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    took Mm to be-he must have been Tery stupid to aaveat ' empted such a thing ; for he most bs well ware that the effect of snob , a course would only have been to prejudice the prosecution in tne eyes of the jury . He had certainly seen witnesses belonging tD teat noble and intelligent nation the lower daiteaof which aTe gifted with superior intelligence andacute ^ ess totk ^ eof almost any ctier—cause a eraiie in court by the qaaintecss ot their answers , and the sh&rpne-s and cluverness they displayed , bu ; he never saw one in > tnnce of Weir being received with a sneer or contempt , and he did not believe that anv unprejudiced person would deoy that an Irishman would receive the same justice as say other subject of bar Majesty . The jn * T retired at a qawtar to tour , and remained Ih deliberation for more than an hour , when they delivered their verdict , finding the prisoner Guilty upon the first two ermits of the indictment .

    MONDAY , Jmx 10 . TRIAL OF MR ERNEST JOKES . Ernest Charles Jones , barrister , wa 3 indicted for misd ? tneanour . The De f endant on being asked to plead , answered ' J ? ct eui ' ut * Taei Jurymen who had sat ia the other cases , * rere then called into the box , but ia compliance wi h the request ot Mr Sergeant Wilkhn , counsel ff , r trie defendant , they were requested to retire , and the folio winz gentlemen were 'wore ;—' Mr John Miller . Mr William Hooper , Mr Wiilinm Potts , Mr Joseph Parka ? , Mr II . F . Potter , Mr Wm . Mwre Mr Charlo 3 R ' . ehsrds , Mr Charles llayward , Mr J . N . > rris , Mr Caas . Page , Mr H . M'Uale , and Sir C . Lover .

    The Attorket-Geseeal then rose on the psrt of the prosecution , and said : Gantlemen of the jury , I make qocomplaint whatever that my leirned friend the Serjeant , who is counsel for Eraest Jones , the defendant on th ' i 3 occasion , should have desired , as a matter of favour , that tho 3 e gentlemen who tried the former ease 3 should not sit as the jury upon this case . Sow , although my learned friend had no risjht to make that objection , I did not interpose aay difficulty as to the desire lie expressed , because my very greatest anxiety 13 , that in this case the administration of the law may bs bsyond all suspicion . The course which has been taken will , however , to a certain extent , entail upon me , and upon my lordacd that opntlemen is tbe onlv ground that I cou'd

    possibly object to ray learned friend ' s pripa ? it on—I say it will be necessary in cansequence that I should , and that m ? lord Bhall also , go at greater length into this case , in order to present to you what the case real ! v is which you wili D 2 called to determine upon , ttan ' if thajarj had remained who had already Lad the advantage " of reseiving from my lord the dear enunciation of the law which was given by the court on the former Decisions . As it is , ge ' ntiemen , it is my duty to a 3 k you to ? ive your attention to the application of the law which I shall find it necessary to mske , befora stating the circumstances of the case ; and I c » n aysute you that I rise with the greatest pain ti Etats these circumstance—I do so , because , although this is the last of these cases , it is not by any

    mean 3 the least important—no gentleman , it is in fact the most importaut of the whole—not important from the rude character of the words used by the speaker , because we might expect that from Ilia education , and from hi 3 statien in life , they were not likely to be of the grosser kind hitherto inquired into , but they were impsrtaut frota the station and education of the def .-ndant ; and , because , while these induced him to address the assemblages in more measured language , they make him the rsors dangerous—they nuke his language still more dangerous , because that lacgaage emanates from a quarter that exercises the greatest influence on the minds of tae misguided per-orjs who were the listeners to his doctrines : and therefore hia

    station aod education served but to give the greater weight to his erroneous instructions . Oae thing is fortunate—the station and importance of the defendant furnishes a practical refutation to the charge , that there is one Jaw for the rich and another law for the poor , and that the object of the prosecution is tsaddinjary to the other snff ; ring 3 o' the working man by sslecting its victims from among the posrer c 2 a > 3 e 3 . Gentlemen , I blmh to state that Ernest Jane ? , the defendant on this occasion , is a aember ot my own profession—he is a barrister—a man of education and station—of a profession which should have carried whh it a respect for ( he laws that ought to have kept him from effmces like this —he is a man who , from his former habits , moved

    in society that ought to have showa how fallacious are the doctrines he has lately promulgated with all those advantages—knowing what the law is , and the obligations which are due to society , and to the constitution under which we live—knowing fully what the right 3 of those are , and what is required frora as , he ha 3 not hesitated to address tbe persons assembled in thi 3 ca = e—in a period of great distressin a time of very considerable suffering—he has addressed to them topic 3 which are cslcnlsted to excite discretion—which a » e intended to induce them to arm , and to organise them ? elves into badies , for the purpose of resisting the constituted authorities , and by force to obtain from the Qaeen—to whom , as a subject and as a member of the bar , he owed and Had

    sworn allegiance—to Mtain irorn the government measures which would be pernicious if conceded , and which , he must hare known woald , ia their iviahs , be of no benefit to society . You wilt see throughout the whole of the speech delivered by the defeadant , the object which he wishes to inculcate upon his hearers . I wish you to do that which I am sure my learned friend will also desire you to do , namely , to look at the tenor of the whole speech , ana not to particular portions of it . You will see that the general tendency of the defendant ' a arguments is this— ' Or £ a < iiie and arm ; have no partial outbreaks , so that you will ba dispersed before you are fnlly and amply prepared with your organisation . The day will come when , by a general rising , we Bhail show that we are prepared . Till then have ho partial outbreaks . ' At thin time the whole , or at least a great portion , of the kingdom , was in a state

    of commotion ; and the defendant apologised for the Ehortnes of his address , because , from the state ot the manufacturing portion of the country , he was obliged to leave in order to carry his opinions and principles elsewhere . He knew one thing , at leasthe knew the law . It cannot be pleaded , that he wa ? misguided . I * cannot ba pleaded that he was a labouring man , Euffsring under a sense of privations , and desirous of change , in order to benefit his condition- No ; ha has no excuge of tht 3 kind for his opinions . His position ard station place him above all this . He is the leader of theee misguided mentheir teacher—their instructor—and what are his instructions ? Supp " o = e that these persons had armed 3 Bd organised—snpp&se that they had , from tha indolence of the government , or from some other cause ¦ -suppose that they bad risen and been successfulwhat would bs the result ? The administration of

    the conntry won ' t ! hs placed in tbe hands of a Serce and turbulent democracy . Commerca would decay ; sgricalture would be at an end ; the wealthy and the respectable would remove to oiher countries , where property would bs respected ; disturbances and insurteeiiDiu would arise ; and the end of all would be & military domination . Such has been the result hitherto , and such will ba the result , of these principies and proceedings in times to come . These are the objects which the defendant advocates . He knows that this must ba the result of the general organisation which he is so steadily and seditiously , inculcating , and so generally recommending throughout the country . Da not let it ba supposed tiiat I am desirous of euppressisg the free exercise of public

