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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st January 1848, Edition 1 of 3, Page unpag, Untitled Article

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    • TO THE IRISH PEOPLE.
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      Untitled Article

      yKX COUXTKYUEXThoug h , thirteen years may be a comparatively short period in the history of nations , ¦ yet it constitutes a large amount in the life of an individual ; and yet , during that whole period , though I have been exiled from my country , yet I have never lost a single opportunity of returning good for evil , byinstructins the English people in the real history of the Irish people , and by proving to them that those weaknesses , for which they despised my countrymen , were virtues rather than vices .

      After such a period of exile ,-it is now my pride to be placed in a situation to give to my country any little benefit she may derive from an ardent desire and a firm resolve to serve her ; and , in truth , she stands in no small need of the . smallest amount of service , a fact of which I was evinced by the treachery of some of her representatives during the discussion of the Irish Coercion Bill ; and to the consideration- of which I shall not confine this , my address , lookin 11 " upon that measure and the conduct of some of the Irish representatives as a mere drop iatheocean when compared with the larger diffi culties which yet stand in the way of Irish freedom . .

      No man who suffers under the provisions of Jhat tyrannical , bloody , and unconstitutional act will endure greater mental torture than I suffered during its discussion . I shall not canvass the silent votes of many Irish members , from whom a different course was expected , when I have not words to express ! my horror of the language used by those Irish members who spoke upon the bill .

      In Conciliation Hall , and in the press , there fas been loud denunciation and just denunciation oFGrattan and Dillon Browne , but there has been scarcely a complaint lisped against Sir Morgan John O'Connell , who not only supported the bill in its entirety , bat was my most strenuous opponent and the government ' s staunchest friend , when I proposed to preserve the right of traverse to the hastily kianapped slave .

      You , my countrymen , must understand the Cleaning of this 18 th clause , which I designated as the " Sting of the Bill . " At present , in all cases of misdemeanour , the prisoner has a rWit to put off his trial till the next gaol delirerv , if not in custody fourteen days before the sitting of the Court ' . This is no more than S just and salutary provision of the ordinary law , because the law of England , presuming eTer \ - man to be innocent until a jury has found him guilty , has assigned the period of fourteen days to allow him to prepare his defence , instructhisattorney , and explain his case to his counsel . The 18 th clause in the

      Coercion Act takes away this protection from fue Irish slave , who may now be hunted down fcrs pack of infuriate police blood-hounds , whose employment depends upon their fero « < dtr , and without a moment ' s time being allowed to him to prepare his case and engage counsel for his defence , he maybe dragged into court , arraigned upon the instant , tried , condemned , and sentenced , his sweat , fear , and -excitement being urged as evidence of his guilt instead of testimony of his honour—Honour which impelled him to fly from a brigand police force rather than join in the pursuit of his neighbour .

      Boon this clause I argued , — ^ Firstly . —Its unconstitutionality . Secondly . —The absolute necessity of allow ins an Irish pauper prisoner time to scrape up amongst his' / riends the means of securing some defence . —And Thirdly . —The injustice of trying a man in the midst of unnatural excitement . I showed that in ordinary cases thi 3 indulgence was stretched by the judge , who almost invariably postponed trials , upon affidavit that the excitement arising from the charge rendered a fair trial even doubtful .

      T « this Sir George Grey replied that the discretion would still remain with the judge . I . answered , that having established the will of a despot Lord-Lieutenant as the Irish constitution , I was not prepared to delegate the legal risht of the peasant to the discretion of a judge selected by that Lord-Lieutenant to try him ; and , in my conscience , I believe that the con . stitution would have been spared this further wound had it not been for the insistence of Mr IIJ . O'Connell of the propriety of preserving tills clause whole and entire , urging the absolute necessity of instantaneous trial , and the speediest conviction , if found guilty ; that is ,

      Eot only supporting the terrible vengeance of the clause , but adding to it the further heartbreaking penalty of dragging the unfortunate victim to speedy punishment after the ' mockery of a trial . ' This secured the clause ' "for the minister . Acd again , when I proposed to saddle tbe magistrates of the district with some responsi . iility , Mr Morgan J . O ' Connell said , "No ; it is " an unconstitutional measure ; the magistrates are a constitutional body ; and the go-Ternment should not subject them to the responsibility of carrying out an unconstitutional measure . "

      Well , after 3 > uch an avowal from such a came and such a quarter , was it not natural that the opponents of the bill should become paralysed , and their opposition weakened ? ind if ministers , in their bold daring , required * av apology for this unconstitutional measure , they have only to quote Grattan , Browne , and OTonnell , as authorities for its necessity and mildness . The Irish members pledged to the Repeal of

      &e Union , and who , if their constituents had opposed them friendly to coercion would have ken pledged to oppose it—if those parties had s ' ood treether unintimidated by the frown ^ ¦ faction , the CLARENDON STATUTE ff | jild never have passed the House of Com-Oo and so decided was the opposition that a few gave to it , that the Lords feared to *? ° pt the smallest amendment , because isereLy another discussion might have been « upon the bill .

