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THE NORTHERN STAB. SATCKDAY, MARCH 3, 1S49.
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£o (jroiTcsyonijeuts
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Xo-.v Keatly, a Xcw Edition of MR. G'C^OH'S WORK 0:3 SMALL FARMS.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Just published . Xo . II . Trice Sktesce , of TEE COIIOSWEALTH : A 3 IOXTHLY RECORD OF DEMOCRATIC , SOCIAL & INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS"HIE COMMOXAVEALTH" will be the Representative f the Chartists , Socialists , ajid Trades' Cnieuists , in the Monthly Press . costests : i . The Crime of tlie Government against the People i Home Colonies sn the Netherlands . ; i . TlieLawoflts . # i > restntanon . 4 . Louis Blanc . . ' .. Ureamof liberty . 6 . Itevitw of the Month : I . Foreign Affairs . TI . Home Afiairs .
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GROWS LAXDS . Tins uar is rnVHshed , Price Is ., THE SPEECH OF D . W . HATtVEY , -I Esq ., ( when M . I \ for Colchester ) , on moving for a Select Committee to inquire into the extent and value of the ceows mmxn . tvith a view to its public appropriation , T ^ todTniiSvay . Piccadilly ; AYilson , Koyal Exchange ; and cf all Other Booksellers .
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SOUTH LOXDOX CHARTIST HALL , Corner of WeLber-street , BlaekSiars-road . A \ OUATION will be tlelivcred at the abor . -Miauie « l lMlin aid of the Fund [ tor _ tlie sm . fK . rt cf TIIE AVIAES ASD FAMILIES OF THE CJlAKT £ i ? r VICTIMS . ad on WEDXEfBAr Eteskc . Mabch 7 th , By THOMAS CLARK ; Oa thcfolloicing subjects : — Mmcii 7 th . Life and Character cf THOMAS JEFFERSOX , the Third rieadentof tlie American Kepnblic ; Comparison between ¦ Va « uin 5 t « n and Jefferson ; Democratic Tendencies of the latter ; Jefferson considered as the first man of Ms time aad countrv . To commence at Eight o CIock . AnuiKSIOS—TwOPESCE .
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THE FRENCH REVOLUTION FESTIVAL . The Democratic Committee will meet on Monday eve , March 5 th . at eight o'clock , at the Two Chaibmes , "Wardonr-street . Soho , to wind up the afiairs of the late festival , held in tlie John-street Institute , Avhen the sellers or holders of tickets must either attend or send and settle ibeir accounts , that tlie business may be ^ closed . E . G ill , Secretary .
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7 QEW WEEKLY PUBLICATION , J . » DEVOTED TO EDUCATIONAL . INDUSTRIAL , AND SOCIAL REFORM . On --ATCRDAY > "EXT . March 10 th , will be Published "So . I . Price Twopence , of die
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T EEDS BRANCH OF THE NATIONAL X 4 I . AXD COMPAXY . —At a meeting of Members , held ¦ on Smiitiv . the lltli nit , it iras unanimously resolved : "Thatall Members , belonging to the Branch , who do not jay up their contributions , or make arrangements with ^ the Secretarv respecting the same , on or before the first Sunday in May will forfeit all monies they hare paid , and then-names wiil be erasedlroiuthe books of the Company . "
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FOR SALE . A FOUR AXD A TWO-ACRE SHARE in ilia NATIONAL LAND COMPANY . Astfcepartj L- goimr Jihroad . he will take tlie first reasonable offer . Apply foiost free ) to J . Fairbairu , 7 , Rose-street , Edin , Irarerh .
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HABTIST TRACTS FOR THE TLAIES . OX TIIE FIRST SATURDAY IX MARCH , 1 S 49 , AYill lie published Number One of the above Tracts . THEY AT 1 LL BE OOSDDCTED BI THE CHARTIST PRISONERS IX KIRKDALE GAOL , And are intended to form a text-book for the workin : ; classes , : is to the various causes which produce the social aud i *> litieal degradation of the people . Although numerous writers have essayed from time to time to sjin-3 > atliisc with the sufferings , aud expose the ivrongs which jut inflictvd on the industrious classes , by the present unjust state of society , their works have contained so much pemile cant , and niawldsli sentimentality , and displayed such total ignorance of tlie real position of the parties whose cause they have undertaken to advocate , together ¦ with such an amount of misrepresentation as to their feelings aud wishes , which makes their works—no matter how well intended—bear a closer resemblance to romance , or ] cuit < : nu ! ue , than a serious statement of grave facts hi which the interests of millions are concerned . We , tlieref . « v , a few working men—immured in a dungeon for the part we have taken in endeavouring to elevate our classliave resolved to speak for ourselves , in our own mode , and endeavour to exhibit the hideous deformity of tile present ijiijust state of things to our fellow-workmen ; and , at the
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Awfci , OccrjRRRSCE . — "Wom&s "Worried bt a Dog —On Tuesday evening , a frightful occurrence touk place in Clifford-street , Liverpool . A dog of the bull and terrier species , and of enormous size , "was kept chained up in the cellar of a house in Cufford-street On Tuesday , however , it snapped its chain , broke through the cellar ¦ window , and ran in an infuriated state into the street . Airs . Brown , the wife of a labourer , residing in a court-house ia the street , ran to p'otect one of her children who had been bitten by the animal , when the dog flew at her , threw her down , and proceeded to worry her in the most savage manner . It bit her severely in the calves of the legs and then seized her by the chin . Three or four men who witne sed the occurrence