    opinion . Far , very far from it . I am only anxious last , by keeping free and fair discussion within its proper and legitimate bounds , we may preserve this —which i 3 certainly one of the greatest privileges we enjoy under the admirable constitution of our country . 5 iy lord will tell yon , in putting this case to your consideration , that the charges contained in the indictment are three—namely , the charge of sedition—of unlawful assembly—and of rioting ; bHt as the jury , on former occasions , demurred to this last charge in the indictment , I feel that it is my bounden duty not to prea the charge tof rioting against the defendant in this eate ^ I am perfectly satisfied with the proceedings of the jury in the former cases , and , beinsj so , it would not beeome me to ask another jury

    to come to a different deasien on the same evidence . The question , then , for you to decide is this—is the defendant guilty of the sedition , and did he attend and form one cf an unlawful meeting ? The question , then , will be one and the same . If he addressed unlawful and seditious language to the persons present , that will also constitute sn unlawful assembly , as far as he ia concerned , and , therefore , I repeat , the charges remaining on the indictment are one aod the same , ftow , there is s great difficulty en this question . It is intrusted to the jury , on the 0 H 8 kand , to preserve the institutions of the country inviolate , at the same time that they are to take eire , on the other hand , that they do nothing that -will disturb free , fair , open , and unrestrained

    discuseon . If they touch spon the latter , they most fatally wound the constitution under which we live ; bat , to protect the fair exercise of public opinion , to take care that discussion is as free as the air and spaca around the place of meeting , the jury mast also ba ceeful that they do not lend their aid to countenance coIonraWe assemblies—that rs assemblies held nominally for the purposes of discussion , but in reality for the dissemination of docbines dangerous to the State , because if meetings of that kind are constantly held , and are sanctioned by rerdicta of juries , there is no society that can exist

    under such circumstances . The common feelicg 3 of Eunkind weald rise ia indignation against the toleration of meetings of that description , and the very r ^ bt ef pablfo meeting would be wounded , and pro-! sa « y Jestroyed . YdU haVS , theisfflre , this d " aly to ^ srfoTBj , —yon must tske care , on the one hand , iatthe rightof public meeting shall not bs violated ; 82 tbe other hand , thai it does not degenerate into rtsdn&Uty . You most not sanction acts that are bngeroas to society ; and to tolerate acts like these s more daageroos fir thas occasional interference iftfc public dUcunioa . That ii the course you must !* £ » , sot ooly to istufy the public that yoar verdict

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    is just , but also to preserve the right of public meeting , and tJ protect the freedom of open discussion . Now in the consideration of that question you must also consider the circumstances under which the meeting is held , I am not here to revert to the old Saxon mode of meeting , where parsonB met in their hundreds and in their parishes . Persons assembling among themselves in their own teighbpurhood have a fair right of discussion : but unquestionably when we consider the nature of public meetings , it is scarcely to be tolerated that persons going absut holding dangerpn 3 gatherings in ohs place or the other are to claim immnnitxs ; and we have a right to consider , as one element in the question , how it is that in meetings called for the nominal purpose of discussing the grievances of the working men ,

    per-Eon 3 in the station of the defendant are constantly to be found . 1 ' ou must consider further , that these meetings are called ostensibly for the discussion of grievances ; and when you fiudlthat the persons attending them instead of discussing the grievance ? of the working olasaesi introduce topics of a most exciting kind , in that case , you may fairly ba of opinion that the meeting is not called for the purpose of discussing grievances , but for the purpose of dis-CU 5 : ing political questions and opinions dangerous to society " , and subversive of all governments . You hava heard that this mteting was called to advocate the question of the Charter . We hava

    notoing to do with the Charter . Erncai ; Jones may be a Chartist . I believe he is a Chartist , but he is not , merely because he is a Chartist , to attend meetings of Chartists , where the subject of discussion is not the Charter—where net a word is said atout the Charter , but where the whole proceedings are intended to bring the constituted authoritisa into contempt , and to set law at defiance . When > ou find persons assembled , although they may profess particular opinions , namely , the views which they openly avow , if you find no discussion of these opinions , but if themeeting is altogether engaged in the dkcus 3 ion aDd in the consideration of other and

    dangerous topics , can you be of any ether opinion than that this is not a meeting for the full and fair discussion of grievances , but for ether and less juatiab ! e purposes . It is manifest from the language addressed to them by the speakers ; from the number of persons present ; and from the other attendant circumstances , that it would be idle to say that this meeting was called for the expression of public discussion , or the consideration of public grievances . There is no public discussion introduced—there is bo public grievance mentioned—the whola proceedings onsiat of inflammatory and exciting addreB ? es delivered to an ignorant and ho doubt suffering people . Now , to ascertain what was the nature of the meeting , wfeat Were the words addressed tft the pe * sons assembled , and what were the objects and the

    charatsr of those present , it ia necessary that we look more in detail at all the circumstances connected n-Jjh it . On the 4 th of Juna last , then—on a Sunday —Vhere was & meeting convened in Bonner ' a-fielig , That place had possibly been selected because their object was to give a false impression to the country of ths number * of the persons assembled ; and they knew that on Sunday a large concourse of persons generally assembled there for the purpesss of recreation , by walking or harmless amusements . They held two meetings there on that day , one for three o'clock and the other for five o'clock . The second meeting was fixed at that hour in order that at the last meeting which vras a Chartist one , a number of the Irish Confederates or associates , as I believe they call themselves , who attecded the first meeting

    might have an opportunity of attending the aecondmight thus swell the numbers of the last , and so have an imposing effect when chronicled in the newspapers on ih . 3 minds of tke persons in Manchester , and Leeds , and Bradford , in Lancashire and Yorkshire , in the manufacturing aHd other parts of the country . On the 4 th of Jane , about hslfpaBt five , the Chartist meeting begun . There had been before that time various meetings—indeed these had been held constantly , Sunday after Sunday , from the 10 th of April until that time . Various meetings had been heldh . fhmmatory and exciting addresses had been delivered—the metropolis was in a state of alarm and agitation—the provinces > ere also in a state of alarm and excitement . Danger was apprehended , for in the language of the leaders 'the time was fast

    appreaching when the struggle would come on , ' and there were g ome amongst themselves who suspected that when danger n&s approaching , when it was with tb . Am , these very leaders would desert the people . The government had been charged by the public press with remissness because it had not neticed the language made me of at these meetings—thay were blamed by many of the peaceable subjects for not taking steps to suppress them—it was determined , therefore , to put a stop to them before it was too late—itwas determined to use the civil power for the dispersion of the meeting at which Jones addressed the language for which he U this day indicted , before Borne of these misguided men should be led into a po 3 it » n that would bring the punishment of the law upon them , for it was not an unfrequent