      „ contended at the time , and I repeat it I jtof , that the speech of Maurice O'Connell on pe - econd reading of the Coercion Bill , was as i ^ jilete ' an exposure of its injustice , and the ! % usters' tyranny , as could be made upon the Inject . He took the case of Rebecca in J a'e . j he analysed it from beginning to end ; luffing that women were shot—that policemen i ^ te shot—that magistrates were shot—that louses ff ere demolished—that men were deivS that tnreatening notices were deli-1 ^ jjr —that coroners' juries refused to find i « ith 'Ctsto imPucate the insurgents—that , not-1 L 5 tan ( 5 ing } the assassins were parleyed with i ^ e government itself—that a commission

      % > lain l ln R uire mto the grievances com-% eJ l of-that those grievances were re-Ifo „ ' , and tna * the judge who was selected htor ) . ? at the special commission won the ItC f T bedience h Y thejmildest administrate J ? ^' ordinary ' law , making ' six months loffe ™ J ^ . » punsihment for the highest ftbprfiif e ma nywere afterwards set at J k * Aether . t ; tay M ask , if it would be possible to have Hie * . ¦; " , a more triumphant case to show lfvcfnt rmp of the ordinary law , with this \ Uai \ indee ( l > that Wales is not Ire-Wfci ' b tJiat tyranny practised upon the \ nslU ) , f e"Ple mi g"t have infected their f ^ e Drf ' ren * uPon whom the government fi no " ! P ° se a Coercion Bill . ¥ 1 call thls brancn of m J subject , and F off r attention brieflyto what the ¦ ¦> \ dition / ** kas been since she was in a I W . assert her "gats in a British Le-I . fte Period of 1829 , the Catholic people

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      had not been represented in Parliament sinc e the reignjof the adulterer , Henry VJII ., nearly three centuries , andthe support of a dominant church , professing a religion hostile tothe whole of the Catholic people of- IrelaiKJ Bad , during that period , been the great bone ef contention ; and I , as a Protestant , adoring th > Catholic people for their unswerving devotion to their own form of worship , had a right to presnme that the real practical meaning . of Emancipation was the destruction of Protestant aseendancy , root and branch , not the destnsctfoa of Protestants or Protestantism—a * I bare

      ever held the right of peculiar worship to be the indefeasible . rightj of every man—&Bt the destruction of that power which imposed a tax upon the professors of one faith , for the support of the preachers of another faith . In my opinion , Catholic Emancipation meant the infusion of Catholic representatives into the Commons' House of Parliament , whose firsthand primary duty it would be toiasist'upon religious perfect equality for all , and to demand the complete and entire abolition of religious ascendancy ; and to this end , nearly four hundred { thousand Catholic freeholders were satisfied to relinquish all social claims for the achievement of their darling object .

      In three years what was called Reform , followed Emancipation , and the anticipated result of that measure , as far as Ireland was concerned , was , that legislation would devolve more extensively upon the Catholic people of that country . When Reform was accomplished , the great question of Repeal was placed before the Irish people as what should be their great and only object j and now , I pray you , my countrymen , to bear in mind the difference between the tactics observed towards Emancipation and Repeal .

      It was thought necessary to have a discussion each session upon the question of Emancipation , in order that its growing strength in Parliament should have its due effect upon the public mind . While contending for this measure of jxstice , men who were out of the pale of ^ the constitution were compelled , as leaders , to bear an honest front ; because it was their interest to achieve power , and they were worth nothing to the enemy until they had secured that power ; therefore , it was their interest * to have a sessional

      discussion . Upon the other hand , as far as the question of national liberty is concerned , Emancipation was as nothing compared to the value of a domestic Legislature ; and yet was that question allowed to remain a dead letter , as far as Parliament was concerned , for thirteen whole years , from 1834 to 1847—the Irish people being whimsically and childishly satisfied with the Repeal pledges from members who were never to be tested , and who were otherwise left free to aid Whig administrations in their most tyrannical assaults upon national freedom .

      The English people were courted a 3 indispensable auxiliaries in the cause of Emancipation , by men looking for power—while in the cause of Repeal , the same aid was repudiated by men possessing profitable power . My countrymen , as the day for hearing stern truths has arrived , you must open your ears to their bitterness . You must hear , and you must believe , the damning fact , that you have been the authors of your own every suffering and grievance ; you relied upon your own strength , and not only repudiated the assistance of others , but received the defamation of

      your English friends and auxiliaries with shouts of savage exultation , for no other reason than because they were Saxons and Protestantsand always forgetting , or rather never thinking , because never told , that the Saxon and Protestant people of England were equally oppressed as yourselves , and equally anxious as you to see justice done to your order , to your country , and to your religion . However , I lay it down as an irrefutable fact , that the young blood of Ireland returned forty-two Repeal members in 1833 , and that

      the polluted blood of Ireland returned but twenty-five Repeal members in 1847 . I make no account of any man who was absent , except Mr Anstey , who , I know , was indisposed , because it was tbe paramount duty of each and every one to be present , all other business being laid aside . Of this maxim , I furnished a strong example myself , because , on the very night of the debate , I was suffering under a painful illness , which would have confined ninety-nine in every hundred to their beds , but mr duty to my country sustained me .

