , which is being daily weakened by the growing intelligence ot the age .

      We may be met by the rejoinder , that what is an object with labour is also an object with government ; that government has a paramount interest in the cultivation of our national resources and in the protection of native industry . We admit this assertion as a fact , while it must be remembered , that government is the mere creature of those classes who prosper upon an inequitable distribution of labour ' s produce ; and that government must hold the balance of power unequally , between those whose servants they are , and those whose property they are appointed to distribute , and whose servants thev are not , and to whom they are in nowise

      responsible . The represented classes , whose sole property con . sists in traffic in labour's produce , will only allow their government to cultivate our national resources , and protect native industry ,, to that extent and limit , to which the experiment can be safely made , consistently with the security of class-appropriation . For instance , the profit-mongers would much prefer an annual return of THREE HUNDRED MILLIONS

      from national industry , with Two Hundred and Fifty Millions as their share , to a return of a Thousand Millions , with Two Hundred Millions only as their portion . All men must confess , that the main object to be achieved by the representation of labour is , the securing for its order a larger share of its own profits , while few will be found sufficiently hardy , or insolent , to deny that the object of the speculator is to limit produce to that point which best secures the lion ' s share for themselves .

      The true meaning of Universal Suffrage is , the better cultivation of our national resources , and their more equitable distribution , with the Vote , as the legitimate protector and guardian of native industry , and a House of Commons as the medium of its equitable distribu tion . The anomaly of our present system is strikingly manifest in the fact that each succeeding government is compelled to ferret out the property of the weakest political section , as a scramble to appease the rapacious appetite of the more powerful ; while the plundered are allowed to make good their losses

      by filching from the poor . Hence , Lord John Russell declared that the object of the Reform Bill was to give to the landlords a preponderance in legislation , ' and forthwith the action is suited to the word , by the plunder of the poor for the benefit of the rich . The Irish landlords demand their share in the political scramble , and 25 per cent , of the church property is offered as a sacrifice to their power ; with the additional advantage of being able to make a profit upon the transferred liability . In turn the landlords are sacrificed to the growing power of the manufacturing interest , and the loss is threatened to be made up from labour ' s parings .

      The paper hangers , boot makers , silk weavers , cork cutters , and thousands of other branches of native industry , are sacrificed as compensation to those who have suffered in the whimsical adjustment of class legislation . None arc satisfied , while labour is the most plundered , and hence we prove the impossibility of a parliament of represented classes ( labour , the only source of wealth , being excluded ) adjusting the affairs of those classes to their mutual satisfaction , or at all to the satisfaction of that class upon whose industry they live , and for whose legitimate property they contend .

      We affirm , therefore , that our whole system of Poor Laws , with tiieir grinding rule and degrading propensities ; the contention and strife of represented parties ; the impossibility of government to hold the balance of power even between the represented and unrepresented classes , the enormous fund raised for the support and enforcement of our criminal law , the huge amount of money expended in litigation , the unchristian tax for the support of a standing army and police force , the pauper prosecution fund , the transportation of sy stem-made thieves fund , tlie

      expense of strikes , sick clubs , benefit societies , odd fellows , mutual relief clubs , ^ anti-mili tia clubs , repeal associations , Chartist associations , anti-slavery associations , emigration societies , mutual protection societies , class and party distinctions and feuds , election rows , criminal prosecutions for speaking the truth , the hatred of man towards his fellow , the jealousv of the misgoverned , and dread of misgoverning ,

      the disparity between man and man , the growing tendency towards inlidelism , drunkenness , ignorance , licentiousness , theft , dissimulation , idleness and dissipation , the limitations of our national productions , and general discontent , are one and all consequences of class legislation , and which can only be destroyed bv Universal Suffrage , The great importance of this ABOMINATION compels us to divide its consideration into two parts—the second of which shall follow in our next .