    circumstance that the leaders have taken tha people into danger and left them there , while they consulted their own safety by a prudent absence from ifc . I raake bo imputation of this kind on Mr Jones . Perhaps his education and station might make him paugo ere he led them on so far as this , but certain it is , that the expectation was strong among these whom he addressed that day , that he wa 3 one of thnge who was prepared to lead them into , and not to shrink from aeticipated danger . You will find that at tho meeting to which I refer a man called Sharp first ad . dressed the meeting . He said , ' My friends , you can perceive that I have kept my promise , and , on yesterday morning , several parties pledged their words to attend thia meeting to speak here , but some , in the time ot anticipated danger , will not come

    forward , and it is neceasary that some one should , aed as I have been here during tne calm I am prepared to be here when the storm eomes on , and this being the most stormy time I have kept my word , consequently I am prepared to make a few remarks . You will probably not consider that I am cctuated by any motives of fear when I tell you , and when I find that I stand alone , I will not give the government the horse-whipping that I promised them but still I will addresi you . While I am speaking to yoH tkis afternoon in reference to the various ' meetings that have taken place in London during the last week' ( cries of ' Ernest Jones , Ernest Jone 3 , ' )—Sharp continued , — ' Gentlemeni I believe that there ia Ernest Jones coming . ' ( Cries and cheers . ) ' FriendB , I am glad to find that Mr Jones has not run away from

    the po 3 t ot danger , and when I made my remarks , previous to his coming , I did not include him in the Hot , but I include those nun who have addresssd you Sunday after Sunday for many weeks ; and I do not think that it is consistent of men , when they can talk quietly together , that they should desert their posts , as I observed before , when there ia something like anticipated danger . I will not detain you long because I know that you are anxious to listen to Mr Jones . Now , my friends , I wieh to speak to you with regard to the unnecessary interference of the police , this morning , with a number of the working men who attended the meeting at Nova Scotia-fields , and vrho attended their meetings there for about four or five Sundays . We had discussed our grievances and the men had quietly dispersed . But what with the

    tyranny ef the government and theofEcioustmof the police , I understand they came there this morning and abused , and insulted , and brutalised tbe great majority of the men who had there assembled . 1 understand that thepeople acted the partof cowards , and do not blame me wnea I say so . I was Hot present because I wa 3 at the other meeting on Blackheath . The people , ! understand , ran away— ( A voioe in the crowd , ' tke people had nothing to defend themselves with'j—a gentleman says the people had nothing to defend themselves with , Now , if ever you come into contact with the police , you must expect a knockdown blow from their tiuncheons , but when you haTe about threa to one , one man falls out of the three , and the other two can secure him . Now , will any man tell me I am wrong , when I say

    that you acted the part of cowards when you ran away . Why , what happened this morning , wben I was at Blackheatb . There were five inspectors pointed out to me —there was an inspector of special constables , and likewise a number of Serjeants , and of other men connected with the force , all in private clothes , pointed out to me , and some of them said , ' For God ' s sake , Sharp , D 9 careful what yoa say . ' ' I consider I am always careful , because I am also desirous of telling the truth , and when I speak the truth , and state what I mean , and when 1 tell the men what they should do — it is what I am prepared to do mysalf . 1 beiieve what I state , that it is required to carry out an end , and consequently if you men are determined to establish yonr rights , that you should embrace the opportunity when it presents

    itself . Now , then , with regard to the meeting that took place last Wednesday evening on C erkenwellgreeut I ws 3 absent because I was at Greenwich , as I was on the Monday , and in the words of the TiiiE 3 they certainly were men of the right sortmen who under circumstances of attack by the police would be the vanguard and destroy them immediately . These are the men of Greenwich , and I trust that the men of the Tower HamletB will not be behind them . Now , my friends , I live at a dairy myself , ani I wish to give you & Jittle instruction , and i . is about how many of these men are situated , that address public meetings , daring the ss-called turbulent times . I live at a dairy , and 381 stopped at Greenwich last Wednesday night , I did not go

    home till Thursday morning , but ofcourEemy wife , like every other woman , anxious for the welfare of her husband , Eat up for me . A man came to my houee on Wednesday night , and wanted a gallon of milk particularly , but she to . 'd him that the man would not get up te serve it , and he consequently went awayv At one o ' clock ia the morning my wife still silting flt » ( ot IMS in great ; ansiely , two men cams past , and said they must have milk , and domapded it . After a great deal of persuasion the bell which led to the Ban ' s chamber was rung , and he got up . The man put the question to them ' Who the devil do you want the milk for V' Oh , ' says they , 1 it ia wanted , the specials are ordered out for two or three o'clock in the morning , and they want tbeir breakfes ! before they go out . ' I treat Hie upegisifl

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    with the same contempt as our policemen , became I consider tho force of the working classes of England will destroy that petty power , which they hold at the hands of the government at the present time , and I do hope that yon will act as men , and not be scared at the Bight of a policeman or a special . I truBt not ; but if ever they insult you , if ever they brutaliae you , if ever they ptrike yon , act on the defensive , and if you cannot knock them down close with them , and do the best you possibly can ; for I can tell you no more Bnd no less than this—it is only man to man , and sometimes it is a little man to a big man , and sometimes it is a big man to a big man . bo that consequently you stand an equal chance

    to each other . He haa a staff and you have not , therefore it is just possible that your resisting hi 8 strength may dispcssesahiai of that staff , and snake as good use of it as he did himself . . You are aware that I have addiessed you previously thia afternoon , and Mr Ernest Jones is anxious to addreas you ; and lam very glad , in the presence of my friend Jones , that I have proved what I stated to him yesterday , that there would be from twenty to thirty thousand persons at this meeting ; and 1 hope that when h ? gets up he will grant to me that I have spoken the truth tor once . ' Now , gentlemen , that speech cannot be misunderstood . It is not the discussion of Chartist principles . There is in it no allusion to political or to real grievances . The whole object is this—the

    time of danger is approaching . I am not one of your cowardly leaders , and Ernest Jones is not one of thoee persona—and in the presence of Ernest Jones , ard of the other persons there , he onfines the whole of his observations to the endeavour to induce the people not to obey the constituted authorities of the country , but if they endeavoured to disperse their meetine . to resist force by force , to wreBt their staves from the handB of the . ' policemen , and to use them upon them . And he tella them that the middle classes—or rathir tiie working classes—are strong enough to destroy the petty power which the police constables and special constables derive at present from government . There can be no mistake about all this . The purpose of the speech is evident—the

    object Is , to incite tbe listeners against the constituted authorities , The language made use of ia mo 3 t illegal , and the meeting is one , consequently , of an unlawful charaoter . Mr Jones afterwards addressed the meeting . He followed the last apeaker , Sharp , and . I may inform you that his speech although long , is all included in the indiotment . You will find that is it not couched in the language of Sharp , because it come 3 from a man of education , but because it comes from a man of education you will find that the tendency of it cannot ba mistaken . Hs begins' Mr Chairman , and men of the Tewer Hamle's , in the Scat place I have to apologise to you for not having been here sooner , but a man cannot be at two places at the same time . ' Thus you will