      I have now shown you how the question of Repeal has been trifled with for thirteen whole years ; while Ireland , during that period , was ready to sacrifice its best blood for its accomplishment ; and for those thirteen years Repeal has been made , and no man can deny it , the stepping-stone to place , patronage , title , and emolument—in a word , the brave Irish nation has been sold tothe oppressor for pelf . Not a single agitation , calculated to serve declining Whiggery , that has not been resorted to as a substitute for Repeal , and as a means of securing patronage for that " base , bloody , and

      brutal" faction ; and , although a Repealer from the day I had thought to the present moment , and although I would beg my bread for the remainder of my life rather than vote against that measure , the late proceedings of your pledged representatives in Parliament have convinced me of its perfect inutility , unless accompanied by Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Equal Representation , No Property Qualification , and the Payment of Members . And although many of your present leaders tell you triumphantly that they do not understand what Chartism

      means , I tell you , and I would meet them , one and all , upon the question , that I would rather see Chartism carried than Repeal , which would be followed by a House of Landlords sitting in College-green—while , upon the other hand , from a Chartist representation must follow , not only a Repeal of the Union , but every measure of justice that industry can or ought to demand . * Perhaps I could not select a better period than the present , when so many of your representatives have sold you , for the consideration of the first point of the

      Charter—ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS ; and let me , in the outset , ask you whether , if those who voted for Coercion , and against Re . peal , were to come before their constituents at the end of the present Session , instead of at the end of seven long years , would they not have acted under the wholesome influence of that public opinion , before which they should so speedily appear , instead of setting it at defiance for seven years , and relying upon some timely clap-trap tcfrecommend them once more to your credulity ? that those

      Now observe , and observe well , who deserted Ireland on the question of Coercion , will have the deepest interest in preserving the "Whigs inpowerfor seven years , lest thi'ir dismissal from office should have the effect of subjecting them to the criticism and reproach of their constituents . Thus I explain to you the value of the first point of Chartism ; and I will now go further , and tell you that so little faith have I in public men , and so convinced am I of the indispensable necessity or short reckonings , that I would expect , and liberty would receive , much , very much , greater advantage from seven Parliaments

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      elected annually by the * present ' *' constituent body , than by a Parliament elected for ' sevwi years by Universal Suffrage and the Ballot . In the one case , there is a wholesome dread in returning to a constituency at tbe close of the Session , to receive their smile 3 and renewed confidence aa a reward for virtue , or their frowns and dismissal m a punishment for vice ; while , upon the other hand , the representative steeped in shs years' villainy , which remain » p&n the Statute Book , would seek atonepent by a death-bed repentance , and would eetne-before a credulous and eosrfiding people spenr Us paltry acts ef atonssient , which bofi § o& frequently obliterate tire ewers of the past .

      I have shewn you , mjr countrymen , that m > m the day ymr Ieadtra achieved power through ym , down to this ve « y present hvnr , those leaders have qualified for prostitution out of your esnfideace , and * I now tell you , , as I have a thousand times tol « 8 the EJ ^ lisispeople , that a nation never will fee , free until the leaders are placed onfier thafe popular vigilant control which nerer will pardea the fbefe act of

      > ohtieal delinquency—because the mistaken lenity of public opinion towards a pablic mao , is precisely like the mistakenindul gence of a parent to a child . The firsi aet of forgiveness emboldens the delinquent with the hope of again receiving forgiveness , until at lengthghe becomes so steeped in depravity , that in his sins the people see their own error , and fear exposure lest it should bespeak their own

      folly . This has been one of your besetting sins , while ignorance of the motives of the English people has left you in a state of forlorn hopelessness . Even that portion of your Press , which chaunts its notes of liberty in the dullest strains of music , has withheld from you all knowledge of English feeling for Ireland , and , while it has cried out for help , it has failed to tell you when and how the English people have proffered the required aid .

      It has not told you that , while you were dull and apathetic , three millions ani a half of the English people petitioned for a Repeal of the Union . It has not told you that , when you were passive , scores of thousands of the English people petitioned against the Coercion Bill . It has not published the innumerable resolutions , passed at large public meetings in a 1 parts of England , in favour of Irish liberty ; but . it has , in the most contemptible , treacherous , and despicable manner , garbled our speeches , and misrepresented our motives ; and why ?—because it , like your leaders , lived upon your credulity , feeding you with

      moonshine ; while , unlike the English people and the English leaders , neither the Irish press nor the Irish leaders have directed the Irish mind to any single practical social result , which would be likely to follow any political change that they have propounded . Hence , we find you , as the 'Royal Loyal Irish Repealers / now throwing up your cap for your lovely young Queen ; again , for the undefined thing called Justice to Ireland ; then , for another trial for the base , bloody , and brutal Whigs ; then for Federalism , and anon for eleven incomprehensible measures of relief , of which Ireland has heard but the

      sound"Alas ! poorcountry , Almost afraid to know itself , " Courage has been banished from your mind , and passive obedience and non-resistance h ; js been made the freeman ' s catechism . How dare you ask for liberty , when you die in millions rather than take it ? Liberty is always within the reach of a people who are prepared to work out their own salvation , and libeity is an attribute which the Creator , in his wisdom , withholds from those who cannot worship the goddess , or who , worshipping her and ; knowing her value , dare not assert her prerogative .

      Where , now , after your half century ' s agitation , is your substitute for the system you wish to destroy ? You look for Repeal , and only for Repeal , while the English people , after fifteen years of Reform , which was to them what Repeal would be to you , without a House of Commons chosen by yourselves , — bitter fruit , —are now compelled to define the social system , the benefit of which the improved political system should bring home to every man ' s door .

      My countrymen , you must now prepare your ears to hear the greatest truth ever propounded . You must prepare to hear that character of the English people which no historian has ever yet been able to assign to any people in this habitable globe . The English people , deceived by Reform , after giving that measure a fair trial , established a great political agitation , which promised to bring justice home to every man ' s door ; and so steadfast were they in their aim and end , that thousands

      preferred the dungeon to the abandonment of their principles . But even that was not all ; if their virtues ended here , they" should be extolled as virtues only , but I am going to prove their wisdom , as well as their virtues , thus , — when they were poor—when they were hungered , yea famished , naked , and outlawed , the most wealthy , the most influential , tyrannical , and vindictive portion of ^ society—their own'masters—their own magistrates — their own employers and jurors—tempted them in their poverty with the bait of "HIGH

      WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . " What a fascinating motto for the rich oppressor to offer to the poor oppressed ; and yet , mark , my countrymen , such was the valour , such the union , such the honour and devotedness of our Chartist Confederation , that the starving spurned the proffered bribe , the delusive offer , for six long years , and never abated that opposition , until its longer continuance might have entailed greater suffering upon their Irish brethren ; and this is the people that you have been taught to despise .

