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»«« tfbe forgotten , if " the prindplei now accepted 6 y fiTlesulitare - and the people of this country , be SLaS in tmtb , e » eryatteinpttoregrftte thefactaiy % S * m is an egregnous " error , and the' economists S rient in itming to obtain tbe repeal of ttie Ten S \!« ict and every other act that interferes with S ^ wd onrestidnea expose of amice . The T « » irill then justly be sacrificed to theinterests lifce ' inany / unta the great boasted of 'many ' Ses down and itself becomes a little 'few . ' brother branches of industry will also be thrown * V . confusion , until one trade will be treading upon rte heels of another—each individual wfll be enled in striving to secure his own advantage and
tauinR bis neighbours down ; erasing such con-En and wretchedness as all will deplore . You , ! £ have been engaged in attempting to regulate tnotber branch of British industry . I allude to the - nm ennen bakers of London ; and as they have a Hecate present , he will , I doubt not , favour us '& a statement of their condition . ( Mr . Henderson one of the delegates of the Operative BafceiSf ha& stated , that the bakers of London woriei on u average , eighteen toura per day . ) jir . Oastler continued , —I have heard a master baker jj-jat a public meeting , that when hewasajourr ennan he was , because of long hours , so weary , jhat when he was waiting for the risings of the
dongn , be would throw himself upeu the board , oanK for a pillow the edge of the iron trough scraper to prevent his sleeping soundly , ( thus nesting tbe dough , ) by the pain which it caused . He also described other modes of cheating himself of sleep when he was too weary to stand erect . The fact is , that at this moment the thousands of -nennen bakers who provide the daily bread of Ms n eat metropolis , shame to say it , are unable to So * either church or chapd ; they can Lave no SnmMtic or sorial enjoyment—their whole life , from SSto theeJdoftheyear . is a ceaseless £ 35 ™* and excitement , interrnptedorfy ^ fe w hours of feverish sleep . We have cheapened labour , until « ta ^ -Wpj Chairmanthere truth
Saost valueless . Mr . , n one of which I havelong been convinced ; it -is this—4 that which is not religiously and msrally right , annst always be commercially and poliBcally wrong . If yon are , wiih me , prepared to acknowledge that iJb , onr investigation wffl proceed to a successful ¦ issue - if not , our deliberations will be in vain . My inends , the great mistake of the age is , that our religion has become amere stalking horse for parties suffer sects , instead of the governing principle of the legislature and the people . We hear of proness , until tbe vtry word seems to degenerate into cant ; for every step in this boasted progress leads back aeain to the barbarism whence we sprungbarbarism rendered stall more unbearable than that
borne by our ancestors , by the canning with which m have mixed it . "What , let me ask , is this novel doctrine of ' let everything alone , and no" man care for his neighbour , ' bnt gilded cruelty and refined barbarity ? This that they dignify with the name Of philosophy , is a lesson from the book of Satan , and deserves no higher an appellation , than wickedness reduced to system in . books . Progress , did they say ? I am for progress , when that progress is founded upon truth ; then , every class will receive its benefits , and each individual will taste its sweets . But , when the men of progress only show me changes which , makes the canning man rich and the simple man poor , I tell them it is the progres of pickpockets , and cannot be admitted among honest men .
Always remember , that when under the specions name of improvement , any scheme is proposed by -which a few persoBS are to be sacrificed for the benefit of the many , that that scheme is founded in ^ rror , and that the result will be , by unerring law of "Nature , over which neither government nor individuals have any control , that those few sacrificed persons will become the rod of correction to the many , depriving them of their expected benefit , Society is composed of many fews ; of many indi-*] , 3 na ) j ; and it L * those neilected , cast-off many few 3 , which now farm that enormous mass of crime and destitution , that elves your philanthropists
emp loyment and makes jour statesmen stand aghastforming the subterraneous stratum which will some day , when least looked for , discharge itself like tbe burning lava from a volcano , in a devastating torlent , over tbe whole surface of society . Men talk very strangely now-a-days , when they tell you that a reduction of taxation will remove all the social evils , and set England right again . They ai e , however , wise in their generation , for many would follow them ; but they will not cure the sores , they will not heal the pains , they will net relieve the heart diseases of the people . Truth to say , I do not love taxation for taxation sake . I am not a
re-¦ dpient of taxation in any shape , either direct or indirect . My portion in that game is , jnst to pay a lax or two , now and then , and no more of it . But this I know—were all the taxes repealed to-morrow , if capital were stilt allowed its rampant power to crash down labour , the working man would be no better off than now . I know it is common to tell fhe working ' men , that it is taxation that has -caused their poverty . How happens it sir , that under the same pressure of taxation , the millowner has risen , from abject poverty , to enormous wealth ? Let those who are now striving to beguile you nnderthe same of Financial Reform answer that question , and I am satisfied . It must be plain to every man
of common understanding , that if , in your reduction o ! taxation , yon do not find profitable employment for those who are cast out thereby , you must increase the competition , already too excessive , in the aiarket of labour , impoverishing yonrselves still more to enrich the millionaire . Do not misunderstand me . I would that there were no taxation ( could -such a thing be possible ; ) but I do wish that in all reductions of taxes the labourer should feel tbe benefit , and not the millionaire . There are those who seek relief from commotion and revolution ; those are not the working men , they are the' Manchester men . ' I met one of them the other day in that town . He said to me , 'Oastler , I understand
you now : you want to keep things as they are , all steady—that will never do . I want te ses all things in disorder and confusion ; we shall never be right until we pull all things to pieces , and make them over again / I told that man , ' I wished to see every person comfortable in his proper sphere , and that I was sure that no good would come to any class , especially the working class , by revolution and that I knew the working men of England did notwhh for civil strife and commotion . They only nought for civil justice , and that I would strive to find for them ; ' and in saying that , my friends , I know 1 said the truth . Well , then , here we are met for counsel and deliberation . Something must