    observe that he had arranged to be lliere—the meeting was held with his perfeet knowledge and consent , and he had arranged to meet and to address those who had promised to come . ' There waa a meeting convened for Irongale-wkarf , Paddington , and the police had , I understood , forbidden that meeting taking plaoe ; I was invited to attend ifc , and therefore I did attend it . There were a gond many police there , but they did not venture to interfere with tho meeting , and I can tell you this , hold your meetings , for although the government certainly are mad , they are not mad enough to put down public meetings , and if they were mad enough to do it , I , for one , hurl defiance in their teeth , and dare them to disperse this peaceable and legal assembly . I muat ask

    likewise for yonr indulgence to-day , inasmuoh as I start by the mail-train to-night for Lancashire and Yorkshire , and as those places are both in a very excited state , I shall have to use ray lungs there a good deal , and as London is not so excited ai those parts of the conntry are , excuse me from wearyingyou at any great length to-day . All that I say is this , stand fast to your coIohw ; da not shrink from the Charter and the whole Charter ; do not mind the nonsense of the halfand-half men ; do not pay any attention to tho Dis-? atch , and if you see any bodies of police coming near to this mealing , marohing on to this meeting , stand your ground , Bhoulder to shoulder—do not run —there is danger for those who run , there is safety for those who keep together ; dire them to strike

    you , and ray word for it , they dare not strike a blow . If they were to strike ablow , bad as the laws are now , still they are sufficiently stringent to punish those men who assault peaceable citizens , in the peaoeable execution or performance of t their duty . In nine cases out of ten it is your own fault , ! it ia your own cowardice , that invites others to strike a blow—it is men saying' we will not do this , or we * ill not do that , because it is forbidden , ' —make up your mind , stand by it , and whatever eomes Bfand to your ground , there cannot be more heads broken than are broken on these occasions when men run away . All I say ii this , that government are desirous of marring the performance of your present great duty—that duty io organisation . I have not been amongst you for some

    little time . Where are your classes ? Have you got your wardmotes ? Have you got year olaes leaders ? Have you perfected your organisation ? If not , call public meetings , and elect class leaders at thoae public meetings . Do not let the classes be formed before you haTe the olasa leaders . You will fiud it much more easy to form a class after the class leader is appointed ; for if you form classes , and then afterwards appoint the class leaders , you may spend two or three hours or more upon the formation of every chst , and can never come to a fixed determination with regard to it , as one man will live here , and another man will live there . Elect the class leader . The class leader then knows the men likely to form the c ' ass , living in his neighbourhood ; he will go to

    those men and invite them , and there can ba no dictation , no assumption of that power , be ? ause you all elect the olasa leaders at the public meetings . Rest assure ! if each locality elects a hundred olass leaders , you will soon have a thousand men under the banner . That is the way to get up the organisation , and then you may elect wardmotes . One out of the ten will be a wardai-. te . Commence at the' foundation aright , namely , the classes and the wards , and all the rest will follow of itself . As a matter of coaree begin by forming your classes . It is no use coming among you when there is no organisation , and it in not the Executive that can get up the organisation . The Executive cannot go to each locality and get up the organisation of each locality , it must bo the men in

    the localities . Show us your organisation and you will have a glorious opporluBity , on the 12 th . ' Now by the 12 th you know , was meant the day on which it was anticipated that there would be a general rising throughout the whole kingdom . It had been announced in the weekly meetings that had been held ever since the dispersion of the demonstration of the 10 th of April . It was even there , I believe , announced that simultaneous meeting * would take place on Whit-Monday , and what says Eraest Jonea in anticipation of this general riBiDg ? ' Have your wardmotes and your class leaders . ' You will find that before the meeting disperses Sharp tells those assembled , that tickets are selling at so much per hundred , containing details as to the plan proposed for perfecting this

    organisation—for effecting this establishment of ward ' motes and election of class leaders . The people are informed that the time of the general rising can be ascertained from the Executive , and what I would particularly wish you to notice is the' glorious opportunity' that is to occur upon the 12 th . But the defendant goes on' Prepare in the meantime . Show us your organisation then , and depend upon it we will show you some very feasible means for getting nearer to your rights , Depend upon it , we will not be backward . Show us your organisation , and depend upoa it you will not have to make one false step . ' The 10 th of April was a false step , beoauae the loyalty of the people defeated their intentions . ' Depend upon it yea will not be called upon to

    undertake any one step that you will not be fully prepared to carry out , and that the officers that you entrust with office shall not be prepared to lead you in—steer clear of all partial outbreaks , and partial riots . ' What does he mean by that ? Prepare in the meantime . Show us your organisation . Have your class leaders and depend upon it we will show you a glorious opportunity on the 12 th . We will on that day , show you such arguments aa will convince the public , but in the meantime do not break your force by partial rioting . Let the thing be general . Partial riots are only calculated to warn the government . Let the thing be general and simultaneous . Partial rioting will be injurious to our causa . I do not advise you not to

    have riots when the proper time shall come , under tho leading of the Exeoutive , of which I , ( Jones , ) am one ; butlet there be no partial riotiag . There has been rioting at Leeds , and at Bradford , and Mancheater , but we ( the Executive ) have sent down Dr M'Douall , and the thing is arranged—there will be ne partial rioting . ' He goes on , 'Thatisjuafc what the government wants . In a riot of that lund they immediately seize upon the leaders ; they will im « mediately cripple the organisation , and your organisation will be thrown back . Go on organising organising , organising ; and the reBt will come , never fear . ' What will come ? There are meetings Sunday after Sunday , they are recommended to put shoulder to Bhoulder , to bid defiance to the police , and to break their heads if they try to enforce tho law . Is this appealing to common sense arguments ? Will this bring them to the Six Points of the

    Charter ? ' Organise , organise , organise . ' Yes , and when the word of command is given by the Executive , then , when the rising is simultaneous , the government will be paralysed—they will be unprepared , and they muat yield . Gentlemen , I again repeat , that it is with the deepest regret that I am compelled to point eut to you the dangerous consequences of exciting language like thi * , more dangerous because it is addressed by a person in the position of the defendant . Go on Organising , Cfgan ^ ag , organising , and the reat will follow . And there is one thing more that is wanted-funds are ! » „* 7 . ' & > £ ^ ' , Z wil 18 ee **> y ^ ey are wanted . ' Without funds the organisation is of 1 / SUHe - . J » e «> nntryM Owning to do its duty nobly , and that is a great test of publio feeling . But ! SSre fwTVlV- " ? " true-as we heard j Jaat night—that the fighting had begun in Dublin •' aBjjpoeeitwereiruo-aawe heard laat night-that