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      eyes are opened to the injustice of this great Jms ^ y ^^¦ :, ¦ ¦ , :,- , ¦«««• ,-s ~ w ^ ^ ,. We shall now proceed to examine the pretext upon which the 43 ra of Elizabeth was repealed , and we shall then justify our denunciation of Joseph Hume and the Malthusian Whigs , for their support of the new measures . The ground work of the damnable act was the report of a commission appoin ted to nose out all the irregularities of the several governing and managing bodies entrusted with the administration of the old law , and the commissioners had for the most part a strong interest in its repeal , and in the substitution of an act which would enable the

      rich to plunder the poor . There was no pauper , no poor man , no poor man ' s friend , upon that commission ; and , nevertheless , throughout the whole report , not a sentence appears in condemnation of the old law , while the several parties examined condemn its administration by the existing local boards and acting officials . The people themselves may be well excused for their temporary , and otherwise culpable , apathy , by- the fact , that being the greatest sufferers from the mal-administra tionoftheoldlaw , they also desired

      some change , and naturally enough anticipated the required Reform from that Government which they had helped to power . Althoug h we have frequently censured the working classes for their indifference to the new measure , we can yet find a plausible excuse in their young confidence in their new allies , and the difficulty in believing that a measure , supported by so many of those old and loved leaders , could be as bad or as dangerous as described by some friends always found in opposition . It required the foresight of a Cobhett to see the evil future which has now overtaken

      the friends of the experiment ; and it required at least the first pinch to convince the more ignorant and less thoughtful of its probable effect upon the labour market , upon the comfort , and even the very existence of the poor . If , however , we can find an excuse for the ignorant and unconfuling—if we can pardon the amiable simplicity of those who expected a reform in their institutions , as an instalment of the wholesale measure to which they had helped others , we can find no such excuse for Hume and Co ,, nor

      will it satisfy us now that Mr . Hume and his friends should purge themselves of popular disrespect and hatred , by unseasonable abuse of the administrators of the Damnable act . They must do more , they must repeal it , trample upon and leave not a vestige even of its ashes behind . Our charge against Mr . Hume is not that the ADMINISTRATION of the law was left to irresponsible brutes ; our charge was , and is , that he and his Malthusian friends , with their eyes open , allowed those brutes to MAKE the law , and to administer it as suited their whim .

      The old law was repealed in consequence of the peculation , neglect , and plunder of those who were intrusted with its administration , and we cannot grant the Malthusians absolution , until , acting upon a like principle , they shall now repeal a law winch is more clearly damned by official plunder , peculation , cruelty , insolence , and culpable neglect , the more culpable and unpardonable , because numerous unexposed murders have been committed upon no better plea than an expedient irresponsibility conferred upon the mutes of the rich to thin , the ranks of the unprotected poor .

      We rejoice that Mr . Hume has sorely felt the loss of long-earned popularity and confidence . There are few instances of a fall so humiliating and rapid , or more deserved , than his . And , in order to convince him that the feeling of disgust was general , naught now remains for us but to pass sentenee upon the convicted torturers . You , Mr . Frankland G . Lewis , Sir Francis Hea < i > and Mr . Nicholls , have been found guilty by a jury of your countrymen , after a long , and patient trial , in which you had all the advantages that station , influence , and wealth could bestow ; as well as the

      assistance of the professional skill of those learned gentlemen to whom you have very wisely intrusted your defence . If you have any just cause of complaint , it is against those whose duty it was to have warned you of your first transgression ; in the hope of saving you from that ignominious end to which your multiplied and repeated sins against the laws of your country , and your God , is now about to consign you . Your fate will , we trust , act as a warning to all who vainly hope to escape the eye of Him , from whom no secrets can be concealed ; and will teach others , that , however they raav evade justice

      for a season , yet the arm of the law is too strong , and will , in the end , be found too powerful for the most cunning . The crime of which you have been found guilty is the highest known to our laws , inasmuch as you are told by the Scriptures—which we fear you have neglected in youth , that" they who die by the sword are better than they who perish from hunger , for their bodies pine away , stricken through for want of the fruits of the field . " Hence , you see , that you have been found guilty of a higher moral and legal offence than if you had slain the thousands that have perished from hunger , bv the

      sword . And , therefore , having given your case our most calm and anxious consideration , the sentence of the court is , that you , Mr . Frankland G . Lewis , Sir Francis Head , and Mr . Nicholls , be taken from the place where you now stand to the place from whence you last came , and from thence , upon a day to be appointed by the people , you shall be drawn upon a hurdle , each of you being represented in effigy , and , respectively burned by the hands of a pauper selected for the purpose , [ amid the most vociferous popular acclamation ;] and may the Lord have more mercy upon your souls than you had upon the bodies of the poor .

      Now , such being ; the sentence , we earnestly hope and trust that an early day will be appointed throughout the land for carrying it into execution ; an example that will yet do more to awaken Huiwe and the Malthusian * to a sense of their duty than all the exposures of the press , the condemnation of coroner ' s juries , or the censure of the House of Commons . We must now destroy the monster , or it will crush the system-made poor to the dust . We will struggle for no amendment ;—our motto is , RESTORE ! RESTORE ! RESTORE !