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Caution;—Some of our agents -and subscribers act very foolishly by enclosing com in letters . Siiice the commencement of the present year £ 3 Os . 4 d . { said to be sent to us , ) has been lost from this cause . We cannot be expected to lose sums thus carelessly sent , and I tt-ust the practice will henceforth be abandoned for the interest of the remitters . I subjoin the following extract fipm ILuuus ' s Post-Ofce Guide . — " Persons having " occasion to forward money by the post are " strongly recommended by thePostmastcr-Genc" ral to send it through the Money-Order Office , " and he also advises not to transmit com in " letters , under any circumstances . " The Post-Office business is well conducted ; but if people will act counter to the instructions given they
cannot expect protection . Many arc penuy-vrisc and pound-foolisli , or there would not be so many convictions of dishonest letter-carriers , nor between £ 40 , 000 and £ 50 , 000 worth of unclaimed property at the Dead Letter Offices . — "W . Kider . Mr . 3 . Heatoj . - , Cawthorne . —The charge will be 4 s ., with which you must send a copy of the advertisement yoTnxciUM . —J . Sweet acknouledges the receipt of the following sums , viz .: —For ilrs . M'DocAii—From Beeston , 3 s . 3 d . ; the Colonel Hutcbiusou , Is . 3 d . For Victjji Fl-kd , ( sent herewith ) : From the Colonel llutchinsou , 5 s . For Ueffxce Fcsd , ( sent herewith ) : Sir . Perkius , 2 d . ; Mi * . Kiiott , 3 d . ; from the Colonel Hutcliinson , 3 s . Mr . H . Stringed , Sandbach , and Mr . J . Gosuss , Congleton . —They were sent , on Thursday , to Mr . Heywood . Mr . Kituv , Leeds . —We liavereceived the Tost-Office Order ,
but not the copy of advertisement John Abnott , Sonicrs Town , acknowledges tlie receipt of the following for the benefit of the Victim Fund , from Mr . James Watson , 3 , Queen's-head-passage , l ' aternoster-row , for which the committee return their sincere thanks : —Goodwin ' s Political Justice , 2 vols . ; Hurwood ' s Six Lectures on the Com Laws , eight copies ; Taylor ' s Dialogues on Respect for Outward Tilings , two copies ; Monthly Messenger , three copies ; Thompson ' s Labour Rewarded , two copies ; Jfew Age and Healthian ; Histoiy of Greece ; Michelet ' People ; Society and Manners in America ; Buxton on Prison Discipline ; Memoirs of Charles Louis Sand ; Stewart ' s Life and Writings of Dr . Hobertsou ; Crumpe ' s Essay on Employing the 1 ' oor ; and a large quantity of Pamphlets . The Wat Tiler . membebs . —Vour announcement must be paid for as an advertisement .
The Northern Stab. Satckday, March 3, 1s49.
THE NORTHERN STAB . SATCKDAY , MARCH 3 , 1 S 49 .
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THE MINISTER'S " GREAT DIFFICULTY . " Daring the recess , and previous to the assembling of the Collective Wisdom , our far-seeiug contemporaries indulged in most fanciful speculation as to the probable bill of fare of the Session , and the " IRISH STEW , " or , rather , as it is termed in Ireland , the " BEGGARS' DISH , " was announced as the Ministerial head dish ; and , upon reference to the text book , our readers Avill find that -we established Ministerial title to Irish support upon Irish dissension . We said , that the Noble Lord at the head nf fliA fJnvppiimpnt . would tickle the Irish
gentlemen with the " area of taxation , " well knowing that a Committee of Irish gentlemen , appointed to deliberate upon that subject , would have as many opinions as names , each influenced wholly by his own individual interest , and not , in the slightest degree , affected by the wants of the poor , or the pressing urgency of any measure that might be proposed . Well , we were true prophets—the maxim of the great agitator has been realised . " IRELAND FOR THE IRISH , " says the Whig Minister ; " . But , no , " say the Irish representatives , " Ireland is your adopted child— we
are your adopted children—we feel pride and honour in our connexion with England—we have used our best endeavour , and strained our every nerve , to establish our intimacy and connexion upon our provincial degradationwe enabled you to pauperise Ireland by persecuting opinion , so long as ignorance constituted YOUR power and OUR patronage—but now , if you amalgamate the national will , if you enforce the princip le of national dependence , the black North that constituted your Protestant reserve , the loyal Protestants of Ulster , —ready to wade up to their necks in Catholic blood—will , ifyeu nationalise poverty , proclaim their national independence . "
These inhabitants of the Protestant counties , occupants of Catholic estates , conferred upon them by an English King , have taken the lead in their opposition to the Ministerial proposition of a sixpenny rate in aid , as a means of securing , not permanent , but temporary , relief for their starving fellow countrymen . The Press of the several parties take that view of the subject which is most likely to agree with the interests of then : respective supporters—but we take the humanity view , the justice view , the equity view , the life-and-death \ invr of it—and let us call the attention of the
reader to the amount of tax proposed to be levied npon the Protestant North , in aid of the Catholic South and West . It amounts to two and a-half per cent , upon the propertythat is , the landlord with a thousand a-year will have to pay £ 25 a-year to the support of the poor . There may be a difference between gratuitous and compulsory charity ; or , rather , there may be a difference between the landlord ' s declaration that he does give so much , and the legal obligation that he shall give so much less than he professes to give , but that he SHALL GIVE THE ONE , while he only boasts of GIVING THE OTHER .