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    i he government had ordered the daily papers not to say one word of insurrectionary news from Dublin , bo that this country is kept in darkneBB about it ; suppose that it should ba necessary that we should send a man over to see with hia own eyes , and to hear with his own ears , and thus bid defiance to the lying press ; suppose that all this * hould be necessary , and Buppose that we have not got tbe money to send that man over , see what danger the movement runs . ' What is the meaning of this ? Are they diBonBBing the Charter now ? Are they now endeavouring to assist their fellow-men to their political , or to their sooial rights ? Why do they waat money to Bend a man to Dublin , to know whether Dublin is in inBurrection ? Because they know that if Dublin were

    Be , the time has arrived which this organisation contemplated—the government would be embarassed , and unable to exert its power ; and then would the lives of tha loyal subjects of this kingdom bo endangered , aad their property divided amongst thoae who had set all law and all authority at defiance . ' Sea how the movement might be thrown back and injured , from the mere oonsequence of not having a few paltry pounds wherewith to pay a meaf en ? er—a trusty messenger—to ratify the bond of union between the English and Irish people . ' The bond of union between the English and the Irish people ! Now what is thia union ? Is it one of interest , of strength , of loyalty , of peace ? No . The union he refers to is one of blood . His language is this—what

    we want , ib a truBty messenger to the people of Ireland when they are in rebellion . Taking advantage of the doctrines which have b ? en too successfully circulated by a man who is now branded as a felon , these misguided men have been taught by their leaders here to believe that the time of a general rising in Ireland is at hand . They have been taught that Ireland is at present only Bleeping to recruit her strength , and that she will soon arise in armB against thoBe who deEtroy her children ; they have been taught to have no partial rioting , as that would only weaken themaelves , but to reserve their power for that day which should see a general rising throughout Ireland , and throughout this country . Union , ' he says , ' ot sentiment , union

    of democracy , bui separation from a yoke which binds the one nation in the thraldom of the other . I aay you must excuse me if I do not address you at great length , as I am about to start to-night by the mail train ; rest assured , however , that I will be struggling in your causa in Bradford , in Halifax . ' Now how are they ? Almost in a Bfcate of rebellion ; the civil power has been found insufficient ; the military haa been called out , and blood haa flawed in the street ; and Jones says he must get Leeds and Sheffield ' up to the mark . ' What mark ? That of Halifax and Bradford . 'Reat assured that I shall not preach a miserable namby pamby dootrine of nonreBistanee and paBBive obedience , bat at the same time I shall preach a doctrine of manly firmness , and

    not hot-headed impetuosity . ' He discourages partial rioting ! ' But if you meito to do a thing , aee well first if you have the power to do it ; and then , having made up your mind , do not let even death itself prevent you from carrying it into effect . I shall be able to Bend you good news , one way or the other ; sood news from the Nerth , from Yorkshire , and from Lancashire . The news will be that we have got such an organisation Bpreading there—the news will be that there is such & spirit spreading there , that success must be the certain result . Recollect one thing , gentlemen , part of the West Riding has got the true spirit in its heart , but two great towns Btand like an incubus upon the West Riding , namely—Leeds and Sheffield , which are torpid and apathetic '—in other

    words tiue and loyal— ' and ifc will be my duty to endeavour to get Leeds and Sheffield up to that mark to which Bradford and Halifax are now . ' I told you eegilemen what that mark was . ' I believe that the 'feSung of the men of Leeds is the true feeling in reality , but men have been preaohing among them for a long time aa unconditional peace doctrine . T hese men are mistaken men , for though I talk not now of insurrection , I say thia as to a peace doctrine , there shall be no peace in the conntry as long aa I , for one humble individual . can prevent it , until the poor man has his rights , and until the rich man has his nose brought to thegrindatone . ' Now what ia the meaning of all this—of this talk about the poor man ' s rights ? Remember that Mr Jones ' s means of knowledge was

    greater than the persons he was addressing—Mb aotual knowledge was no doubt greater ; and how are wo to construe his language ? Wlnt are the meaning of the words made use of by him on this occasion ? He states that it is an indispensable necessity before the poor man ean have what he ia pleased to term his rights , that the rich man should have his nose brought to the grindstone . He cannot mean personal injury ; the words are not te be undeHteod literally , we must , therefore , understand them to mean that the property of the wealthy , the gains of the middle industrious classeB , and the savings of the persona in the humble ranks of life , are to be divided among the admirers of Communism : for , if we once follow the praaenfc wild doctrines of France , it is impossible that we can stop

    short of an equal division of the property in the countryt In it to be endured for a moment that persons are to talk of the rights of tbe poor man , and of bringing rich men ' s no ? ea to the grindstone , without remembering that all of us have at some time or other arisen from the same source , and that all of us have been ai some time or other the makers of our own fortunes ? What is the merchant ? What the manufaoturer f At some time or other he or his ancestors were persons in humble life , who by industry , by perse * varance , and , it may be , by ability , have achieved the position in society whioh they at present , hold . What is the tradesman ? A peraoa making his fortunesamassing Btep by step hia property—by a caurae of honest , patient , and persevering industry . From

    what source does the wealthy man derive that wealth ? From the exertions of hia father , perhaps of his grandfather , or perhaps from some remote ancestry . Supposing the property of the country to be divided among the persons who have at present nothing batter to do than to listen to the icflammatory lectures of Mr Jones and hia brother politicians , how long wtmld it bo continue ? Would the poor man still claim it as a right to have a freah division of property when the superior industry and perseverance of another man had amassed a greater amount of property than he f What , then , does he mean by bringing the noseB of the rioh men to the grindstone ? I presume it can mean nothing else than to dispossess him of hia property , and we are to

    see , without attempting to find a remedy for such a state of things , misguided men like these , who attend these meetiBgs , under the guidance of such men as the defendant , constituted the arbiters of our fortunes ! Talk of liberty with these principles in yeur mouths ! I believe there cannot be a more cruel or despicable tyranny than this—to be under the power of persons who exhibit so little consideration as to be governed by doctrines so fatal as these . He proceeds — ' They are trying to sow dissension and distrust between you and the men you have honoured with the advocaoy of your cause . The Dispatch tells you , that the mantles &f Oliver and Castles have desoended on my shoulders , and it tells you that I was a Tory ten years ago . It lies . I fought three

    times for those principles whioh I uphold now , and I can give the Dispatch & proof of it , if it is required . I bear ene of the bayonet wounds of the King of Hanover ' s soldiers about my person at this present moment . Well , again , there is Cobden , who tells you that demagogues are going about disturbing and breaking into the middle clasB movement , and he says , in hia letter to ths Daily News , that the individuals who go about disturbing these meetings , have got the wages of despotism in their pocketB , AbIc Mr Cobden , where are the £ 70 , 000 that were given to him ? ask him , where did he get them from and what did he get them for ? and tell him , at last , that the wages of despotism were in hia pocket if he dares to acouae honeater men than himself of having