-be done . What is that some thing ? AH things that are true are simple . How easy jnst to arrange your native industry so as to make its produce valuable , by so extending or curtailing it , as jnst to meet the demand , simply making such arrangements as shall enable our agriculturists - to feed onr manufacturers , our manufacturers to clothe our agricnltnrists , onr handicrafts to be the employed « ud customers of both . Think that over , There you have it . Do that , and there will be pro-Stable work for every man : women and babes then will take the proper places assigned for them by Nature . Then , every man , instead of being a competitor "with hi 3 neighbour , will be his neighbour ' s
customer . For , my friends , in those few words you have the secret . There will then be no such thinz as * waste and competition . * I remember when it WM lbs proud boast ot the Leeds taerckant , that he could give a higher price than his neighbour : not a lower , as it now is on the cut-throat system . And when , on that plan , yen have produced more of your domestic manufactures or produce than yon Want ( always reckoning the colonies as an integral part of tbe mother country , ) it will be time enough to talk about foreign trade with the surplus . That foreign trade will not have to be sought for by gambling adventurers , as at present ; it will take its most profitable , because most natural course , to
those conntnes whose surplus produce we most require , and cannot obtain in any other way . Ab , but , say the objectors , your plan would interfere with capital . Oi course it would . We grant the Ration true ; it would interfere with capital * J re straining it within the limits prescribed ° 7 justice . Ah , say tbe objectors , it would inter / ere with labour , and prevent an indus" 1 Q 05 Q&a from working in Ms youth to tbe extent j ^ ished . I grant at once it would interfere with wboar , by preventing one man from robbing another Of his right to labour , and by forcinsr a youn a- man to
jasbjnu his strength , so that he may not in ntnre days become a charge on society because < a a diseased frame . The truth is , that those who l ~ a m employment universally work too much ; "wee , we have so many able-bodied paupers , so {" any worn-out men . Yes , it would prevent a man a ^ ^^ suidde by ' overworking , and "frebystamnglis neighbour to death . I contend , ffi : t ? efirat dn * y of government to protect tbe tffi m ? "F ^ Qf * &e V ** > ^ to see to it " ttattiat healthandihatsbengthsbaUalwayBeverj ™** ebe rational ^ used for the increase of the "mm wealth . Jot , asaow . we see the nation ' s
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energies employed in raising a millionaire here and there by the excruciating toils of women and children , and sustaining-in a miserable state of pauperised existence millions of able-bodied men . Say what you willi my friends , this ia the present condition of England . It must be changed , or as a nation we are doomed . How proud and happy shall I be if that change shall originate by the suggestions of the working classes themselves . An , but say the objectors to this system , you would interfere with every man ' s affairs ; you would require a complicated system of machinery which the wisdom of man could never properly arrange , and which , if arranged , could never work . Look at your present complicated system , and conceive , if - ' " ' ' ¦ ~ * ' - * ~ " i - iii —^
you can , anything more outrageous , more expensive , more irksome , more interfering .- Cast your eye upon England as she at present stands , with her new poor law commissions , her factory commissions , her municipal establishments , her military and police , her detective force , her educational commissions , her ecclesiastical commissions , her tax gatherers , her excise officers , her railway inspectors , her commissioners of lunacy , her emigration agents , her local , provincial , metropolitan , and national courts of law , her bankrupt and insolvent courts , her highway and parochial arrangements , her hulks , her prisons , her penitentiaries , her madhouses , her union bastiles , her bouses nf mrn «* . her vagrant offices , and her last uew
discovery V interference with labour , property , . anu caniS her universal sanitary code ; add to those the innumerable host of commissioners , inspectors , and other government officials , who , like locusts , spread everywhere and devour the fruits ot tue land . Look , I say , at all those complicated and expensive arrangements consequent upon your letalone system , " and then if you can , without blusning , object to the establishment of local boards oi agriculture , manufacture , and trade , composed oi employers and employed , whose simple duty it would he to regulate tbe productions of each branch of native industry by the demand—preventing , as it would , bv giving to each person employed therein the proper value for his labour , that comp licated feel
mass of intricacies which at this moment , we ourselves obliged to maintain . Always remember that , those local boards would be constituted of men well acquainted with the business they bad to regulate—not of novices , as in most cases our inspectors , commissioners , - Ac , are . Another objector says—Ah , you would stop the ingenuity of man . That I deny . All that you would do , would be to require that man ' s ingenuity should be made the helpmate , and not the tyrant of man ; that no rich capitalist , sheuld have the power to buy up new improvements , thereby sacrificing thousands and tens of thousands of his fellow creatures for his own aggrandisement . You want the learning of a trade to be what it formerly was , a source of income and
an acknowledged property , rising in value proportionate to the general increase of the wealth of the countrv—rising in value , and not falling , as it now does , to the scale of pauperism and prison labour . "We must not suffer ourselves to be startled and fri ghtened by tbe objections of vaia and i gnorant men , who know not that tre have still certain constitutional principles left . Let those principles be our landmarks—one of them is , the right to main ^ tenance in our native England ; another , compensation to individuals for losses incurred ( either in labour or property ) for the public good . Fools may despise these constitutional rights ; wise men will hold them fast and revere them . Well , then , let us see if we cannot strike a chord to
night , that shall vibrate cheeringly to the cast-off needlewomen and the worn-out slaves of our mills ; that shall restore the tone of hope to the inmates of union-houses and p risons ; that shall teach our noble philanthropists , that thore is no need for the exercise of their benevolence in the transportation of their sisters from their native soil ; that shall teach our legislators , that their 3 is a higher duty than factional quarrels and party strifes ; that shall teach the ministers of the Crown , that fraud and delusion can no longer secure to them the confidence of the people , letting them know that the sons of labour are now shaking off their lethargy , and have resolved to secure the interests of all , by establishing the rights of British industry , secure