Let us now review the social condition of an Irish landlord , having a thousand a year , and compelled to pay £ 25 towards the support of the poor . We will not go into his principal items of expenditure ; Ave shall not canvass the justice , the propriety , or the decency of entering his kennel , and contrasting the condition of his fatted hounds with that of his lean serfs ; we shall not review his stud , and remind him that one horse , poorly fed , costs
more than this Poor-law tax ; we shall not criticise his dress , or the wardrobe of his family , or even the liveries of his domestics ; if he does not keep hounds himself , we shall not enter into a consideration of the cost of his hunting establishment ; and if he is a bachelor , we have too much modesty too nicely to scan or criticise his delicate casual expences : but , married or single , ive will measure the tax by the excise gauge , and to the result we implore the attention of the English reader .
We will presume , striking an average between the bachelor and the family , that there is consumed a pint of wine per day , valued lowly at two shillings—this amounts to 36 V . 10 s . per year , or the amount of tax payable npon nearly £ 1 , 500 property ; half-a-pint of wine a day , an indulgence which no man of common sense would object to abandon for so just a purpose as saving the lives of the poor , yet this amount of abstinence would be a saving of 181 . os . a year , or would pay the tax proposed to be levied upon over £ 700 a year .
Now , will not those hard-working English labourers , who are not only compelled to forego every description of luxury , hut who find it difficult to preserve existence by incessant toil , we ask—will they not laugh to scorn and contempt the pitiful northern howl raised against this pitiful dole about to be levied upon the rich to preserve the lives of the poor ? We think we hear the advocates and apolog ists of the pampered aristocrats exclaiming : " Oh ! their class is already impoverished , bankrupt , and destroyed by the non-payment of rents . "—To this we answer : — Firstly . —That they are the promoters of every grievance , of which they complain .
Secondly . —That we never hear of a landlord dying of starvation . And , Tldrdly . — That twenty-five pounds a year wisely , prudently , and economically adminisered ,. will save the taxed landlord more than double that amount But we take a much more comprehensive view of this subject than our cotemporaries . Ireland requires a domestic eye over her domestic affairs . John Bull has enough to do at home , and could only spare an occasional commission to make a rapid surrey , and g ive an ill-digested report of the state of Ireland ; while ,
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THE FIRST MONTH . " The Ides of March" are come , and can the tax-payer derive profit , pleasure , or satisfaction , for the value he has received from the first mouth's legislation of the present Session ? Ceercion Bills have passed with railroad speed , while Railway Bills , High Road Bills , Small Tenement Bills , and all those Bills interesting to parties and factions in the House , have dragged then- slow-length along , spurring the advocates and opponents on to 3 nergetic support- or opposition . The Financial Reform question was over in a night , and could command but seventy-eight votes . The admission of the Jews insured a large muster
of Christians , while the cause of / the death of 150 pauper children was discussed in question and answer , and the destruction of eightythree lives in a colliery was disposed of in a minute ; the flippant official , amongst cheers from Coal Kings , telling the House that the means resorted to for t he preservation of life in Germany and other countries , were too minute and complicated to be adopted by Christian England . But , nevertheless , we have the official ' s assurance that something shall be talked about when some more lives are Io 3 t , but at present it is impossible to recommend any plan for the preservation of life .
Let the labourer turn to the past month s Parliamentary history , and ask himself what cause for future hope he sees in past legislation . Divided as parties now are in the House of Commons , a large majority , if not all , looking to the possession of a seat as the grand desideratum , this Parliament , if not stirred by the popular will , is not likely to expire until it dies a natural and contemptible death . The Protectionists are in search of a leader ; the Peelites are in search of a party ; the Irish are in search of a grant : and the Whigs are in
Search Of that supp ort which they can g lean fi-om the rankling hostility that exists in the Tory ranks . Pjekl , holding the balance of power , and justly stung by the ingratitude of those whose properties he saved from confisca . tion , says " You shall notpass from this to the othersideof theHouse ; " and the Protectionists , many of them now acquiescing in the wisdom of his policy , but etill adhering to old class prejudices , exclaim , in return , " NOR YOU EITHER ; " while the " HAPPY FAMILY " smile complacently at those divisions and dissensions , which perpetuate , their power .
There are a few young men of busmesshabits—studious , powerful , and eloquent in the House ; and among the first we name Mr . Osborne , the member far Middlesex—a man of quick perception , apparently accustomed to deep study , possessing powerful concentration , a . commanding voice , good address , and flowing , but not bombastic eloquence . Cobden is a close reasoner , a good debater , and commands considerable influence . Bright is peculiar in his style of eloquence , which , like OsboRN'e's , is not bombastic he is a close
reasoner , an able debater , has command of his subject , and brings his facts well to bear upon the discussion . George Thompson is eloquent and powerful , and would be convincing if he became the tool of a faction . Fox is powerful , eloquent , sarcastic ( but . not illnatured ) , and is well attended to ; by the House . Milker Gibson is an effective speaker , a close reasoner , and good debater—apt at repartee , and always ready to grapple with the strong as well as with the weak points of his adversaries .