    the wages of despotism in their pockets . Again , when Cobden , the other night , challenged the Chartist myrmidons ( as he called them ) with daring to confront biro , why did he , when at the London Tavern , not get upon the platform instead of sneaking among the reporters as he did ? Recollect this , that their gamo , their plan , is this ; to sow mistrust amoui the different branches of our organisation , to make you believe that if you help them , you will gain , afterwards , your result—but they cannot deny this , that if yoa help them they will gain their objeot . Now , why should your pupils ( for you have taught them ) , why should your pupils gain what they want at once , wbafc you have been for bo many years struggling for , and have not gained yet ? No , my friends , stop by

    jour own cause- They say , they can prevent you from putting the wedge in the rotten phalanx of power . We are strong enough te Bplititup at one blow altogether , without waiting to put a middle class milk-sop wedge in . ' And then , gentlemen , he proceeds to explain this by an illustration . ' You will reoollect the story of the farmer , whose field was overrun with thistles , and he wished to destroy them , and what did he do ? Ho out off the topa of them , and the thistles sprouted up more luxuriantly'than ever ; but there came another farmer , and that man was a Chartist , and what did he say ? Ho said , dig them up by the roots . The middle clauses are cutting off the tops of tbe thistles and they will sprout up more luxuriantly than ever . I want you to take the epade and the hoe to them , and to root up the noxious weed altogether . When you destroy it it never come 3 again . Organise ! organise !

    or-Kanise ! Dr MDouall will remain here amongst you , and , on Whit-Monday come up in your classes —come up ia your wards—give them such a display as they never had before—give them , at lenst , anotner Kennington . ' I presume he means another meeting resulting in the same consequences , plunder and disturbance . ' At all events show them yeur organisation . I trust that much may be done between this and the 12 th , and , no doubt , on the 12 th your woyemeno will make an adiance again , the same as it did on the 10 th of April last , only a greater aud better advance . Now , my friends , I bid you farewell . My friend Sharp wishes to say a few words to you aboHt something particular . Now that 1 am going off , shall I tell the men of Bradford , shall I tell the men of Halifax , who acted so gloriously and who acted ae gallantly '—you will remember that they i&sisttVi tha police , and the military were obliged to h& ccrikd « st— ' shall 1 tell the men of Maachester ,

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    who mada the peaoemengering— something , the word is omitted—' skip over the garden-wall ; shall I tell the men ef York , shall I tell the men ef Leeds . shall I tell the men of tho West Riding—shall I tell them that London is determined to do its duty ? becauso , recolleot , they are looking to the metropolisthey are looking to you . I verily believe that not a single blow need be struck for liberty in this country . ' No , for they trust to effect a general rising , when the government would be embarrassed with the state of Ireland . 'I believe that in Ireland it must be struck , and what is more , I beiieve that in Ireland it will be struck ; but whatever may be the consequence ' organise , organise , organise , ' and prepare for anything ; only preparation , only organisation is

    wanted , and tbe green flap ; shall float over Duwning ; street '—the government offices— ' aad St Stephen s —or the Houses of Parliament— ' only energy is wanted , only determination , and what will be the result ? Why that John JYlit . hel and John Frost will be brought back , and Sir George Grey and Lord John Russell will be sent to change places with them . ' ( Laughterin the court . ) Now , gentlemen , this la no doubt amusing , and I can scarcely refrain myself from smiling at the thing , and my learned friend will , no doubti be aa witty as usual on this occasion , but yet you mast remember the circumatances in which these words were addressed to the meeting . Youjmust recollect that at tha time great excitement prevailed oyer England , not only from the

    prevalence of distress , but from the transactions taking place in other countries , aad therefore such language as this— ' that not a single blow need be struck for liberty ; our organisation is not yet perfect ; we must wait , but in Ireland the blow must and will be struck . ' He has not expressed himself in positive language , but his meaning ia clear ; when there shall be a rising in Ireland—when the hands of government shall be full—when they shall be embarrassed by the weight and multiplicity of business , then shall the blow be struck , and the green flag , the emblem of the doctrines of him who ia now receiving the punishment due to a felon—the green flag will float over Downing-street , and the government being powerless , John Mitchel will be brought back—the

    felon and the traitor will be restored to this country , and JohH Frost , who basely led hia deluded followers to death , and like a coward , was crying at the destruction he had provoked , and which he dared not himself meet ; he i 8 likewise to ba restored to this kicgdem , and the men who preserved the nation in the midst of the moat trying circumstances , they , for their meritorious conduct , are to bo consigned to the felons' places ^ And , gentlemen , recollect to whom this is addressed . To men , to whom the example of the town of Bradford is held out a 3 gallant and glorious ; and by a man who ia going down to the country to induce other places to follow tha example set to thorn by the town of Bradford . I repeat what I took the liberty in the

    commencement of these observations of stating , that nothing could ba more dangerous to society , and to the the publio safety , than the discussion of exciting topics like these . The learned Attorney-General then read the remarks with whioh Sharp terminated the meeting , and concluded thus , — Now eyery man may well suppose that persona collected on an occasion like this , who had addresses made to them weak after week , in languagejsi&llar to tbis , were , although warned against partial outbreak , 5 notin a very likely state to obsy that which might after all probably be a ruse . The result , unfortunately , was bo . Aa the meeting adjourned many persons proceeded to a church in the neighbourhood , where the government had sent a body of polios for the purpose of

    preventing any breaoh of the peace , if such was contemplated , and stones were thrown , and other missiles were used by the crowd who had assembled . One man was severely wounded by an iron bar , and many others were more of less wounded , nor was it until the mounted police appeared , that the people were dispersed . Now the question for your consideration is thia . This language addressed by Ernest Jones to the persons assembled in suoh a place , and under such circumstances—that language being of an illegal and exciting character , being intended to perfect a system of organisation , for the purpose ot establishing what he calls the union of sentiment and democracy between England and Ireland—for the purpose of intimidating the government , when all

    its power and its energies would bo required for the preservation of peace in the sister island—for the purpose of intimidating the man of property , the merchant and the tradesman—and so injuring the whole basis of society , saying to such men we shall take from yeu the fruits of your praiseworthy exertions ; and thus compel them to yield to lawless force —that which was unjustly demanded by those per-Bons . They seek to effect changes in the constitution and in the social condition of the country—not by argument , not by discussion , not by any legitimate mode of obtaining redress for grievances , but by terror and alarm , and by illegal intimidation . By terror—but not by rioting , for that must be suppressed and rut down in the meantime—but by force when the country is most susceptible of attack— by force when Ireland is in a state of rebellion—by

    force only when the blow can be Btniok with safety , when the organisation is made effectual for that purpose . Now , if that be so , there can be no doub : of the guilt of the defendant—guilt in any man , however uneduoated and however Illiterate , guilt of the blackest character ; bat when addressed by a man of education and of ability—by a man of legal know ledge and acquirements—by a mm of standing and pf station , who has not ashBdow of pretence on his part to complain of grievances—if this is guilt in other men , Burely in a man who has taken as oath of allegiance to tho sovereign and to the Crown—an oath whioh he is by acts like these daily and hourly violating—surely the guilt ia infinitely increased ; and if found guilty on the evidence , it will be your duty to regard his criraeas of & much higher eharactcr than that of the illiterate and humbler men who attended the same meeting .