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      " If her nobles consent , they ; 'deserve their doom T If they dare nptjesist , they prove , that they are not tr «« tons of theirreputed sires !" "" , mark ! the Northern Star , which ig con « stantly abusing Mr . O'Connell , publishes the aWe without a line of comment . We , would have at least expected that our cotemporary would have w . minded Oaufcler that " free trade institutions" might not be so bad a thing for the people . Now our answer is , that while our social feelings run evenly in the current with those of that excellent English gentleman , Mr . Oastler , we have no

      one political bias in common with him , while , if out cotemporary had used his usual nice discrimination , he might have discovered that Mr . Oastler ' s strictures upon free trade rather had reference to the parties by whom and for . whose interests it was carried , than to the principle of the measure under circumstances which would admit of its equitable adjustment ; and when he states that free trade in commodities implies free trade in institutions , which may entail damage to crowns , and mitres , and coronets , and funds , he implies no censure upon free trade institutions other than those which will he held

      in SUBJECTION BY THE MEAN . Mr . Oastler is speaking of the probable effect of the measure under the rule of a Free Trade government emanating from Free Trade traffickers , and not of the effect of the measure under truly liberal institutions . We shall now take another card from our opponent ' s hand in order to assist us in the game to which he has recently challenged us . He has challenged U 3 to prove a single instance in which he abused Mr . O'Connell , and now from his own lips we are enabled to reply . From the beginning to the endyea , even to the end of THE WORLD . In the same number from which we select the stricture upon our publication of Mr . Oastler ' s letter , we find the following exultation : —

      A REFORMED POLITICIAN . We had for » ome years lost sight of Mr . HuonjtS a young gent ' eraan of great genius—a poet—linguist —philosopher—" a travelled Thane "—a ripeBcholat —and , like all Hibernians , a patriot ; but we are now happy to announce that the gifted author of " The Ocean Flower , " has reached land , bringing with him a little volume full of gall and honey , in which ho lashes critics and Repealers , and feaBts us with " some orient pearls , at random strung . " Mr . Hughes once was a "Young Irelander , " and had nearly started a paper , which was to have blazed forth as '' The Sun , " to promote the cause of nationality , He is now an older and wiser person , and behold how ha speaks of his former chums : —

      This unwonted operation of blushing must hare re * cently proved its practicability even on the ncsaow Irish Rr . rEALEBS , had they witnessed , as I have been forced to do , the contemptuous comparisons which wretched Spaniards and Portuguese . have of late been accustomed to form between their own intolerance of oppression and frequent aimed resistance en the one hand , MiD TBS COWABDLV MENACES AND . INSANE MOUTHING IN Ireuhd AGAINST A BENEFICENT GOVERNMENT OX THE OTHER . Talking the Krakeu , and acting

      the sprat , is the surest warrant to be despised . Itwai but yesterday that I heard this humiliating subject discussed here by a party of Spanish emigrants from Gallieia , and of Portuguese fresh from the late successful insurrection . With what blistering mockery arid scora they ridiculed the suLFara-rizziNOSiN theaib , and sa . she-slashes in the wateb , of men who declare their wrongs to be immeasurably greater , than THOSE OP ANY OTHER SECTION OF MANKIND , and yet , said the Spaniards , were Jon cobardti para charter y no hactr nada '— ' such cowards-as to prate and do nothing !"

      Agaiu : — Whether were the Marsians and Satnnites , or ar » ths Irish by theirmodeof preeeedure the greater Barbarians 1 HaririR epent many yearsof my life in various parts ot the continent , I can vouch that the dignity of bxino a British sdbject to-day is as great as was that of being a Roman citizen 2 , 000 years ago , and that if ( which Hea . ven forbid !) the fatal delusion of Repeal were to succeed , with ita inevitable consequence , Separation , Ireland and

      Iceland in the estimation of continental Europe , would differ only by a letter . . Ths Ibish imagine that thkt HAVE A BISTORT A ! 1 D LITXBATDBB OF . THEIB OWK to sustain an independent national character , but their bardc and annals do not surpass the Icelandic scalds and sages , and they have no modern literature , worth one farthing which is not steeped in Shakspeara and his Buccmors . I , an Irishman , say this , knowiag enough of the ancient language and the ancient and modern literature to laugh at the claim !) of factious scribblers .