      Now , this greatest of all facts cannot be too deeply impressed upon your memory ; that , while the excited mind of Ireland was , for thirteen years , running after different shades of moonshine , the working classes of England resisted the delusive cry of "HIGH WAGES ,

      CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO . '' Now , why was this ? Because the English agitation was conducted by leaders belonging to the suffering class , and because the power of public opinion was sufficiently strong , virtuous , and resolute to keep those leaders in the straight course ; whereas every man who spoke in your packed assemblies should first qualify by the payment of speech money , and should then measure his words by the standard of expediency ; ^ and from which did he depart but by a syllable , he was howled down as a dangerous traitor .

      When you begin to reflect upon your own past madness , your astonishment at Coercion will vanish , and your only wonder will be that a nation of such willing slaves is even pitied in ; heir misery . When you reflect that such men as John Lawless , Sharman Crawford , O'Goraan Mahon , Patrick O'Higgins , Feargus O'Connor , and thousands of others , who were too proud to join in delusion , and too sincere to commit a fraud upon Ireland , have been held up as traitors to their country ; whea you , think of

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      jtfoe names of O'Connor , Fitzgerald , and ; Emimett , bein # made by-words of scorn to the living ;; whsn yon think of tho great natfonal iquestion b eia ^ bnrked for thirteen vrfoole ! ars > and o » Fy resuscitated i \ ow and then witlian that time when the distributors of patronage stood in n « ed of an Irish difficulty t © affright their Tory opponents i ' rom power ? v 7 Hen > y © a think of those p ledged Repealerevoting 1 ,, one and al ,. for fihe continued imprfeonmenSoftheSiigBsbCharti ^ and one ah ' GJ alii being the never failing resource of the "base ; . Brstal , and Bloody Whiga" when a

      blpwr was t ©> be aime $ at ' liberty ; when you thin * of ,. " -Who is theTraitor 37 " A- good Jury Law , " * Justice to Ireland / ' « CSur lovely young Que « 3 } " ' " © are the Whigs anstner fair trial , " " IreBandforthe Irish / " « 0 r . « - year of unbrokea . ftr . anquiHi . fcy , " << Federalism ^ ' "Tenant Right ,. « Musacipal Reform ,. "' and ' "Eleven JP « fi !| $ & JBteasares , '' being , suca ^ sgiyely and £ uccesBi . aHy « 8 ^ to-dirc «* your aStentio ® from the one-great national qisestion , J say- that it is not to-Baniel ! © 'ConneS ^ but t ®> the Press of Ireland tSiat the-present sfcaUe of feliaft couiatry is to be atrfcwbuteL

      As losg 1 as- the * press reoeiivei the Bon ' s share of patronage ^ the- press- performed the lion ' s share- of ps-ostitutrant , and tlis press swelled tSe lisp of the-man- fnto the-thunder of the nation y . but wften a portion' of k lost that patronage by , whicfr its adherence was- secured , then its & < &nder was hurled at O'Cennell , in the hope ef covering its © wra shame . Merciful Pnmdience r must not the heart of tbe

      most cold-blooded si « kea afe the bare notion of one million brave , tardy , vJrtuoas , aad industrious peasants beiog sacrificed in oue year to famine , not caused by Altntghty God , not inereased by the machinations of the Government—but procured through the instrumentality of a delusive hope , and total reliance upon one talismanic event , which was to feed , house , clothe , warm , and comfort the Irish people .

      If a million of Poland ' s sons died from starvation the Whigs would preach Christ ' s gospel as a terror to the Autocrat , and would teli him" That they who died by the sword are better than they who perish of hunger , for their bodies pine away stricken through for want of tbe fruits of the field . " Those are the words of God , not my words ; and as . I love God's laws better than the laws of man , I would rather see Ireland decimated in battle by the sword than cut off , by'famine , in the midst of abundance , created by her own lands .

      And think of even one Protestant or Orangeman , much more one Catholic Irishman , being found so degenerate as to stand up in the Senate House of ' the foreigner , after a million of his countrymen had perished from hunger , and consent to place the lives of the remainder , and the destinies of the country , in the hands of an upstart Saxon diplomatist . And think of one and all vieing in paying their tribute of respect to this Autocrat , who now embodies within his own narrow mind the Irish Constitution—SAVE THE MARK ! Now think you , my countrymen , that the name of Irishman will gain credit in the future history of our country , when her tale of sorrow and of her sons' degeneracy is told ?

      What did America gain by her petitions to the English Crown ? What did she not gain by her resolution to do for herself what she might have begged Britain to do for her in vain , so long as she relied upon humble prayer and petition ? If I did not see hope for Ireland in renewed exertion I should blush to belong to such a nation of slaves , but I have still reliance upon a people who for seven centuries have maintained their hostility of oppression , and who for three , centuries have clung with fondness to their persecuted faith . Yes , the elements of regeneration are in the people , and they but require to be properly directed to secure that freedom which would

      make Ireland the happiest nation on the earth ; and as I know of no man living who can advance a greater right to counsel the Irish nation than myself , I will now prescribe for the patient , at a time when her disease has puzzled the faculty . ' This then is my prescription : — Firstly . —Elect a Convention of forty-nine Delegates , to meet in London , and there to discuss the grievances of Ireland , and propound the simple remedies , making Repeal of the Union the great means to the end . Secondly . —At every election put the following pledge to every Candidate whom you propose to support , and let him sign it and et it be witnessed , as I shall describe .