    Witnesses were then called for the prosecution ' Jambs Whitb , examined by Mr Wellsbt : —Tou are a short-hand writer ? Yes , I am . —Did you attend a meeting—a Chartist meeting—held in Bsnner ' s-uelds , en Sunday , the 4 th of June ? I did . — I believe there had previously , on that afternoon , been a meeting of the Irish Confederates , as they call themselves ? There had . —Now at what hour did the Chartist meeting commence ? About quarter to eix o'clock . —Bonner ' s-fieWs is a large open common is it ? Yes . —Can you judge of the numbers of person present ? About 3 , 000 at the meeting , and a great number scattered over the place . —When you say the meeting , you mean about the plaoe wherd the speaker spoke ? Yes , about 3 O 00 . —Had many

    of these persons remained from the former meeting ? Yes . —I believe there was no chairman proposed at the meeting , was there ? There was none . —Who first addressed them ? Alexander Sharp . —Did you take notes of what ha . said ? I did . —Refreshing your memory by that note , tell us what he said . [ The witness here read from bis notes the speech of Alexander Sharp , which will ba found in the Attorney General ' s address to the jury ]—You say there were cries of 'Ernest Jones . 'did Erneat Jones then appear ? He appeared in a minute or two afterwards—Then , I believe , Ernest Jones addressed the meeting ? He did . —From what did he address them ? From the chair . —Placed where ? On a mound . —A natural mound ? A natural mound . — And you have got the notes ? Read ta his lordship that speech .

    Chief Justice Wiijde . —Is it all on the face of the indictment ? Solicitor to the Prosecution . —All , my lord , The witness then read the following speeoh : — ' Mr Chairman and Men of the Tower Hamlets , — In the first place I have to apologise to you for not having been here sooner , but a man cannot be in two places at the same time . There was a meeting convened for Irongata Wharf , Paddington , and the police , I understood , had forbidden that meeting taking place . I was invited to attend it , and therefore I did attend it . There were a gooi many police there , but they did not vesture to interfere with the meeting ; and I can tell you this , hold your meetings , for although the government are mad , they are not

    mad enough to put down publio meetings , and if thev were mad enough to do it , 1 , for one , hurl defiance in their teeth , and dare them te disperse this peaceable aBd legal assembly . I must ask likewise for your indulgence this day , inasmuch aa I start by the mail train to . night for Lancashire and Yorkshire , and as-those places are both in a very exoited state , I shall have to use my lungs there a good deal , and as London i 3 not so excited as those parts of the country are , exouse me from wearying you at any length today . All that I eay ia this , stand fast by your colours —do not Bhnak from the Charter and the whole Charter , —do not mind the nonsense of the half-and-half men , —do not pay any attention to the Dispaioh , and it you see any bodies of police coming near to this

    meeting ,-m&rohingon to this meetinf . —stand your ground , ghoulder to Bhoulder . Do not run . Tcare is danger for thoae who run , there is safety for those who keep together . Dare them to strike you , and my word for it , they dare not strike a blow . If they were to Btrike a blow , bad as the lawB are now , they are still sufficiently stringent to punish those men who assault peaceable citizens in the peaceable execution or performance of their duty . In nine cases out of ton it is your own fault ; it is your own cowardice that invites others to strike a blow . It is men saying ^ we will not do this , and we will not do that , because it is forbid . Make ap your mind . Stand by it , and , whatover comes , stand to your ground . There cannot be more heads broken

    than are broken pn these occasions , when men run away . All I say is , that government are desirous of marring the performance of your present great duty . That duty is organisation . I have not been among fou for some little time . Where are your classes ? lavo joii your wardmotca ? Ilavo you got you ? class leaders ? Have you perfected your organisation ? If not , call publio Meetings , and eleot the class leaders at those public meetings . Do not let the classes be formed before you have the class leaders . Yon will find it much more easy to form a clas 3 after the class leader is appointed ; for , if you form dosses , and then afterwards appoint the olaes leaders , you may spend too or three hours or more upon the formation of ever ; class , sad can never

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    come to a final determination wrfb regard toi it , aj one man will live here and another there . Elect tne class leader . The olass leader then knows the men likely to form the class living in his neighbourhood . He will go to these men and invite them , and taere ean be no dictation , no assumption of that power , because you all elect the class leaders at the public meetings , Rest assured , if eaoh locality elects about one hundred class leaders , you will soon have a thousand men under the banner . That is the way to get tip the ors ; aniBatien , and then you may eleot wardmotes . One out of ten will be a wardmote . Lorn * mence at the foundation aright—namely , the claseaa and the wards . All the rest will follow of itself . As a matter of course , begin by forming your classes . It is no use coming among you when there is no

    organisation , and it is not the Executive that can get up the organisation . The Executive cannot go to each locality , and get up the organisation of eaoh oca ! Uy . It must be themen in the localities . Show us your organisation , and you will have a glorious opportunity on the 12 tb . Prepare in the meantime . Show us your organisation , then , and , depend upon it , we will show you some very feasible means for getting nearer to your rights . Depend upon it , we will not be backward . Show us your organisation and , depend upon it , you 'ffill not have to make one false step . Depend upon it , you will not be called upon to undertake any one step that you will not be fully prepared to carry out , and that the officers yoa entrust with office wiil not leave you in the carrying .

    Steer clear of all political outbreaks and partial rioting There ha 3 bsen an outbreak at Bradford and Manchester . We aent down Dr M'Douall , who ia now addressing a glorious meeting at PaddiDgton , to tell them , no partial outbreaks , no partial rioting . That is just what the government wants . In a riot of that kind they immediately Beize upon the lead * ing men . They will immediately cripple their organisation , and your organisation will be thrown back , ; Go on organising , organising , organising , and the rest will oome , sever fear it . And there is one thing more that is wanted ,: which iB funds . FundB are wanted Without funds the organisation is of little use . The country is beginning to do its duty nobly , and that is a great test of public feeling . But mark

    you I Suppose that it was true , as we heard last night that the fighting had begun in Dublin . Sup . pose that it was true , as we heard last night that the government had ordered the daily papew not to ea 7 one word of insurrectionary news from Dublin , so that thia country is kept in the dark about it . Suppose that it Bhould be necessary that we should sead a man over to see with hia own eyes , and to heat with his own ears , and thus bid defiance to the lyiag pre&s . Suppose that all this should be necessary , and suppose tbat we had not got the money to send that man over . See what danger tha movement runs . See how the movement might be thrown back and injnred from the mere circumstance of not having a few paltry pounds , wherewith to pay a

    messenger—a Iruaty Keaaengar , to ratify the bond of union between the English and the Irish people . Union , I sayf of sentiment , union of democracy , but separation from a yoke whioh binds the one nation to the thraWom of the othec . I say yon must excuse rao if I do not uddress you at great length , as I am about to start tonight by the mail train . Rest as . surad that I will be struggling in your cause in Bradford , in Halifax , ia Manchester , and in the other places where storm and tnrbulence are now going on . Rest assured that I shill not preach ft miserable namby-pamby doctrine of non-reaiatanca and passive obedience . But , at tke same time I shall preaoh a doctrine of manly firmness , and no lot-headed imnetnoaity . If you mean to do anything ,

    see well first if you have the power to do it ; and then , having made up your mind , do not let eree death itself prevent you from carrying it into effeot . I shall be able to send you giod news one way or the other . Good news from the Horth , from Yorkshire , and from Lancashire . The news will bB that we have got such an organisation spreading there ; the newa will be that there is such & spirit spreading there—that success must be the certain result . Recollect one thing , gentlemen , partof the West Riding has got the true spirit in its Meart , but two great towns stand jike an incubus upon the West Riding , namely—Leeds and Sheffield , which are torpid and apathetic . My duty will be to endeavour to get Leeds and Sheffield up to that mark to which