      Now for a bit of the honey !—"THE DIRGE OF REPEAL . * "——Strepunt Hibern ( i ) a . . . turgidi ! Hobat , Cam , iv . 18 , ' Repeal" ! the Irish word— 'tis well 1 With Britons be the word , Bepell ' ' ReptaV't the shout—ah , well-a-day , When will the shout arise . Rep at I " We must have another morsel : —« "—Juvenumte revocant precess Hobat . Carm , ir . 1 . Lceve caput , madidique infantia nail ,

      Jov . Sat , x . 109 . Young Ireland *—young , ' tis plaiuly saen Green Erin '— an , how deeplj green i For coxcomb boys not e ' en half learn'd And bad old man your pence are earn'd . Xpur heart ' s too warm for thoughtful head Yotir brain with air-dra » vn fancies fed . K « ep back jour coppers from the rogues-AMD BUT XOOBSEtr 1 PAIB Of BROGUES !" The poor gentleman makes the following confession in a foot note : —

      1 was once smitten with the Repeal mania , and wrote some verses in its favour eight years ago , before the real character of the movement became apparent , and when I was incapable of fovming a solid judgment . I was then an enlightened politician of four-and » twenty 1 One mouthful , and we have done : — I oace was an admirer of O'Connell , but H 13 codbsb dubino the past s » VEN teabs has eipungedeYerj feeling of sympathy . Ileigho !

      Now , from the above we learn that " Mr . Hughes , a young gentleman of great genius , " and formerly an enthusiastic Repealer , has now become AN OLDER AND A WISER PERSON , —that he has abandoned the wild ^ notions of his youth and arrived at the sober discretion of manhood , and for his conversion , from love of nationhood to love of provincialism is entitled to THE WORLD'S commendation . Here , then , is our reply to the challenge of our cotemporary , who understands " that praise undeserved is censure undisguised . " Our cotemporary is an avowed A . ntt-Repcaler , and the most zealous champion of Daniel O'Connell , a professed Repealer . What

      other construction , then , can we put upon his championship of O'Connell , than that in his policy he sees the success of THE WORLD'S principles ; and hence , is his praise of the Liberator censure in disguise . Can THE WORLD be sincere in its opposition to Repeal , and also sincere in its lavish encomiums upon him who has pledged himself to the death to its accomplishment ? Or , rather , does not the strained etiquette between the juggler and the Editor , strongly remind us of those conventional habits of intimacy which exist betwen the fox and the badger , when those animals are copartners in and joint occupants of the same

      '• earth . " Whether by natural or prescriptive right , or by compact , the fox takes the tit-bits of the wild animals , and the birds of the air , and domestic fowls provided by himself , while the badger luxuriates on the guts as his share for keeping the house clean . Now , does THE WORLD suppose that whatever its adulation of the Liberator may be , that the badger can live in the hole with the fox , or THE WORLD with the Liberator , upon any better terms than we have cited ? Or is THE WORLD not aware that the old fox only allows to THE WORLD the privilege of being read so long as it performs the required duty of playing the badger ' s part .

      If THE WORLD has any doubt of the Liberator ' s relapse to Whiggery , we beg to furnish our contemporary with the following damnatory proof from thft columns of the Northern Whig . " The tone of Mr . O'CoHnell ' s speech is very go > d , with respect to Ministers .. Thev are anxious t& do for Ireland all the good ia < their power ; and . weure glad to find that he seems disposed to second their efforts , without permitting Repeal nbawlities to * tand in the way . . He- is . acting in a complete Whig spirit ; anil we are glacfctbat he is so . yfe wish , also , to give Mr . O'Coanell praise for his quiet , but e ' - t ' ectual , exposure of the injustice < rfP , r . Mac Hale , in his letter to Lord John llusse-U . The haughty and unjuBt prelate speaks with all contempt of the vote of £ 50 , 000 &r tho relief of distress in Ireland . We lubout , ' tkak it U&anui ivftt lo ' ob despised . "

      O'Connorville.

      O'CONNORVILLE .

      The Northern Star. Saturday. September 5, 1846.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY . SEPTEMBER 5 , 1846 .