There are many others of the same class whom we could name , who , if united upon some defined and understandable popular question , and backed by the pressure from without , would be too powerful for , and would assuredly defeat , all other parties in the House united . But we fear that their dread of the real solution of the Labour Question will prevent the possibility of a real , telling , and effec-
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tive co-operation between those parties and the people . However , we would warn them that wo live in new times—in the age of progress—and require , if not new men , at least , men with new ideas—ideas adapted to new circumstances , to govern us . If the English people saw a faithful move made in the proper direction by those parties , they would look upon it as one stepping-stone in the ford , and would trust them ; but if , upon the other hand , the people find them only zealous and enei'getic in matters connected with their own interests , they will withhold their co-operation and support . _ . tii . ^ i „ „ Jl
There is more danger in withholding what is just than in prematurely or hastily making too great concessions . In the one case , a rush of indignation overpowers and controls the good sense and discretion of the nation ; while , in the other case , natural prudence and wisdom would check and correct national excitement . The Reform Bill promised to purify the House of Commons ; but we unhesitatingly declare , that that process has yet to be performed , as we believe that no Government in the days of rampant Toryism Avould defend extravagance—annihilate the
Constitutionabridge the rights and liberties—tyrannise over its victims—iusult the nation—dishonour its institutions , and disgrace its monarch , as the present House of Commons has done . HoAvever , wo only rely upon the policy of the Yorkshire mother , who was obliged to submit to the naughtiness of her child for a month without correcting him , because she had not time . At the end of that period she whipped him and said , " Now , lad , thou ' st been a long toime looking for that—now thou ' st got it , and
howdo ' st loikeit ? " SowowillsaytotheBritish Parliament when they are subjected to that popular scourge which has been too long spared , hut which assuredly will , one dayand that ere long—overtake them . " Thou ' st been a long tonne looking for it—now thou'st got it , and how dos't loike it ? " And we fervently pray that the time may not he far distant when we shall have the pleasure of putting the question to the naughty boys who have richly deserved the whipping .
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PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Mr . Cobden commenced the Parliamentary Campaign of the Financial Reform party on Monday nig ht . The motion which he then proposed was , however , neither so hold in its language , nor so precise in its demands , as his speeches out of doors . The Ten Million Budget shrunk into a general resolution , affirmative of the necessity of economy , and the propriety of a diminution of our War Force , as speedil y as practicable , to the standard of 1835 . The qualification as to time , deprived
the motion of all immediate and practical value . Who is to judge as to the " speed " with which such reductions are practicable ? Constituted as the House is , and with the predominance of the aristocratic element in the Legislature , the real governing power lies with thai class . The proposition to constitute a Ministry , composed of persons without titles or grandfathers , however eminent they might bo as men of business , intellect , and political knowledge , would be scouted as the most preposterous that could be made to Englishmen . Thus , the real Government of the country is anus , tne reai vxoveriimeuc oi me country is
v limited to a small class—in the case of the pre- s sent Ministry , to a few families of that class c closely connected by blood or marriage . If the i final decision as to the time for making these « reductions , and the extent to which they can a be made , is to be left to such parties , we fear 1 the nation will only be " led a wild-goose » chace" by this new Financial Movement , c Again , look at the composition of the House n of Commons under the present constituency , a Of the House of Lords , nothing need be said o with respect to any proposals for economy , o FmI ' * ... ¥ _ — AI _^ > bi a . &m HA a a . _» L _ frl it a of
anticipated by everybody . In the House of Commons , by direct nomination , and indirect influence , they send a very large number of the members of their own families ; thus exercising—despite of the theory of the constitution—a decided and preponderating influence in that branch of fclie Legislaiure ' also . Besides their weight in such questions , we have also to take that of the persons in the House who are either directly interested in maintaining a large Naval and . Military Expenditure , inconsequence of holding commissions ; or who are
connected , in various Avays , Avith those avIio do so . The " Daily News" gives a list of parties thus interested in the matter , amounting to 125 , out of a total majority against reduction of 275 ; not far short of one half the majority . With a Legislature and Government thus constituted , real and effectual retrenchment is impossible . If the middle classes were to make such a general and determined movement , as to frig hten those Avho live upon the taxes into a seeming acquiescence Avith their demands , it Avould be onl y nominal , and of short duration . The reductions Avould be so
contrived as to fall not upon the idle smecunst , and the over-paid and under-worked scion or protege of the aristocracy , but upon those Avho reall y perform the work , and receive the least pay . So shamefully and shamelessly has this been done in the reductions proposed on the Army and Navy Estimates , by the Government , for this year , that even the " Times " is obliged to repudiate its Ministerial patrons . It appears , from an analysis of these Estimates , that it is proposed to reduce 10 , 593 men in the Army , and 2 , 870 in tho Navy . The total saving in money by throwing these 13 , ^ 63 men upon an already overstocked Labour market , is only £ 772 , 913 ! On this notable proposal , the " Times" truly says
:-r—"Kit had been desired to effect the least possible saving at the greatest possible cost , the plan now announced would have deserved an honourable reception , for it fulfils these two conditions with a completeness quite remarkable . If all the more obvious means of retrenchment had been tried in vain , there would remain nothing to be said . Tho last pinch is always a cruel One . But a man does not think of pawning his coat while he keeps his hunters , and is usually content to prune his luxuries before he parts with his necessaries . The framers of the estimates , however , appear to have quite a different notion of judicious economy . They commence their reductions where they will cost most , and pay least , and while they retain the most unproductive superfluities are content to concentrate tlwiv efforts on the least dispensable items of expenditure "
The " most unproductive superfluities" are , however , precisely those things which our < ms tocratic Government are the least likely to part with , and the whole of this proceeding affords an excellent illustration of the spirit in which they Avould set about more extensive reductions , if they wore forced upon them . The men Avho have actually to do the work in the army , the navy , and the dockyards would have more work assigned them at diminished Avages ; whilo the high-paid idlers would remain untouched , or if meddled Avith , it would be in the most gentle style , Avith a hint , sotto voce , that in a year or tAvo , the chances of quietly increasing the taxation , and replacing them in snug berths , would not be neglected .