    Bradford and Halifax are now . I believe that the feel , ing of the men of Leeds is the true feeling in reality But men have been preaching among them for a longtime an unconditional peace doctrine . These men are mistaken men , for although I talk not now of insurrection , I Bay , aa to the peace doctrine , there shall be no peace in the country as long as I , for one humble individual can prevent it—until the poor man haB hia rights , and nntil the rich man has hia nose brought to the grindstone . They are trying to ' sow dissensioiiB and distrust , between you and those men whom you have honoured with the advocacy of your cause . The Dispatch tells you that the mantles < -f Oliver and Castles have descended upon my shoulders , and

    it tells you that I was a Tory ten years ago . It lies . I fought three times for those principles which I uphold now , and I can give the Dispatch a proof if it requires it . I baar one of the" bayonet wounds of the King of Hanover ' s soldiers about my person at this present moment . Well , again , there is Cobden , who tella you that demagogues are going about disturbing and breaking into the roiddle class movement *; and he says , is his letter to the Dailt IVews , that the individuals who go about disturbing these meetings have got the wages of despotism in their pockets . Ask Mr Cobden where are the £ 70 , 000 tbat were given to him ? Ask him where did he get them from , and what did he get them for ? And tell him , at laat , that the wages of despotixm are in

    hia pocket , if he dares to accuse honestev men than himself of having the wages of despotism in tkeii pockets . Agsia , when Cobden the other night challenged the Chartist myrmidons , ( as he called them , ] and dared them ts confront him , why did he , wheB at the London Tavern , not get upon the platfora instead of sneaking among the reporters as he did' { Recolieot this , that their game , their plan is thisto sow distrust amongst the different branches of out organisation , to make you believe that if you help them , yoa will gain afterwards your result . Bo { they cannot deny tbia , that if you help them they will gain their object . Now why ahauld > our pupils , ( for you have taught them , ) why should they , your pupils , gain what they want at once , whit you have

    haye been bo tjany years struggling for and have not gained yet ? No , my friends , Btop by your own cause . They say they can prevent you from putting the wedge in the rstten phalanx of power . We are strong enough to split it up at one blow altogether , without waiting to put a middle class milk-sop wedge in . You will recollect the story of the farmer whose field was overrun with thistles , and he wished to detroy them ; and what did he do ? He cut off tha tops of them , and the thistles Bprout-: d up more luxuriantly than ever ; but there came another farmer , and that man was a Chartist , and what did he say ? He said , dig them up by the roots . The middle classes are cutting the topa of the thistles , and they will sprout up more luxuriantly now , than ever .

    I want you to take the spade and the hoe to them , and to root up the noxious weed altogether . When you destroy it , ii never comes again . Organise ! organise ! organise Dr M'Douall will remain here amongst you , and < fi Whit Monday come up in your classes—come up iffi your wards . Give them such a display as they neveS had before , Give them at least another Kenning ton , but not a KenniDgton-common meeting . At all events , show them your organisation . I trust that much may be done between this and the 12 ih , and no doubt on the 12 th joar movement will make an advaHoe again , the same as it did on the lOch of April last—only , a greater and & better advanoe . Now , my friends , I bid yoa farewell . My friend Sharp winhes to say a few worda to you about something particular . Now that I am going off , shall I tell the men of Bradford—shall I tell the men of Halifax , who acted so gloriously , and who acted go

    gaiiantiy—snau i ten tne men of Manchester who made the peaceroongering [ Witness : I have left a blank here for a word that idid not catch ] -8 kip over the garden wall . Shall I tell the men oi Tork-shall I toll the men of Leed 9-ahall I tell them that London is determined to do its duty ? because , recolleot , they are looking to the metropolis-. they are looking to you . I verily believe that not a single blow need be struck for liberty in thiscountry . 1 believe that in Ireland it must be struck and , what is more , I believe that in Ireland it will ' be struck . But whatever may be the constquenee organise : organiao ! organise . ' -and prepare for everything . Only preparation—oaly organisation , is wanted , and the green flag shall float over Downing-street and St Stephen ' s . Only energy ia wanted —only determination , and what will bo the result ? Why , that John Mitehel &ud Joha Frost will bo brought baok , and Sir George Grey and Lord John Russell will be sent to change places with them . '

    Examination continued by Mr Wellbbt . —In what manner was this speeoh received by the meeting ? It was received with ' hear , hear' and cheera , in the various places which are marked in the copy . —Now after Jonea had conoluded , did Sharp address them again ? He did . Lord Chief Justice Wildb . —Before Shaip spoke did you see what became of Jonea ? Jonea left im « mediately . Mr Clarkson rose to object , but Mr Serjeant Wilkins suggested that the apoeoh of Sharp was of no importance , and asked hia learned friend not to offer any objection . The ATiORNBr-GEHERAii , —If my objection fe made , I will not ask to have it re » J < Mr Serjeant Wilkins would offer none .

    The wi'aeas then read the remarks made by Sharpat the close of tho meeting , whioh had refojencs merely to the sale of pamphlets embracing the pro posed plan of organisation . Examination continued by Mr Wkllsbt . I believe , sir , that concluded the speeches ? Ifc did , —Did you after that go to a publio house , called the City of Paris ? I did .-How long did you remain there ? About half-an-hour . —While there did you hear a disturbance on the Common ? I heard the « y that the police were there , and I got op to

    Untitled Article

    6 THE NORTHERN STAR July 15 , 184 ft _^ ¦ mi in HiTffiBi Mniii i - i i . mnrrii i n ¦¦ ¦ ¦ . . naim—Win ¦¦ w —¦¦ iTTTMTWlWWTgnTlffflWnilniMnnr ^ B ^ Ta I niaiin iiiim ¦ . ii ¦ - ^—— - ^—^—¦¦*>*——w—l—* I 1—W | ^ M *** m !**^ P ^**^^^^^^^^ ^" ' ' '

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1848, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1479/page/6/