      Untitled Article

      wTRIAL rANDmCONVICTlON OF AN ATROI i > '• ¦ ' : ;; C ^ JS . ; MURDPSR ;^ ,.,., / . ^ - .,-Since the death of Cobbett , the title of chief opponent of the DAMNABLE ACT , with aU its appurtenances of hatred , vengeance , horror and revenge , has devolved upon us by survivorship , and if the monster shall outlive our time , which God and the people forbid , we shall bequeathe its destruction as a legacy to posterity . Our position with respect to the monster , from conception to birth , from birth to maturity , and from maturity to rottenness and consumption , must not be lost sig ht of . While in

      the Whig womb we assisted in administering , nightly , poisonous concoctions composed by Cobbett , in the hope of promoting abortion . We assisted to insure a painful labour , and met the young monster at its birth with every species of opposition , in the hope of stopping its growth and strength until awakened popular indignation and resistance should aid us in its total destruction . If the fierce and continuous opposition of the few and determined within had been backed by the pressure from

      without , the beast would have been strangled ; but , alas ! the people accepted the Whig Reform Bill as the nation ' s triumph , and stood by in listless apathy while the real victors were demolishing every vestige of Labour ' s rights . We implored and pleaded , but in vain , till 1836 , when the threatened machinery and details sounded the alarm , and then tardily half a million of the sufferers assembled on Peep Green , attempting to undo what their timely resistance would hare prevented—to repeal the law .

      This has ever been the besetting sin of the popular party . It stands by in sulky , sullen silence when action would be successful , and it splutters in frothy rubbish to undo what never would have been done if resisted in time . In 1839 we were honoured by the Whig Attorney-General with a criminal prosecution for our opposition to the Act , and we much doubt that one in one thousand even of the working classes are yet aware of the fact that we were the first victims to Whig wrath in those days , or are at all acquainted with the circumstances of our first trial , conviction and incarceration . However , as we are once more about to renew the war against the tottering monster , the time is favourable for the recapitulation of some forgotten facts .

      We have now before us the Star of December 22 , 1838 , in which was published that libel , for which Mr . Justice Littledale , in delivering the sentence of the Court of Queen ' s Bench , said that he would award us eighteen months' imprisonment , nine months upon the alleged Poor Law libel , and nine months for the publication of the speeches of Mr . James Brouterre O'Brien ; and here follows , not a garbled extract , but the whole , every sentence , word and syllable , of the libel for which we spent nine months in solitary confinement in a condemned cell . Warminster Bastile . —A little boy , last week , for some small offence was confined in one of the cells

      belonging to the abovo workhouse , and was literally starved to death . The poor little fellow during hia confinement actually ate , in consequence of hunger , two of his fingers and the flesh from his arm !!! Now , reader , we did not suffer nine months imprisonment for the above libel by process of law , we suffered it from your culpable apathy , from your treason to your order , and for our own folly in fighting for others who were too cowardly to fight for themselves . However , still willing to trust to the growth of opinion for protection from the law ' s tyranny , we now republish the paragraph , with the

      addition that we believe every word of it . That we believe that Englishmen and women have feasted upon the pickings from , perhaps , the bones of their fathers , their mothers , or their children . That the destroying monster has committed countless murders , and that those who framed , and sanctioned , and administered the Law will one day appear as murderers before that great Judge into whose councils neither the dictum of a cabinet , the quibble of a judi ? e , the prejudice of a jury , or the rule of a devil king , will dare to enter , where murder will be adjudged as such , not by construction of human law or political ingenuity .

      For that poor assault upon so great an offender , we were denied the judgment of a grand jury , and treated to an ex-officio prosecution and a special jury of Yorkshire landed proprietors , who were themselves particeps criminis , co-conspirators with the Whigs , the devil king , and the law , in the plunder , starvation and murder of the poor , the rightful owners of the stolen property ; and yet , although we suffered thus unjustly then , when we stood alone upon the watchtower , and when we alone dared to cry thief at the thief's approach to the manufacturing districts . Then , when faction , like the crawling caterpillar , had other legs enough to crawl upon , not a newspaper vouchsafed a line in condemnation of our unj ust suffering , not an agitating lip lisped a single word in our behalf .

      No , faction would have kept their last leg for a seasonable crutch in its old age and last extremity . Having thus traced our opposition from conception to consumption , we shall now proceed to revel in the torturous agony to which the administrators of the Whig law are subjected , while we shall , meantime , justify one much complained of abuse of Joseph Hume and other supporters of the measure . When the Landlords , — -with that preponderance of power which Lord John Russell said the Reform Bill was meant to guarantee to their order—asked for the substantial symbol of the great national victory ^ the men in power under provisions said : —

      Behold it , take unto youselve * and for ever , divide among ye , and bequeathe as a legacy to your children , and your chililren ' s children and to their offspring for ever , yea , to the tery end of time , all tho lands that tho Lord our God gave unto the poor and their children , as the means whereby they may live , and through which they may gloriry the name of the Lord . * Take them , we say unto you , for the Lord ' s name is to be no longer glorified in a land where the Lord ' s ordinances can no lonser be kept by man , as they are at variance with the supreme laws of traffic and gain . and lucre , which must henceforth be governed by the laws of political economy .