      " I , A . B ., do solemnly and sincerely swear before God , that , if elected as a Representative to Parliament , i wrhSiccept the Chiltern Hundreds , and restore the trust committed to my charge , whenever required to do so by the Committee of Observation , whose names are hereto attached , together with my signature . '' Now the names hereunto attached should be the names of six laymen , being non-electors , and the six Roman Catholic Clergymen whose parishes furnished the largest number of voters ; and those twelve should elect an elector as chairman . If I am asked why appoint six Roman Catholic Clergymen ? my answer is , Firstly . —Because they are , as a body , the best patriots in Ireland .

      Secondly . —Because they would more rigidly insist upon compliance with the terms of the contract , and Thirdly . —They are more subject to popular vigilant control than any other class . I submit this test in orderto secure the dismissal of the traitor the moment that a majority of the committee shall demand it ; while there could not be a better guarantee for the seat of the representatirei as long as he acted honestly , as in such case the Observation Com mittee dare not demand the resignation of his trust .

      Now , my countrymen , when you reflect upon the fact that Parliament invariably se « lects the commencement of a session for the enactment of coercive measures , and that the same Parliament as invariably resists coercion and talks of remedial measures as dissolution approaches , you will see the gvalue of this ingredient in my prescription . I would , then , demand the following pledges from every candidate asking papular support : — ' ¦ . *"' . " , I do solemly swear and declare that I will not accept myself , or solicitgfor another , place , pension , " emolument , or patronage , from any Government that rules the destinies of Ireland in a foreign land .

      (( That I will not court the favour of any man in power , nor will I dine at the table with any minister or ministerial official , until my country is freed from the foreign yoke . " " That I will take . my " seat in the English House of Commons upo ' n the first day of the Session , all other business being laid aside , and that I will there fight the battles of my country without reference to party interests or political factions . .. -. ¦ J ^ " That I will support every measure which promises the slightest advantage to Ireland ; while , upon all questions upon which the fate of an administration depends , if benefit to Ireland should not be involved , I will give my vote against the ' existing Government , from a

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      firm comieiioa that a united band of fifty , or even forty , UNITED IRISHMEN , acting upon the-afotruetive principle , wold hold the balance of power in the Senate House . " Now I proclaim t& you , my ewimtrymen , and to the wop 2 d once again , that I woald expect more from seven' parliament * eleoited by the present constituency within seren > years , than I would expestffrom a seven veal's * pariiament elected by TSiiversnl 1 Suffrage-., an d' for the rertsons I have-before assigned .

      : Now shall I Se told tfeat any psrtfion > of my machinery is c » mplieate # or tha&anjrene of my terms is evewrigidT Shall I be toia * fcnat it JS-ahardkffijK © demand of the trustee a restoration of tftat fcrt- st wniblfcbe has failadltOexeetifce accprdingfto-tiMe terms * on which it ? was-graRtfed ?' ffliaH i . betold . tBsi ' a > plac # -Iiunter analHeggar ofpatronage is a'M- and : Dr » jsmmpre . wntM b' «' ef action whose liberties-arVriow hapdfejiiofei totuefesepingofoB&man ? Or ,

      Stinll ? I be told tliatit 1 is a ftardship ft&'dPew the Msb represented-a feetfatthe luxdmma table-of the tempter ^ . whilea w-fole -nation u& ib hourly-dread of famine .. Ifanjf stall be bolSienough C&'advane ©' mush an argument , I can oaiy say for smyself , . tHafc I woultf rather , muds- rather , 33 ve upoai am equality with a natiftaiof comfortable peasants than B » e in splendour } - sumpt'a © usnass and affluent , gleaned ftoia . the parings of titek poor board .

      Irishmen , there is-aofthing in wSfafcllpropsse that caabe distastefulito the honest representative , aad Ireland nse&s none other .. In thirteen years jwaihave seen your ( Repeal ! ranks dwindle down from forty-two totwenfcyfive ; while twelve years' of out-dow-agitstibra has take © place , and on& year of MQNSHSJRl excitement , when vows ^ for Ireland andlEepeai were offered up which' must have * raadetfeie God of Justice smile , And within rtiafc iperi ' ed , if you would discovezrthe deficiencjvyou < ^ find it made up of plfecemen and pensioners sopped off by the Government that Has-gxvsa YOU Coercion in refeirn for your reoFesefliSatives' prostitution .