Mr . . O'Connor has calculated tho exact money saving which would be realised by every individual in the country if the ten millions Avere taken off to-morroAv . It is no great sum , even at his estimate , which we think decidedly favourable to the Financial Reformers . But it strikes us that the full benefit of these reductions J whatever they might ultimatel y amount to , would not reach the working classes . Most of them would be intercepted in their passage downwards by the upper , middle , and
trading classes . For instance , suppose the tax upon tea was reduced from 2 s . 2 | d ., its present amount , to a uniform rate of Is ., as Mr Cobden proposes , the benefit of this reduction would be very unequally distributed . The poor man would have to pay Is . tax on his tea , which , perhaps , cost originally Is . 3 d . a pound , and the rich man would pay only the same amount upon the finer Congous , Hysons , and Souchongs , which coBt 3 s . 6 d . or 4 b . 6 d . a pound . In the one case the tax would be
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eighty per cent , upon the article , in the other fifteen or twenty per cent . only . An ad valorem duty , beginning Avith a low duty on the Ioavpriced teas , and increasing in proportion to the quality and price of the article , would have some justice in it , but the rich and middle classes arc not likely to legislate in that fashion . They will take care of themselves ; and , unfortunately , they are the only parties avIio have the power of legislating . The poor man is unrepresented , and is therefore sure to go to the Avail . Again , the Eepeal of the Window Duty constitutes uo small item in . _ . ! 1 _ J — . i . _«•• ¦ . »»« ihn ni ^ iAlA TIT T . llfl AT . h / 111
Mr . Cobden ' s out-door Budget . Now that is a tax which presses almost exclusively upon the middle and trading classes—the working classes do not generally live in houses subject to the impost : the aristocracy take care that in proportion to the number of AvindoAvs required in their princely mansions , the tax decreases , until it arrives at a point where it stops altogether . As far as they are concerned , the remission of the Window Duty they hoav pay , Avould ampl y compensate them forthe proposed new tax on Probates of Personal Property . Then the repeal of the Malt and Hop
Duties , Avould , in our opinion , ultimately be found to he of very slight benefit to the working classes in towns . It might , to some extent , be of service to the farmer and the agricultural labourers ; but in toAvns , the large brewers , who monopolise the trade and own the greater part of the public houses , would take care that the remitted tax should go into their pockets and those of the retailer . It would be discovered that it only made a difference of some such fraction as a farthing a quart , or so , and that it Avas impossible to alloAV for it in the price . We might comment upon the practical utility of other parts of the Budget in the same manner , but it is
unnecessary for the object avc have in view , which is to show , in the first place , that reductions in expenditure , if made , Avould mainly fall upon the the real working classes employed by Government ; and secondly , that Avhile the upper and middle classes monopolise the suffrage they will take care to snatch the lion ' s share of the benefits aAvay from any remission of taxation . Wo have no objection to sec these parties pitted against each other on such questions ; but , at the same time , we firmly believe that no substantial or pennanent relief to the poor man , hom the burden of taxation , will OVG 1 ' be secured , untilthe interests of Labour are as well and as fully represented in Parliament as any of the other interests now represented there .
The division on Monday night shws that the Manchester party will be left—at all events in the mean time—to fig ht their OAvn battle . The Peelites hold aloof , waiting to see " Avhat will become of it . " That numerous tribe" the Waiters on Providence "—also discreetly bide their time . Out of , at least , 500 members , before whom Mr . Cobden made his speech , only 353 voted , and still more significant Avas the fact that , on such a question , the division was taken without any adjournment .
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held by Mi " . Oastleu , in the manufacturing districts , that the factory operatives , when in . full work , receive such low Avages that they arc absolutely eked out from the poor rates to an amount which Avill ensure a bare subsistence In Spitalfields , avc know , the silk trade has not been so busy for many years . Yet the reduction in wages has beeu so great ( and they are still proceeding ) , that , unless the weavers are strong enough to work on Sundays as well as Week days , they are also obliged to have rccom ' so to alms and the assistance of charitable societies . Such is the state of things to which 1 » _ 1 -1 1 ..- ¦ .- *\ T "«» li I PIBfliTI ! h Xi » -. ft . .
Free JLrade and an unregulated , rapacious and selfish misapplication of machinery has reduced us ! In a few months , at most , the overworking system will again glut all the available markets of the world , and then the thousands who are hoav over-tasked and under-paid will be thrown entirely on the rates and on public charity . The best commentary upon the wickedness and the atrocity of this system ig to be found in the figures contained in the annual reports of the Poor LaAv Commissioners just issued . It appears that the sum collected for the support of the poor , ending March 1848 , amounted to £ 7 , 17 , 430 , or £ 852 , 605
more than in 1847—nearly a million . This is more than has been levied in any year since 1834 , the last of the old laAv , and , in fact vciy closely approaches the amount then raised for poor rates . It has , in tact , been increasing ever since 1838 , and now exceeds by more than two millions , the sum collected in that bad year , 1839 . It is clear that under the reign of the Political Economists , ihis country is fast approaching the same , general destitution and misery which lias made a desolate waste of Ireland , The cheupness of which they are so much enamoured , Avill prove a dear bargain to the nation .