alike from the crushing power of the British capilist , and of the foreign competitor . Let it be known from this night forward , that this mighty Question shall be discussed , not only in the metropolis , but in the provinces , npon its own merits , without any interruption from any party to euit their own purposes . It was so , during twenty years , the factory question was publicly discussed , by men of all parties and all creeds ; and sever On any single occasion was any . " other question allowed to interfere with it . It was thus that victory was secured . That plan was suggested by the working men of Iluddersfield to myself ; and , having ' agreed to it , all parties conformed thereto . Pursue the same plan on the rights of British industry , and
fear not of success . Let us devise a plan , I have said ; and as Mr . Cobden lately told all of us to look to America , I have looked to America , and what have I seen ? Let me tell you , for I know you are anxious to hear . I have seen the evils of an ill-regulated state of society growing rapidly in their influence—the low-priced labour of England has been broug ht into competition with the better paid labourers of America ; the result has heen what you all would naturally expect . " Buy cheap and sell dear" has been between nations , as it has been in onr own country between men—a few rich have grown richer and many poor poorer . But there are signs of hope for America , Her Secretary of State and her Presidenthave declared themselves
in favour of native industry and home trade , in preference to foreign industry and foreign trade . And let me beg of you to read carefully and digest fally the report of the Secretary of the Treasury , and the message of the President of Ameriea . Many of you are , I doubt not , Chartists . I am a Tory . But this I know , whatever may be the form of government , if the law-makers do not understand how to regulate nativei industry , so as to give the market of England to the people of England , it is impossible that we can be a happy and prosperous people . So thatyou see , my friends , let whichever section or party may rule , it is still necessary that this question of labour should be understood . We have beard a good deal about
commercial prosperity of late , and about the thriving condition of the manufacturing districts . I too have looked there . I have just come from ilanchester , the great emporium of the cotton trade , and I will tell you of the things I have seen , and the information given to me , without reserve , by men who are manufacturers , and who are , I apprehend , the men whose experience and knowledge is most deserving of consideration . You will rememoer the dark cloud of adversity which , before the meeting of parliament , overspread the country ; all was mourning , lamentation , and woe ; and how that gloom was gradually dispelled by letters and trade reports in the press , until at the opening of parliament , to our great surprise , by a
loBg train of figures and a warmly congratulatory speech from the Chancellor of the Exchequer , our sadness was turned into joy , our gloomy adversity was forgotten , and again as a nation we were baskins in the sunshine of prosperity . It is true there was one speck of darkness visible , and only one . A few discontented farmers were grumbling , and that was all ; their labourers were said to be better fed than heretofore , pauperism was rapidly decreasing , our revenue was more than satisfactory —was abundant ; we had millions upon millions in the Bank , lying useless , our exports were enorrnously increased , and as for onr manufacturing districts , in the memory of man they had never been so universally prosperous ! It is thus that
the legislature is deceived ; it is thus that the Queen and her people are betrayed ; for notwithstanding the bold and boastful tone of the Chancellor of the Exchequer , the condition of England is not changed , her social evils are not eradicated . Millions of poor people are still either paupers or laboriously toiling in her fields and hives of industry for a scanty portion of bread too small to satisfy the cravings of their hunger , doomed when they return to their disconsolate home to hear the melancholy tones of their little ones vainly begging for bread . Ah , sir , it is high time that our Secretaries of State hethoughh themselves , they should no longer thus make playthings of a nation ' s woe , and by false statistics , erroneous data , and cooked accounts , cry ,
peace , peace , when they know there is no peace . Manufacturing prosperity , did the Chancellor of the Exchequer say ? It is not two days ago since , from the lips of one of the most opulent and extensive cotton manufacturers of Lancashire , I heard the following tale : —•• You know our works , the number of our mills , and the great quantity of machinery there is in them ; you may guess the annual value we should have to pay if we rented them ; you know also pretty nearly the number of hands we employ . Now , what 1 am about to tell you is not guess work . We have been looking very minutely into our affairs within the last week or two , and we have ascertained , that if we were to allow our mills to stand , and pay all our hands three days' wages per week for doing nothing , we should be l osing less money th losingin fact
- an we are now ; , we have ascertained that every farthing we pay in wages is a Ios 3 to us , the cotton being worth as much when it comes to the mill in its raw state as when it goes out manufactured . In fact , at this moment we are consulting among ourselves whether we snail go to three days' wages per week , with work or without work ; and yet they call this prosperity We know that there is no house can buy , manufacture , or sell , to iaore advantage than we can ; and we know when it is so with us , it must be so with all those who are in the same branch , and you know it must be worse with those who are short of capital . Oars is the coarse trade , or domestics—form ing about two-thirds of the whole cotton manufacture , for which there is no demand . The home trade is gone , and , as far as we can learn , the foreign markets are glutted . I wonder , " said , my f riend , "that none of you public men ever ask
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Friend Bright—for-he is in the same branch as ourselves—what he has gained by free trade ? If he would answer truly , , he would say he was lighter by many' thousands of pounds than he was three years ago ! " I saw some factory delegates from Rochdale the other day ; they told me there were in that district more than a dozen mills working ¦ ¦ short time , and some mills entirely . laid by . I Uay , " that Friend Bright had himself , at this moment , two separate and distinct strikes among' his workpeople , to resist his free trade boon m a reduction of wages !! Call you . that manufacturing prosperity , Sir Charles Wood ? Are there no complaints from Lancashire , Mr . Cobden ? Such men as you two should be ashamed of lying . What maduess is exhibited in the conduct of these cotton-lords—these