      And tlie lords of the soil said , Verily we thank ye , but howb&it , if the Lord of hosts , angered by our possession ofliii ) people ' s property , should raise his hungering children and lead them against thi . s our now property , when , mayhap , the devastating army in their march may make no distiuctien between tho iaud-marka of Pariiamcnt and tho land-marks of the Lord of hosts . And the Whins answered and said , Behold we will give you a Cerberus , whose deep growl shall be obeyed as a law , to guard your gates and your avenues , and a rural Police Force to guard your extended domains , and wo will surround your new

      possession with ramparts of steel and iron , and we will give unto you a , body guard of local chiefs , who swill have equal interests with yourselves in thii new sub-division of the land , and we will erect baatiles , a » d gusls , and dead houses , for those who shall dare to murmur or complain ; for , behold , it ia our command , that all the nations of the world shall confeBB our civilisation , made manifest in the increased misery of the poor . And 1 <» , the Lords of the soil were no longer afeurcl , but defied the Lord oF hosts And Ili 9 people , and thanked the lords of parliament for the lands of tho poor , of which they possessed themselves vea , even to the last inch .

      But now , heliolil the despoiled of the poor begin to tremble , for the Lord of hosts has strangled their Cerberus and scattered their guards , and has cried out with a loud voice which rings through the land , " RESTORE ! RESTORE !! RESTORE !!! unto the poor their full share of the land , which tiiou hast stolen from them , and if ye disobey my commands I will destroy tho land marks of your unrightcousnes ; for , verily I say unto you in my wrath , that the poor shall no longer starve in this land overflowing with milk and honey , made a wilderness by tho covetousness of man , for they are the people of my pasture and the sheep ol mv fold .

      And behold , the whole earth trembled at the voice of the Lord of hosts , and the lords of tlw soil were sore afraid , and exclaimed , Strike down the land-marks of parliament , we beseech you , and restore unto the poor the lands which they unrighteously bestowed upon us , for reril / our

      Untitled Article

      OASTLER AND O'CONNELL . " THE WORLD" AND "TIIE NORTHERN STAR . " A hano of genteel politics after a week of party contention is like a quiet game of whist after a boisterous romping match , and as The World newspaper is the only companion with which we can enjoy this unusual tete-a-tete , we have no objection to accept the polite invitation of our cotemporary . We commence the game with the following card from our cotemporary ' s hand : —

      AN EDITORIAL OVERSIGHT . The Northern Star assumes to be—and , we believe , is , the organ of the Chartist body ; that is . of tho industrial classes of England , Scotland , and Wales , and labours to advocate democratic principles . It was , therefore , with no little astonishment we noticed a letter in it from Richard Oastler , from which we have taken the following paragraph : — " Be it remembered , however , that the gama once lost , can never be regained ! FREE TMM IK COMMODITIES implies Fheb Tbade is institutions ! Tho levelling spirit will not stop at corn or cattle , or goods , or labour . It will if not resisted , ride roughshod over crowns and And couonets-AYE , AND FUNDS .

      ™ . _ _ "Tho sp irit of the Constitution being once broken , we 6 liall bo governed hereafter by the sordid spirit ot commerce , upon tho principle of 'buy iu the cheapest mavket . ' " Gain will change place with honour—the high and noble spirit of chivalry will yield to tho sordid trickster ' s grasiiiii K resolutions to ebtwin wealth ! The Crown maj still glitter , but it will bk held ix subjection bi tiie mean ! The Coronet may suise , but not on thi HUOW OF THE NuULE !

      " Well , well , if it must ba so , the glory of . " England if faded , and her most saNJid . sous will be her proper rulers .

      Delegate Meeting Of Frame Work Knitters, Ac.

      DELEGATE MEETING OF FRAME WORK KNITTERS , Ac .

      Untitled Article

      4 THE NORTHERN STAR . Sbptbmbeb 5 , 18-fl .

      How Ready. Tries One Shilling. Tbk Second Editios Of My Life, Or Our Social State , Part I. ¦

      How ready . Tries One Shilling . TBK SECOND EDITIOS OF MY LIFE , OR OUR SOCIAL STATE , Part I . ¦

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 5, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1382/page/4/