      Mark now what I atmabout to « nfwoe- ; it is this—that so long as- Bepeal was tfee- simple guarantee of fitness , tile pledged Repealer remained untested during three whole- parliaments . The parliament that sat from- 1835 to 1837 ; . the parliament that sat from 16 S ? to 1841 ; and the parliament that sat froniil ! 841 to 1847 . And those pledged Repealera held themselves free to act ! upon all other questions , the Irish people making the question ofrRepeal

      the one that absorbed all others . Upon the other land , by the adoption of annual parliaments , you hold your repuesentatives in proper checfc upon all great questions . Indeed , I have beea taken to task , by both parties for testing tils- fledglings so eaiiy , both by old Irelandera aad young Irelandera . Mr M'Gee , of the Young Ireland party , says— " I do not blame the m&ver of the Committee of Inquiry into the Union—though he might have shown more consideration for Ireland than to

      drag our undisciplined levies into the-field on a fortnight's notice . " I shall answer this remark by asking a simpk question . If the Irish levies were undisciplined after thirteen yensrs' drilling and training , how many centuries , would it require to prepare them for action ?• Of a truth , I never heard mo ? e absurd rubbish than has been written upon the expediency of my motion . Why , my countrymen , the very scampering of the rat * proves the absolute necessity of testing them at the earliest possible period , in order that the Irish people may know their friends from tlieir enemies . If I had not tested them thus eaify , those who voted for Coercion would have-deluded the

      Irish Repealers with the delusion that the insurgents , who alone were to be pat down by the Coercion Bill , were the greatest enemies of Ireland and Repeal ; that they voted for Coercion because they were sincere Repealers ; and that they acted upon the maxim that— " The man who commits a crime is Ireland ' s greatest enemy . " I tell you . more , that , as long as I have a seat

      in Parliament , I will take the- first opportunity in each session of having a- discussion upon Repeal , and will resist every infraction of the constitution until there shall be equal security for the life and property of the poor man , as for the life and property of the rich man j as I never will recognise any distinction in these respects , between the moaarch on the throne and the poorest subject itm the land .

      In conclusion , my Countrymen , you mast cease to revile yoar English brethren , who are your best , your bravest , and most consistent friends . You must adopt the Land Pisa in Ireland , and believe me , that one thousand virtuous , moral , industrious , and peace-loving Tipperary men , located in their own castles , each standing in the centre of the husbandman ' s labour field , would create an ^ aaitasion in

      Ireland , which no foreign integer couM suppress until industry was . sefcfree , and every bloody statute was erased , from England ' s bloody code ; when Crime wdiild be branded as sin , when itscauses . were removed , andwhed every honest labourer -would . cneerfuByjjpin' in the pursuit of the criminal , without iteing compelled by Act of Parliament , be ' eause-each would then have an interest in the preservation of

      peace . In the name ' of God , then , my Countrymen , discard your every dissension , fli « g your every cause ! of difference to the wind ; and if the terms "OldIreland ' ' and ' Young Ireland " threaten to perpetuate that strife which ) desolates the land , let all call themselves" Iiissh Repealers , " and under that defined and distinct appellation , let all contend for fatherland ^ vowing to sacr ifice life itself rather than abaadon the pui-suit of liberty .

      Willing to take every © ne of the above pledges as the test of my Sfcness to represent even an English constituency , and holding fast by the immutable principle , that the ssmse of justice is the cause of God , and thaij Ireland is my country though the world k jMdis public , I remain , fellow countsyinefgP Your sincere ,, devoted , an . di >< unpurchaseable fries ^ Feargus ©> 'Connoiu

      Untitled Article

      ITHB METROPOLITAN DELEGATE COMMIT- - j TEE TO THE CHARTISTS OF LONDON ^ y ^ [ ¦ Friends . —Having been appointed by you to take see ^ s to disseminate among the people a knowledge of tK e true principles of political justice , and to adopt every available means for accelerating the progress of the Chartist movement , we feel it oof . duty on twVis occasion thus briefly to address you . Since th ^ memorable year 1839 , there never warf a raorc favourable moment than the present for £ recommencement of the struggle for liberty . la" \ T whatever diret'tion we turn our' eyes , the direful o results of blundering "Whi g and Tory legislation are f < , discovered ; whai ever class of the commnity we v ! s

      iseato , ornnterest vt&- examine , we find proof multiplied apon proof , of the utter incompeteney o £ 'those wio 1 Save usurped authority over us . The rottenness- mi iniquity of the present system are eiemoasrrai ' ei ! by the a } 'palling fact that ,, in a land aBoundfitg wf * 6 the tritu ? phs ofsci nee , the adornments > of art , and the . Vicbes of nature , misery almost initeMiSKible is i > iaae tbe destiny of the greatest 1 and' worthiest port . it'n of its people . If you ^ turn'your eyes « tt > Ireland ,- y ^ Tw are almost petrified at tae-torpid 1 - moGs of misery a < B $ slavery that cjver its surface . This-uafortunate isla ed has- been for ceii *

      turiefrthe footstools of despots , the * sport of factions - , andthepreyofsfoBoen . It is at th * V esej . t moment the foous-of every misfortune—the -j i . ' ctim of every wrong ; . and in 1 the * depth of its sorr 3 fc" if is mocked by Whig quack ery ^ aitd imbecility . ? fu' renovafioa of its social statei ^ ihjperiously deman&fo' -by j « stice r and tlier first measure introduced t ® realise this obje ' ct , by / 6 ur 8 age 3 > . isa Coercion Bil $ -S £ ich is the Whig mods of ' awartHngjustice to Ireksf ) . ... Sa-te& 5 j EicmiBv a * tne ' . preaentinuiltiitws' ^ so tem endure ^ ( kn & ifc anly endures by tjj&j-eojjfe 9 tolerance ) jthese- direful and damning eonsseqnenras . will bTast ' the ^ estihieroff those subject to its' baleful operations .- To ? pat an end to th : ^ ¦ system , shoiM bean-object dear to the heart of every

      honest . » anwt 6 > struggle- for its annihilation : * "a ' t ervicethi'tnosb valuablyHcosjj render to his aWirifry . NowfetHo trmeto rarss ^ the- soleniH voice of the na . tion , andilfiHtssou i-ammatingcry be—annihilation to Whiggeryj and Toryj 3 mi-Justice , politics ! and social , tO ' raan—The Garter and no surrender , We trus ^ that every Gnhrtisft will henceforth *> be found at his-locality ineetfngsy communing wi : hhis brothers ,, aad plating .-MafshoraMer to thewbcsi'of progression , for'these are-timea not for apathy or inaction , but , in the-fosrrible feagHage of the iramortal poStkian ? : " They are-times to try meii ' g souls . " YouoBQayrest aaaursd' . of smt untiring devotion to that cause , to- promote which this bedy was called' into 'existence-.