A considerable amount of miscellaneous business has been transacted during the Aveek , but as a general feature avc may say , there has been , as far as indications yet present themselves , an entire absence of either the comprehension of the actual condition of the country , or the will to attempt the construction of adequate remedies .
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RECEIPTS OF THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY
Foh the Week Endiso Tinjnsiuy , March 1 , 1849 . SHARES . £ s . d . £ s . tl . Uousell .. 1 0 G Swindon .. 1 0 6 Stoke-sub-Uaw- Derby .. 1 17 u den .. 10 0 Burnley .. 10 0 LongBuckby .. 0 12 0 Asliton .. 4 1111 Kolnifirth .. 3 8 6 Hanley .. 5 9 6 Merthyr , Powell 2 9 3 AValsall .. 0 3 0 Market Luvington 0 S 0 Coventry .. 10 0
Crown and An- J . Lewis .. 0 ^ 0 chor .. 1 14 0 P . Trumble .. 0 10 llolbcck .. Ill ) 0 B . Sudbury .. 0 2 0 Stalybr idge .. 1 ( J 0 B . Lockwood .. 0 2 0 Manchester .. 1 10 0 J , Yigurs ,, 0 10 Nottingham .. 0 15 10 C . Vigurs .. 0 10 Hotheiham .. 1 10 0 C . Moivl .. 0 2 G Slcnford .. 2 6 0 W . Penny .. 0 2 (> Leicester , Astill 10 0 AV ' estminster .. 0 13 3 llodieBter .. 0 10 0 JBIjih 0 IT 6 £ 39 13 7 Preston , Brown . 13 0 SSZSSSS
EXPENSE FUND . LongBuckby .. 0 7 0 Carlisle .. 0 2 0 Holbeclc ... 0 S 0 3 ) erby .. 0 i » Stalybridge .. 0 4 0 Hanley .. Oil ) Nottingham .. 0 G 0 Westminster .. 0 10 Slcaford .. 0 18 0 Rochester .. 0 7 0 £ 2 12 0 TOTALS . Land Fund 39 13 7 Expense ditto ... ... ... 2 12 0 Bonus ditto 68 2 10 Loan ditto ... ... ... 1 12 4 Transfers ... ... ... ... 0 4 0 Rules ... 0 0 i £ 112 5 1 Ebkatiw . —The fls . Cd . from Liverpool , in the Star of the 17 th ult ., credited to the Expense fund , should have been to the ttomis Fund . W . Dixon , C . Doyle , T . Clark , Cor . Sec . P . M'Grath , Fin . Sec .
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VICTIM FUND . Received by Land Office . —Uxbridge , 4 s . FOR WIVES AND FAMILIES OF VICTIMS . Received by Mr . AV . IIider An Enemy to Oppression ,. £ 1 ; Sudbury , pev J . Goody , 'is . ; Nottingham , per J . Sweet ,, 5 s . ; J . Topping , Crewe , 3 d . ; Emmett ' s Brigade , per S . Jlumlin , Ss . ; A few Fiiends , Merthyr Tydvil , per M . John , ( is . M'DOUALL ' S CASE—FOR WRIT OF ERROR , ( OK OTHERWISE . ) Received by Mr . AV . Ridek J . Taylor , Stour Provost , Is . Received by Land Office . —Merthyr Tydvil , 2 s . id . FOR MRS . NT DO U ALL . Received by Mr . AV . Rider . —Lincoln , pet- J . Sudd , 2 s . ; N . P ., W . A ., County Durham , Is . ; T . Topping , Crewe , 3 d y Padiham , per B . Pilling , 15 s .
EXECUTIVE FUND . Received by Mr . S . K ? dd . —Per E . Sykes , Henley , 2 s . ; Huddersfield , 5 s . ; For Cards , 3 s . 4 d . ; per J . Topping , Crowe , fid . DEFENCE FUND . Received by Mr . AV . Rider . —J . F ., Byam , Is . ; J . B ,, ditto , ( id . ; AValsall Chartists , per J . Perkius , ( is . 2 d . ; Lincoln , per J . liudd , Is . ; Nottingham , per J . Sweet , 3 s . 5 d . ; Miles Platting , per A . Charles . lUs . Cd . ; Emmett ' s Brigade , for Mr . Nixon , for Vevnon ' s Defence , per S , Mundin , 3 s . ; Hirmingham , People ' s Kail ,, per W . H . Rudhall , 2 s . Id . ; A few Friends , Merthyr Tydvil , per M . John , 5 s . ; A lew Friends , Tratt-street ,. Kirkcaldy , per J . Syme , 3 s . Received by Land Office . —Uxbridge , 4 s .
NATIONAL VICTIM AND DEFENCE FUND . Received by Mr . J . Abnott . — Totness , per Mr . Tunnel , 7 ? . ; Cheltenham , per M . Ilemmiu , 3 s . 4 d . ; Laud Office , as per ftar , £ 1 10 s . ; Coventry , per G . Freeman , 9 s . ; Jlrs . Austin , received at John-street , per J . Milne , Is . ; Mr . Hidei-, as per Star , £ 2 Is . Sd . , - Land Office , per Mv . Clark , 4 s . ; Westminster , per J . Grassby , Is . ; Crown and Anchor , per Mr . Pelteret , 10 s . ; ditto , per Mr . Allen , 4 s . ; South London Hall , per Mr . Egerton , 14 s . ; 28 , Goldeti-lane , Ci'ipp legate , per Mr . Brown , 3 s . Gd , ; Globe and Friends , per Mr . Thonius , 3 s . lid . Ekiutum . —The sum announced from the Ernest Jones Locality , in last week's Star , should have been 9 s . SJd ., instead of 8 s . 8 Jd .