would-be rulers of England ! By their own act , they deprive themselves of a demand for productions , and , having done so , in open defiance of the intention of the legislature , they work their mills thirteen or fourteen hours a day , instead of ten ; and now , some of them are forced entirely to close their mills , and many more are driven to work only six or eight hours a day ! Whon will these men become rational ? But to Manchester again . I saw another cotton manufacturer there—a great free trader , too ; but unluckily for him , the big loaf was a bitter pill ; he , too , was in the domestic line , the home trade line , and free trade , had run away with his market : and himself , in running after another , had to transport his goods to forei gn marketsand sad and
, gloomy was the return . He had lost heavily , but still he believed in Cobden and hoped for better days ; he wished , however , that he had not entered into the concern . Ah , sir , how erroneously we build our hopes when we flatter ourselves that prosperity has increased in proportion to our exports . The very reverse is the face , that increase being the consequence of an inability to consume , at home . Such a foreign trade as that should make a Chancellor of the Exchequer blush ! It is not trade , sir —it is gambling ; it is gambling , and gambling too of the most desperate kind . Every pound sterling of that boasted increase in our export of cotton goods , shows a loss to the manufacturer . We have robbed him of his market—we have forced him to turn gambler , and then we boast of our shame . My
friends , among other things , the working men of England must teach the Queen's ministers to form better data whereby to judge of the prosperity of England than they have hitherto done . It is possible that there may be a great export trade , smiling revenue , and millions upon millions of gold in the Bank ; but at the same time an universal drain upon the industry of the country . "Oh , " said my Manchester friend , " we are doing things nicely now ; we are paying the Americans double the price for their cotton , and they with tho spare money are building mills to manufacture their own calicoes . '' Mark here the effect of a superabundant capital upon our manufacturing interest . Your Millionaire , now by his enormous loose cash , enriches himself , but paralyses the manufacture .
That cotton is not doubled in price because it is worth double the money . No such thing ; it is raised in price by the speculation of the money interest , until , to use the words of a most respectable Lancashire cotton manufacturer , " it is worth as much when it comes in raw : as it is when . it goes out manufactured . " But still this is called prosperity in parliament . Mr . Cobden endorsing it , and the Cotton lords themselves pretending to believe it , when they are legislators . Well , well , the truth will come out some time , the Gazette being regularly published . A Lancashire cotton-spinner told me this very day , " My letters from home this morning are awful ; trade was never so bad . Why , if itijoes on at this rate , a few months longer , the cotton-spinners will tumble into the Gaxem by
house rows ! " This mode of bolstering up prosperity is no new thing with ministers of the Crown . I remember when I lived at Fixby in King William's t i me , a prosperity speech , after the Sir Charles Wood model , was put into the King ' s mouth . At that time the manufacturing interest was then allowed to be in great adversity , a state of things which no statesman -who . knows his business would ever dream of , it being an impossibility . The two great interests must either nourish or decay together . And this fact , my friends , I am most anxious to impress on your minds ; for be assnred , that when adversity is felt in the agricultural districts , it never can be very far from your own homes . None but an enemy would teach the handicrafts that they can gain by the loss of the
agriculturist , or the manufacturer—all must sink or swim together . "What do I recommend you to do ? Form a committee , say a dozen of your most thoughtful , faithful , and talented men—men in whoni your order is accustomed to confide . Tell them to have regard to those Divine precepts which I have pointed out to you on this occasion ; to read with attention the State Papers to which I have alluded to ; to study the science' of political economy , as laid down by William Atkinson , ( Whitaker and Co , ) , the only author , as far as I know , who has treated that subject as it deserves ; and then imbued with an earnest desire to build up and not to pull down , to establish and not . to destroy , i to increase and not to diminish , let them propound their thoughts to you in an address , and a few resolutions incorporating their'hearts' thoughts , which , when adopted yourselves and others , shall teach all those who in common parlance are said to be above
you , that if they have ceased to think , the werking men of England have some thought left—if Uicy have yielded to despair , you have still strong grounds for hope—if they seek for safety in chance or anarchy , tbat you have resolved to insure security and prosperity for all , by submitting yourselves to the guidance of Unerring Truth . Do this , my friends , and all may yet be well ; and Low I shall rejoice if England ' s safety should be indicated by the finders of working men . I have done . I thank you ° for the attention you have paid to me , and I prav God that , by the light of His Holy Spirit , He niay ' guide you to the knowledge of His truth . ' On Mr . Oastler ' s resuming his seat , the Chairman asked if any other gentleman desired to speak Mr . Youxg ( carpenter ) asked Mr . Oastler several questions , arising out of that gentleman ' s address which were fully and satisfactorily answered , after which Mr . Oastler retired , leaving the delegates to consider his remarks . ' '
A long and interesting discussion followed as to the best course to be pursued . Mr . Youxg was clearly of opinion that the present system of political economy had but one side—it said produce , but forgot totally to say distribute and the sooner the delusions of the day were dispelled , the sooner would peace be restored only as a system of war every man lifting his hand against his fellow man . After ! a few words from Mr . Essery ( tailor V Mr . Ferdinand © said , lam a Chartist , and when meetings are called to discuss the suffrage I will there express my thoughts on that question ; but no man who has the confidence of the Chartist
party ever could oppose the discussion of industrial questions . Hr . Oastler had exactly expressed his views on-the regulations of trade ; and the weavers of Spitalfields were quite prepared for the discussion of this question apart froth ; all others . Mr . Wasps ( shoemaker ) said , as trades' delegates they had drawn up a constitution for their guidance ; the suffrage was there set forth as one of tbehr objects ; but it was neither to'be supposed nor understood that all their objects were . to be discussed at the same time . The ri ghts of industry he always thought of sufficient importance to warrant a discussion resting on . the merits of that question distinctand separate from all others .