      -Friends , jwe * ave now briefly to-Jjring before ysar notice a preject which ; 1 IfVtcarrfei vat , will" not fait tc give stresgtb ; and stability to SSetropolitan agitation . We-havft always-been . unfortunately destitute of a ceatral place of meeting —» his desideratum should be i p asaediately . supplied ; We are unanimous in the opinion , thai were the-Derasciats of Londoainpossessioaiof . a commodious- esatKil Hall to be used for lectures , . public meetings , &c , that incalculable benafifeiwouMacwrizatheBefraa ) to the cause . We do not-decry small loealii meetings periodically held , neithecf-would we adtfta their dSscontinuance ; but our coiwiction is , thaiithey- a * e not calculated to affect tb&-public .. min <{''> to .. t ! iffifc extent which , would ensure success for theJabauirs ® f the people ' s , friends ,

      We propose 4 ot obtain . a ^ ialli vrosthy the causeto which it isi-to be . i devoted ; a Sfeft in which our principles shall be promulgatedi m all their sublimity and purity , £ iid-vindicated fsota the calumniesand misrepresentations ofr-the-pnostiJate Whig and Tory press . We cherish hop . es of seeing every Chartist in iLondon . a shs 5 sioldes in the proposed Hall ; for-the . necessity , aud . value of such an acquisition mustbe atlmittadtupaiv all hands . Let no man say that it cannot , hai-done ,, we affirm that ifccan—andimare than . this ^ ioarr we are determined to do it . .

      We csHinpon you : to .. emalflt 6-t&e conduct of thepeople of . Oldhanfti : : tbay-, ^ cx t ' ieir honour , have erected a , > noble * -struc $ ura . capaWe of holding 4000 persons- The Cha . rtists-. of Leeds have a Hall ia the greatest thotoughfase of . that town , which will hold between , two and three thousand persons ^ while tla * sterling -men bf . Mianchester have bought ground , and on it built ; asbeaniiful edifice which will ho ! di 2 Q 00 persons .. Up » . then , men of Lo . ndea ,. yon know something now of-if the power of union , and the concentration of mean ? .: every party ,, inihe- metropolis have their Halls but you : remalaino-Jo » g « in the back ground but to . ttie ^ ffork with . vigourj . and rely upon it , that the day is not far ofrit whea you will have the pleasure of consecrating a .. spleadid public edifice iothe holy cause of Democracy * .

      Untitled Article

      PROSPSOTUSsOF A PLAN FOR RAISING ; A- fcjjBTROPOLITAN DEMOCRATIC HALL .

      Capita *! £ 5000 . In 10 , 000 S 5 &re ' j of Tea Shillings each , Treasurer—F . O'Qt »» koh , E * q . ^ -P- v Sub . Tieaaurer- ^ Mfr . P . M'Giath . ... j ; .. ^ \; M r . W . Rideh . Auditors . j- . A . FutM 1 IXK 0 . Bankers . —The Natfona , ! Iwnd and Labour Bmlr . : ConmUtee . offMtniagement . iWiliiara Cuffay , Thomas Cla # r John Sewell , E . Stallwood . John Shaw . Ji Allnut , Julian Uarnev ' Me * sra . Lmsaa , Mc . Grath , Do"te , Dixon , Tapp , Grasby , Rogers ,. Brewerton , Mi '* e , King . Socrotary «* Mr . JUxjes Gkassby . fifttes , 1 . —That the shares to each individual be un'imited . 2 . —That each Share&oldeF be entitled to one vote in all nvitteja connected with the obtaining of tho

      Hall . 3 . —That the deposit upaaeach share be one Shilling , S ' xpence ,- oft which shall be appropriated t » create an Expense Fund , from which to defray incidtjn ^ al expense *; Sixpence per .. shar ^ . shall be paid annually to support the / Extensa Fund . ! "' -.. * 4 That six . manths . b 3-a 11 owed for the payment of 8 hares . Per 3 oas . not paying within that period , unle 8 S .. preveat © d-by illness , or . want of employ * me at / to forfeit tileir subscriptions . Jambs Grassbt , Secretary .

      To The Irish People.

      TO THE IRISH PEOPLE .