Thu Victim Committee being aware that Mr . Thomas Cooper will shortly visit the North of England , would advise their Manchester friends to solicit his services on behalf of the iA ctims .
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Robbery by a Railway Offichr . — R- Frost , aged 27 . a railway guard , was indicted on Wednesday at the Central Criminal Court , for stealing a snuffbox a miniature , a paper knife , abook , a seal , some plate , aad Other property , belonging to the Great Western Railway Company , his masters , on the 10 th of November . The Steward of the Earl of Craven sent from his lordship ' s seat , Ashdown-park , by the Great Western Railway Company , some boxes , on inspecting which it Avas found that one , containing the articles in question , which Avere about £ 100 m value , had been forced open and rifled of the most valuable portion of its contents . Information was in consequence given to the authorities of the Railway Company , and the seal was traced to a man named Brooke , distantly related to the prisoner , Stratford in
and who had pawned it at ( Essex ) , for him , having first tried to dispose of it by a raffle . It Avas then discovered that the prisoner had been one of the guards of the goods train on the night the boxes were brought up . ' The seal , which was a very rare and valuable one , was seen by several persons to be in the possession of tbe prisoner a few days after the boxes had been sent up from his lordship ' s scat . —Tho prisoner , when called upon to account for the possession of the seal , said he had bought it for a lew shillings from a guard on the Eastern Counties Railwav : The jury returned a verdict of " Guilty . "—Mr . Clarkson said there were other charges against the prisoner , in some of which he acknowledged his guilt , and scarcely ever had he been guard to the goods train but somethintr was stolen . —The Common Servant
ordered the prisoner to be transported for seven years . Poisons in Confections . —The Bath Journal ms > that three children were nearly poisoned at Maryborough by having eaten an ornament in the foMO ^ 0 a fuchsia blossom on a confectionary cake . * £ Fergus submitted a fragment of the flower to > u » black flux and reduction test , and obtained an aoun dant ring of metallic arsenic in the test tube , » y confirming that arsenic of copper was the colonnn » matter of the flower , aHd the cause of what s » y ^ have been a most serions calamity —[ What is w ^ done with the confectioner ?] n fioe EXTIUOIUHNART LlSAP OF A HiBR-Wj ™ moraine lately , Mr . George Grave of Brongwo Newby-bridge , was astonished to find a hare djn «» . about on the warm lime that wa& burnedI JJJJ Jj tu « ur . *^ ~ t fi , iru ,. TTnw it haopened uiaipuy *
puss fell in is unknown . George Vrave ' , "" . ' but scendedwith the intention of «« M ? fgVoung she sprang clear out to the top , . e ^ i " tUe tare man dumb-founded . The heig ht toped Jby ^ ^ was seventeen feet four inches . Abe in » w' ting kiln is lined with brick , and ao fissures or projet etcn : ? , — W&tnwrihnd Qaxittt *
£O (Jroitcsyonijeuts
£ o ( jroiTcsyonijeuts
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4 THE NORTHERN STAR March 3 , 1849 . . - *¦ ¦ - ¦ - - • ¦ _ - - _ ^ ¦ -- ¦ _ _ j ^____^_^ 21 LL ± ^ JL ^ Jl—Z-J--JJ- ^ - ^^ l ^ l ^ Z-ll ^^ —— * _ _ "
Xo-.V Keatly, A Xcw Edition Of Mr. G'C^Oh's Work 0:3 Small Farms.
Xo-. v Keatly , a Xcw Edition of MR . G'C ^ OH'S WORK 0 : 3 SMALL FARMS .
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under this new system , the self-rel ying North , and portions of tlio self-rolyiug Leinster , will keep a steady eye upon the impoverished South and West ; upon Munster and ( Jonuaug ht , upon Skibbereen in the south , and Conuemara h the west . Neither do we agree with , those fanciful notions as to Ireland ' s exemption from taxation , as every man must understand that taxation is established hy the Exchequer standard , and that Irish exemption is a consequence of Irish poverty , aud not of Ministerial leniency or consideration , as the slightest tax upon an article , to be paid by an impoverished people , would amount to a total prohibition of the use of that article . The maxim of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer is identical with that of the trader , "QUICK SALE AND LIGHT PROFIT , " and , therefore , upon this score , Ireland has nothing to be thankful for . So far we have taken the knife-and-fork , the life-and-death , the breeches-pocket view of the question , and now we shall turn to its political phase . Whenever the slightest manifestation of dissatisfaction or discontent has been exhibited by the starving Catholics of the south or west of Ireland , the Orange leaders of the loyal Protestants of the North , instantl y tendered their allegiance and support to the
English Government to suppress Catholic disloyalty . " Send no more troops , " say the usurpers , the real aliens in religion , in language , and blood , " only give us , the loyal Protestants of Ulster , the word , and we will wade kneo-deep in Catholic Wood . " But , alas ! how changed the tone , when the taxcollector ' s goad but slightly enters , nay , scarcel y scratches their loyal Protestant skin , then , as if by magic , high sheriffs take the chair , magistrates flock round his standard , landlords constitute his staff , and tenant-right fanners his reserve , and we have the dirge of
Saxon rule , and the chorus of Irish nationality . "If , " say they , " taxation is to be national , let representation be national also . " And we add , " Thank God , English justice has done for you what English misrule could never accomplish . It has roused you from your lethargy , you noble discip les of the immortal William , of glorious , pious , and immortal memory , who freed you from Popery , slavery , wooden shoes , and brass money , and put the Pope in the pillory , tho pillory in hell , and
the devil pelting priestB at him . " Oh ! verily , ve glorious , pious , and immortal Protestants of the North—ye staunch supporters of the Protestant church , as by law established—you have abandoned your loyalty , you have forsaken your religion , as by law established , now that the glorious , pious , and immortal Russell has made you tributary to Popery , slavery , no shoes , and no money , and your toast , henceforth , will be , " The Queen in the pillory , the pillory in hell , and the devil pelting parsons at her . "
But , Protestants of the North , is sixpence in . the pound to be your tost of loyalty now ? And has this first prod , to be only skin deep till the year 1851 , and , then , when you are better prepared for the operation , and are used to bleeding , to hove an additional thrusihas this experiment convinced you , that Irishmen upon the spot can better manage their own affairs than foreigners , aliens in language , religion , and blood , can manage them ? Russell , you have done more for the cause of Irish nationality than all the Irish agitators
that ever went before you ; and when the Protestant North throws off the Whig manacles your Saxon Lord Lieutenant will find it more difficult to deal with Protestant discontent than with Catholic starvation . Your suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act is now a dead letter . Enforce it as your Viceroy may in Catholic Munster and Connaught , he dare not enforce it in Protestant Ulster . It ever happens , as in the present instance , that tyranny outwits itself , and we hail the sixpenny rate in aid , as the precursor of Irish nationality and- the destroyer of Whig tyranny .