A resolution' was then unanimously , adopted , to the effect , that the question of industry should be discussed by itself , apart from all other topics , and that men of all parties "be invited to take part in such discussions at public meetings with a view to arriving at some rational conclusion as to the best means of relieving the distress and improving the condition of all . Mr . Ferdinando moved , and Mr . Young seconded , the appointment of a committee of three persons for the purpose of carrying out the plan of operations suggested by Mr . Oastler . Carried unanimously . Mr . Wilson , Mr . Campbell , and Mr . Delaforce were named as the committee , with the request that Mr . Kydd would aefc with thorn . A vote of thanks was unanimously passed to the chairman for his conduct in the chair , and the meeting separated at an advanced hour .
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MEDALS OF JAMES MORISON , TIIEHYGEIST . AND GKEAT MEDICAL BEFOKMEB , May be had of all die Agents for the sale of Morison ' s I'ills . rBICE ONE SIIII . LINO . BACn . In Bronze , 10 s . Cd . ; in Silver , 21 , ; in Gold , 181 . JAMES MORISON , the Hygcist proclaimed—THE IMMORTAL lstly .-That the vital principle is in the blood . HARVEY 2 nd ! y . —That all diseases arise from impurity ot . the PROCLAIMED THE blood . : 3 rdly . — That such im-CmCULATIOX OF TUB purity can only be eradicated by a purgative such as BLOOD . Morison ' s Vegetable Universal Medicine of the British College of Health , Newroad , London . . 4 thly , — That tho deadly poisons used as medicines by the doctors are totally unnecessary in the cure of diseases . :
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Dutt on Bricks . —The amount of duty collected upon bricks during the years 1849 , is shown , by a return recently laid before Parliament , to have been £ 448 , 82619 s . 3 Jd ., of which £ 422 , 81218 s . 8 Jd ., wui coun try , and £ 26 , 014 Oa . 7 d . for London The largest items in the account hare been furnished by Surrey ( £ 37 , 283 ) , Rochester ( £ 32 , 284 ) , SSrtTjJgK * stourl ) ridse w ^
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- ¦ - •¦ : ¦¦ 0 'COMpR ^ . ^ ADSHAW . '¦'¦ ' SPEECH OF MR . SERGEANT WILKINS . f Serjeant'Wilkins addressed the iury . He said-May it please your 'lordship and gentlemen of the jury—JVoperson listens to my learned opponent with greater pleasure than I myself generally" do . When he has a subject upon which he is at home-when he has a good cause to defend-when his ardour is not cramped b y the consciousness of absurdities , ana" his eloquence is not impeded by apparent contradictions , no gentleman at the bar can speak with greater energy , earnestness , and effect than my learned inend ; and it must have been evident to all accustomed to lend willing ears to his eloquence -to those well acquainted with his indomitable loye of truth , that froin his hesitancy , pauses , and lahpurings , hehas been most painfully conscious of the badness of the cause entrusted to him . My learned friend s address irresistibly recalled to my memory the remark of the Rev . W . II . Beynton , who , after listening for some time to an oration , was 5 » Ked b y an unreflecting person ( who was led away with ad captandum arguments , and who « had given himself up to "is prejudices ) whether he did not think it a beautiful speech . The rev . gentleman replied " that to him it looked like a row of birds eggs threaded on a straw —( a laugh)—one could _ not help looking with pleasure upon their beautifully mottled diversity of colour , or without admiring the regularity and order with which they were threaded ; but liko birds' oggs , when children clutched at that with which they have been so long captivated , they are found to bo only broken shells
and empty nothingness . " And I will show you before I have done that that is the character of my learned friend ' s speech . I shall not address you in language so ornate ; I shall not speak now with bated breath —now with affected earnestness ? I shall not deliver commonplaces with au energy . almost ludicrousneither shall I seek to bewilder your minds with sophisms ana false reasoning ; but 1 shall lay before you a few plain facts in that straightforward way in which a plain Englishman would address twelve of his fellow countrymen . If Mr , 0 ' Connor has been propounding schemes which will not bear investigation , he has erred in good company , for I think I shall be able to show you , before I sit down , that ray learned friend ' s speech is one mass of error —that he has mistaken the law—that he has talked
of almost everything but that which is the issueand , in point of fact , led you far away from the question that you have to ; determine ; and did I not know that my leavned friend would not stoop to such a meanness , I could almost believe that he had mixed up personal enmity-to the plaintiff with his defence of the fourpenny-halfpenny editor of the town of Nottingham . He began by telling you that my evidence had settled all doubts against myself ; but I must beg you to bear in mind that you are not hereto-day to try whether or no Feargus O'Connor is a political quack—whether his conduct has been most marked by folly or error—whether his style of writing is such as te bear the test of true criticism . There was a remarkable absence of
sincerity when my learned friend . began by appealing to you to investigate this case with the calm light of reason , for every artifice and trick has been exhausted which the ingenuity of the editor of the Nottingham Journal could suggest , for he is an attorney . as well as an editor ; and subjects have been urged upon your attention which have : nothing whatever to do with the case . I do impugn the sincerity of my learned friend's appeal to . tho calm li g ht of reason , because lie has tried to excite your prejudices . What has it do with the case , whether Mr . O'Connor was called Esquire , or plain Mr . ? What has it to do with the case , whether he has been accustomed to drawing-room society , or other
soeietyV Are drawing-room Members of Parliament the best ? Why it is notorious that " the white-wuistcoated gentlemen" are the least esteemed in the house as men of business . What is it to the case where Mr . O'Connor chose to pass hia time ? My learned friend says that we shrink from inquiry , because we did not open our case at the first , but have I not sat here and heard ahuso ' after abuse heaped upon my client with an unsparing hand ; have 1 ' not heard circumstance after circumstance paraded before you , which have had nothing to do with the case , but whieh were highly calculated to prejudice your minds , and load you from the object you ought to have in view ; have I not heard Air . O'fionnni' . ifinnkod on all hands for" dOctl'inOS and