      Untitled Article

      TiHR : REPEAL . Fc * w » ys < CHGjxwsos and John OConnell .,. That pu $ illaRiiO 3 iOU& ,. cowardly thing , and bullying withal , calledithaJkoinoN , publishes at the bottom ' . of the .. sL \ th column ) a . ciinning little ambiguous paragraph , purporting .-to fee an extract from , or to refer So another epliimnifoirMr O'Connor ' s address-to-the Irish people * . The- address is not in the Natjon SPerhaps , iottheestiiuoAion of the greasy little brogue' ' maker , it wauld-taka- up too much space . But . that excuse wHliflOtsatisay the subscribers on the-present occasion , beca , use-tbyee columns are occupied ,-witb . a rigmarole about one William Molyneux , in . which no one totes the slightest interest at present ..- ;

      Now , Mr Q ; . 6 ; . Duffy , a word in your ear , if you please-: > do . rtpttiinagine for a moment tha £ you arc in Belfast ,. \ YliawiS was profitable for ths-YiNDicAtor , agreeable-to . yourself , and pleasant to the , imbecile Iii , beratori ,, tw " publish every little ^ toig . lie that yoitvaaulvLlay ^ old of against the ehaijicjter of Mr O'Q&anair an&tJi ® principles of the Peopled Charter . While at thesanis time you had the audacity to publishjas-. your Q ?« a ev e > 7 historical fact yougouid filcli from thecolumB 3 of the Northeri ^ S'tar , a paper wjrich . yom affected to despise . Out . upon such , itttekery . It is sure to have an ignominious end . PETK % PJ 5 FPER . t DuWiB » . ! Wa Dee . 1847 . ! p . s . —A § . l reside here in Dub . jn , I shall feel it ¦ my duty to , Pepper this little Tric ^ ter .

      What djd the creature say , thwijtye ? Why , in . dped > thfift tlae articles about the ! # h- Caiholic / . &ergy wer&Wy ffiir while Mr Hill ^ as the editor , but npw , since : Feargus O'Connor became editor , . tiiey wWdisgssting . The poor djyil did not ktfow ' . that those papers about the Irish ?/ iesthood % e * 9- written baMrOXonnor . "ff < P > ' . \

      Untitled Article

      MAJCHKSiBR .-The annual general saeetiog ef tta ! shareholders of the Peo ^ e ' a Initiate ,, on Tuesday ' Erening , January 9 th , far , the pui ^ cse of receiving he ueoounts and electing new directory . „ ,.. _ . KssDiu-Chartist Goramiite * Room , Golden CbSir-yurd , Highg ^ v . Mr « 11 U « * hojj » «* - tinues to deliver l ^ ' , mres on Sunday evenings , ta he , abwjswom , t *» fall atten dance of oem »« j ttd friends . He haa . * . * en for hia " ^" th e Ljjfl . the Charter , bv J the Coercion Dill . J ' ! " * " «? are exceedingly argumentative and eloquent , and b ^^ . M . ? r *» . Chartisnf olds fcir to flourish m th » to « n . d Sou ' ji . London CiiAimsi iUu . — Mi Stauwqoft .. wificture in the above Hall on Sunday evening r ^ F Janu ary 2 nd , at eight o ' clock . Subject : ' Pro-^ ssesea |» -. the CbartiBta of this place , on Sunda ^ flfflJ ^ jagi at aix o'clock ia the oTemng . ^ . / Vvy * r - ; - < ' ; \ . Wv- ' * : i .: ^ m

      Untitled Article

      Grbekwich asd Befiford — M the Charfdst meetin" at 39 , Butdier-row , DepMbrd , on DecemJigy 26 tb , Mr Floyd in the chair , Mb- lawea opened the adjourned discusaioa , and mado-sorae verjf a ? ptopriate remarto | & » t& the pTofeaJjle-sssuUB of the e $ actmentof the People ' s Chasta * . and the abolitjqnof Class I egislatioB . . Messra Gibson , Moreaa , and other gentlemen , s ^ oko In same strain . Mr Ilawes cou d not pee that tbe Charter woujd bo of euch vital importance . He ( Mr Uawe 3 ) , did not . stand betweea ra' an and his franchise ; he considered that it was hi < i natural right , buihec&ald nofcaee that tho (/ hatter would set theTh . arac . 3 on fire , or alter thesooial conditioD of the people . He thought we oughfc to reform ourselves and nsigiboura , andaa commeac'j a sooial . reform . He shpnld like to go for one > . ' hing at a time . The firs& ftnportanfc step was Sanitary Reform . After a few remarks from th « Airman , the discuasion closad .

      ; Camberweix and WALWOiwa . —The raembeis of the National Charter Association and IS ^ tional Land Comp . ny residing in this district , are intbtmed tl at Uie meetings will be in foture held fvery ^ Monday evening at eight o ' ciook , afc the Trutf Temperance ¦ Oofiee-houae . No . 10 , East-street , ^ alvdrth . The members of the L ap . d'Oompany are informed that all ¦ levies and local expenses' must be paid on or before tba 10 th instant . Jphn Simpson , sub . 3 eoretar . v . - '¦ The West Ridiko . Dkleoatk Mbbtinq will bo heW at Butterwortu ' s Buildings , Br&dford , on SUuiay , January 2 nd , at fe df . paat twelve o ' clock .

      Untitled Article

      Ob , BtU , « y caratTy , I Iotc thee froa pritfs ; . Bat I iw the * the a& * tet tkj « orrow , iud maay ' s tho bltUr , nit te » r I hsTe cried , M Tre cb « rl « rijr tSsughf on ihsrnorrow . F . CC . * Hereditary bondnsen , know ye uol , fffco wosld bs free , himsrff mim strike the * low . '

      Untitled Article

      ; ¦ ; " - - ¦ ¦' - " , ' ' ' . :- . ¦ : ' ¦ _ j ' i ¦ ' ¦ ^^* ^ . . - ¦ f

      Untitled Article

      V OL- XL fl o 532- LONDON , SATURDAY , JANUARY 1 , 1 S 4 * T " * pm ^™ " ^^~ — ' ___ - ¦ ¦ ¦ -. gftre gfem inga and giapetacfc per QuarJe *

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 1, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1451/page/1/