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The conduct of the Ministry with respectto Ireland is singularly inconsistent , to say the least of it . Having no plan but the rough-andready one of knocking down the unruly , and giving alms to the submissive , they proposed to shift the responsibility of proposing any better from their own shoulders to that of committees of both Houses . This also is part of the standard policy of a Cabinet , which virtually confesses its inabih'ty to discharge the duties is paid to perform . We do not see that unpaid and unofficial members of either House are bound to provide Lord John Russell and his Colleagues with plans for the Government of Ireland or any other part of the
country . It is their duty , as an Executive Administration , to initiate practical measures ; nd if they are incompetent to that task , they ought to give place to those who are capable performing it . At all events , when the duty had thus been thrown upon Committees , it might have been supposed that they would have been allowed time to examine into the actual state of affairs for which they were called upon to provide a remedy . JYofc so . Lord John , in the meantime , caught fheidea ( very imperfectly and erroneously , it subsequently appeared ) from Lord Stanley , of a rate in aid , and forthwith rushed to the GommittoR of the House of Commons with a series
of resolutions , which ho called upon them to agree to as the basis of a measure for the amendment of the Poor-law , and for raising the necessary funds to relieve the destitution in Ireland . The Committee stultified itself by agreeing to this proposition . They , in fact , decided fr-st and heard evidence afterwards . They took upon themselves the responsibility of a measure which was really proposed by the Mixisteb , and which he alone ought to have fathered ; and having thus "jockied" them into a false position , tho Premier brought forward his plan under cover of their authority . The best of the story is , however , that the same resolutions were laid by the Marquis of Lansdowne before the Lords' Committee , with au
intimation that they were not called upon to decide on them until after they had heard evidence , and even then the Government would not pledge itself to introduce a measure based upon these resolutions ! There must he a singular unity of purpose , and good mutual understanding , surely , in the Ctibinet which perpetrates such extraordinary freaks as these ! Lord Stanley , in commenting upon these matters , took | the oppotrunity of disavowing the paternity of Lord John ' s bantling—tho rate in aid —and clearly enumerated the preliminary conditions on which alone he thought such a course might be taken ; Loi'd Jojjh , however , overlooked these conditions , in his hurry to grasp at what seemed , on the surface , a plausible idea . The ultimate fate of the plan remains to he seen .
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It appears that the Whigs , yielding to the importunity of their manufacturing supporters , are about io introduce a Bill to undo their own handiwork in 1846 . The millowncrs of Lancashire and the- manufacturing districts , have lift upon what they consider an ingenious plan of evading the provisions of the Ten Hours Act . Instead of working young persons under eighteen years of age for ten hours a day only , they have invented a system of relays , by which they work two sets of hands under the specified age for eight hours each , and thus contrive to keep those employed abovo that age at work for the protracted period , which is the practice in what are called "brisk times . " The law officers of the
Crown condemned this practice as illegal upon being applied to by the factory inspectors , who thereupon brought actions for the penalties levyable for acting in contradiction to the act . The millowning magistrates , however , set both the law , the officials , and the Crown lawyers at defiance , and decided in favour of themselves and class . Instead of heing bold and decided , as they have been with Irish Nationalists and English Chartists , tho
present Government have succumbed to the millowners . They only dare to be courageous where their opponent may be safely grappled with . If there be the slightest approach to equality between them , they are always cowards . Hence , the millocracy , it appears , are to have a measure legalising relays , aud we presume an act of indemnity for all past violations of the law ! Admirable , impartial , high-minded Government !
Meantime , mthe midst of "brisk times " and plans to enable the wealth y capitalist to reap , rapidly , a golden harvest , at the expense of working one set of hands beyond the period at which they can be employed without injury to their health , and of working two sets of hands at wages insufficient for their maintenance—What is the actual condition of tlie working classes ? The '' revival of trade '' has come , but it brings no " healing on its wings . " It has been publicl y stated , at the meetings
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 3, 1849, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1512/page/4/
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