opinions upon which , whether correct or incorrect , it is not for you to decide ; and yet I have been constrained to be silent , lost it should be said we sought to stifle investigation . No man has been hunted and assailed like Mr . O'Connor . If any man was set upon a hill , it has been Mr . Feargus O'Connor ; every eye was upon him , every man ' s hand has been against him . My learned friend has not himself escaped without some assailants , and surely he might have thought of extending a little forbearance to another in the same category . At any rate he can understand why Mr . Feargus O'Connor , finding himsdf thus assailed and his motives misconstrued—finding the press—the Times , tho Chronicle , the Weekly Dispatch , the Daily News—all join
in his condemnation , should feel some soreness , and it may now and then account for his want of decorum . But I defy , any one to prove , after he has thus been exposed to the scrutiny of the press , and submitted to the investigation of the House of Commons , that he has misappropriated one farthing , or thath 6 has put one single shilling into his own pocket . I will say further , that being charged with the management of a vast undertaking , he lias framed machinery so perfect , as to bid defiance to malversation . All that has been urged against him on this occasion have been the declarations of my learned friend , consisting of an immense amount of assertion , but of no truth . Dr . Johnson used to sav that a wicked man might make more assertions
in five minutes than would take a wise man five years to answer . Humannaturo has a propensity to impugn and accuse public men , and many of the gallant , the good , and the virtuous of the sons of men have fallen before prejudice . My learned friend's junior , for instance , could never come near the name of Cuff ay , but he had a sneer at it , repeating it three or four , times over as a thing- to bo laughed at . Unless , however , I am much mistaken in the jury , these attempts will fail . The twelve men 1 see before me will scorn these nisi 2 > rius , tricks , which have become disgusting , not only because they are stale , but because they aro insulting to your understandings . My .-learned friend thought proper to mention the name of God . " With God ' s help , " he said . " we will protect the rights of the poor . "
Who does he mean by " we "—the gentlemen of the broa < l sheet ? . If he did , he had only to tack to the end of each sentence of his , fine apostrophe— " 4 * d . each "—and we should then have seen how much all this patriotism amounted to . What a detestable thing is prejudice!—what an enemy to mankind ! What is prejudice calculated to do ? What has it done ? It will make ,: and has made man to love that which is debasing and odious ; and causes and has caused him to detest that which , in the eye of Heaven , is lovely , How many high hearts have been crushed and broken by that detestable thing called prejudice ! How many a man , who would have stopped out of the beaten track for the benefit of his fellow-creatures , has not so stopped , for , like conscience , "it makes cowards of us all , "
' And enterprises of great pith and moment , With this regard their currents turn away , And lose ' tlie nfune of action , I pray you , if I cannot , for these considerations , persuade you to discard' prejudice , let me invoke a meaner feeling—your o . wn welfare and a ; regard for your own self-interest rfor wo know , not what a day or an hour may bring forth , and you may have to appeal to a jury yourselves . And hero comes in the heavenly niaxiin , "Do unto others as yo would they should do unto you ;'' and if you do so , sure I am thatyou will " not only decide , that Mr . O'Cqrir nor is a much injured man , but you will give him ample compensation for the injury inflicted upon him by the defendant . My learned friend has said
a great deal about the plaintiffs abusive language , and if it had been addressed to Mr . Bradsliaw it might , perhaps , have been fairly urged in mitigation , bat throughout tho whole there has been but one attack upon Mr . Bradshaw , in which Mr . O'Connor merely says that his discomfiture would be A great s 6 tlrce of gratification to the defendant , who certainly has furnished ample proof that it would . I agree with Mr . Roebuck in all he has said about the press ; but we , must not forget that the press is armed with a giant ' s strength , and may wield it for evil . All of us before the public coine at times under tho castigatiori of the press . I have myself been a sufferer , but on reviewing the matter , when I have somewhat , surmounted the smarting
of the lash , I have generally found cause toacknbw r ledge its justice . I implore you not to prejudge this case . You may come into this court prejudiced against tho plaintiff , but I ask you to look into -the chambers of the heart , and put tho question honestly , why are you thus prejudiced ? You have , perhaps , been led away with the multitude , but here is a man who'has been attacking the prejudices of hundreds and thousands for years , but who up to this moment , believes his course to be right . You may dislike his principles and his politics , but ask yourselves if you have any good reason to dislike him ? Do not full into tho vulgar , degraded , unmanly , un-christian error of hatme him because he
thinks differently from you . Who are all the men that have brought forward those groat changes , the fruits of which we are . now enjoying ? They are not your men who walk in the beaten traok—who bow down to the accepted notions of the age . They are not your drawing-room men—your cognoscenti , who sit in their easy chairs , and idly criticise the doings of the ago in whioh they live : They have beon men bold enough to expose their breasts to the shafts of prejudice , and if they have fallen , they have died like martyrs in a glorious cause .. Others have been hunted as much , as O'Connor , but posterity has done justice to their memory :. Who jffas it that was as muoh opposed as O'Connor , who entertained the same political opinions , and carried out ) the same views , whosa name , wag as jaucli a by-word .
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but whose memory is now revered by tiosterifv hv men of all parties ? I speak of Major Car&ht If his views were wrong , so are Mr . O'Connor ' sand I entreat you , as you value your own privileges ' for your own sakes , once more lentreat you , do not let prejudice influence your minds . What is ao painful , bo humiliating to a man of mind , as to address prejudice ? How impregnable ^ -how darkhow unassailable—how determined to commit injustice . Cast it aside then—you are to decide between the rights of man and man , and ho who allows prejudice to interpose and gratifies his own feelings at the expense of truth , and who dares to pronounce bis verdict from other reasons than those which truth and justice require , is a traitor to God and his country , and regardless alike of his duty to
his fellow man , and of his own interests . If juries do not justice , then away , say I , with trial by jury —let us seek some other tribunal . But while party may rage out of doors , and duty require immense sacrifices , if we take our solitary walk through the ruins of empires and of cities , we shall find written in indelible characters on every decaying capital , on every broken shaft , and on every shattered pillar , "Behold the work of passion , prejudice , and faction I" ( Applause . ) Now what does my learned friend say ? why , that O'Connor obtained from the poorer classes large sums . I shall show you that never for his own use did he obtain one farthing . lie thought proper to say that if ho httd been in my place , he would have produced at once the whole of the plainttf ' s caso . My experience in courts of
law taught me to do no such thing . I knew that my learned friend could either make out his case or he could not . If he did not attempt it , then would he be not only . a slanderer , but a cowardly slanderer , and my client would leave the court unstained . If ho did attempt to make it out , I knew my learned friend ' s skill in rhetoric too well to give him the last word . He has shown us how he can heap fallacy u pon fallacy . My determination was , that the charge should be as full and as perfect as possible , in order that our refutation might silence the tongue of the slanderer for ever . But I will tell my learned friend what I would have done , if I had been in his place . After I had denounced O'Connor as the veriest quack , impostor , and deceiver in the world , I would , sooner than
object to any part of his defence on tho mere ground of technicality—I would have had my arm cut from my body . : He took advantage of what is called the law of evidence . He knew what the Report of the House of Commons was—he read from it—he examined from it . I was most anxious to get it in —let that anxiety speak for itself . Had I done anything of tho sort ? Did I object a wordto all that stuff about Fonblanque and ' tho Morning Chrmiicle , or any of the irrelevant matter they thought proper to put in ? They have charged us with dishonesty —shameless dishonesty—and they have attempted to prove it by partial and garbled statements . They did not dare to read . the whole of the circular they quoted . ' Is that honest . That circular is an answer to the whole case . They did not dare to read the
whole of it , and they put in all these extracts , leaving the context , which would explain them , unread , and all to create a . degrading , dirty , and disgusting prejudice against Mr . O'Connor . My learned friend says it was altogether a fraudulent concern . Where is the evidence of fraud ? Under the state of things which has been laid before you , was it not impossible that a fraud could be committed ? There is an error into which my learned friend has fallen unintentionally , lie has called your attention to various reports , but he has forgotten ,. or did not know that every ono of those reports were drawn out preparatory to the final deed of settlement ; and therefore ,, when he talked of " no banls , " and " no trustees , '; lie gave a wrong impression . And so witli the three trustees to whom lie would have had
the estates conveyed . I may retort upon him his own argument , they could not have been so conveyed for the benefit of the company , wheTi no company existed . And therefore the whole of Mr . Roebuck ' s remarks on that point are explained by the simple fact , that every one of those documents was drawn out with the intention of getting the . deed of registration ; and had it been obtained , every one ot the persons named would hare been appointed , and the rules carried out . But a moment's reflection would show to a man of sense , that Mr . 0 ' Connor would never bo likely to attempt to deceive , because the danger of detection was imminent ; . The country was divided into 200 sections . Every section had a chairman , a secretary , a treasurer , a committee , and auditors . Every section met once
a week . The money was brought to them from the different parties who were members . At the close of the evening ihe chairman totted lip the receipts , and they were entered in a book . A separate book was kept , in each committee , and the money was sent by each secretary toM'Grath . What did my learned friend mean by saying there was no book ? There are the books , and we invite investigation and inspection . I will take upon myself to assort , that every item in that balance-sheet , and what has appeared in tho Northern Star , will bo found in those books . The two accountants appointed by the House of Commons had every thing they wished . There are the books now ; and there is not a single receipt given , or payment made , that will not be found in those books . Well , the money having been received in London , it appeared in the next Northern Star , which was the receipt , not only to the district
secretary who forwarded it , but to tho people who paid it . If that statemGrit did not immediately appear , a speedy inquiry was inevitable ; ' and if the account was not satisfactory , the London secretary had the whole nest in the country on his backchairman , secretary , committee , and all . Then there was the quarterly balance-sheet , to examine which , auditors were appointed by the delegates . My . learned friend knows very little about the working classes , when he talks of their ignorance , and underates their understanding . I do not hesitate to say , that there is many and many a despised Chartist who could enlighten my learned friend ( Mr . Roebuck ) on m .-iny a point of legislation . ( Loud laughter , and slight cheering . ) The Loud-Chief Bakox . —If there be another indication or expressiou of applause or censure , I shall direct tho court to be cleared of all who do not know how to conduct themselves .
Sergeant Wilkins . —There is another point of view in which I wish you to look at . the . case . My learned Mend told you that O'Connor did just as he pleased , and could just as easily dismiss a director as put . forth a circular . Again , I say , that he does not know the lower' classes . Neither Mr . O ' Connor , nor any other Mister could rule those people , without the most watchful jealousy being kept over all his deeds . To proceed . The quarterly meeting of delegates elected their own auditors and different men every year ; and in addition to ~ . thi 3 quarterly auditing , there was a Finance Committee to sit upon them ,. at the annual Conferences held at Birmingham , Lowbahds , and Manchester , and other places . Those Conferences wore attended by parties from . ill parts of the country , for aught I know from
Africa . My learned friend surely did . not think the man who subscribed his threepence from his liardearneil wages , would not be anxious to know what was done with ' . his threepences ? Is it probable , that with all these-gunrds it would be possible for any . man to conceal what was the true state of the accounts . My learned friend says the bank had no existence—I say it bad . If it followed that it was not a bank because it did not keep its money in the building , then there is not a savings bank * in the kingdom . Up to a certain period the money was deposited in tho bank ; it was then-placed out at other banks , and wo . have , produced every cheque , and they have been inspected by my learned friend ' s attorney . Wo have , given every thing tbathns been asked for . What more would you have ? . Vte mast
have some new light on the law . to attempt it stultify us with the idea that if Mr . O'Connor dropped downdeud , nny of his natural representatives could claim a shilling , or an acre ; and we can show a declaration of trust in another part of a letter read by my learned friend . My learned friend stated that , the system of which Mr . . O'Connor was the originator and propounder , was nothing better than a forcp-pump , to squeeze niouey out of the pockets oftradcspeople and mechanics , and to pour it into one grand reservoir—into the pockets of Mr . O'Connor . That was exceedingl y facetious , but it was not the fact . It was wonderfully funny , but ifc was not true . If any of it did go into that " reservoir , " it , soon came out again . According to the evidence laid before you the estates cost £ 60 , 000 , the houses
building cost . < £ 28 , 400 . ; the' aid money , including crops and tilliige , had been £ 4 , 2 Q 0 ; making a total of £ 02 , 060 . If there were added to this the cost of clearing the soil , maliing the roads , printing , the expenses of tho company , including the rent , the payments to the delegates , the law expenses and stamps , how much do you think would find its way into Mr . O'Connor ' s pocket ? So far is it from being true that the money was transferred from the pockets of the ' artisafts to those of Mr . O'Connor , that that gentleman isa loser to the extent of'between £ 3 , 000 and £ 4 , 000 by his project . What then becomes of all this jesting ( about that which , to Mr . O ' Connor , is a matter of life and doath ) , of pumping money out of the poor into ono grand reservoir * And then my learned friend went on to * say that ke obtained the money by means of delusion , and then
purchased estates with it for his own use and benefit . Is not this a gratuitous misrepresentation ? Ilis scheme may be delusive—it may have deeoived himself—perhaps it had misled others ; but is ? it because he has proposed , a scheme which , however well intended , has turned out to be inoperative of good , that he shall bo branded as a thief and an impostor , whohad . whoedledthe starving mechanics out . of £ 100 , 000 ! How often does philanthropy deceive itaelf , and doviso projects which are found to be impracticable ! Is it wonderful that the scheme would not succeed , when it was met by suoh opposition as that of Mr . Bradshaw ? And by calling Mr . O'Connor a thief , it was sought to inqrease the sale , of the Nottingham Journal . If to gratify ' a low . dirty party faction—if it has been attacked ' on any side—u every man who ' has advanced bis , tfreepence has beea taught to look ,
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upon his" benefactor as a thief , can we wonder that it did not succeed ? How could any man , or body of men make an institution succeed under such ' , circumstances ? But it is not true that Mr . O'Connor ' s project has not been productive of some good ; on the contrary , it has been of most essential service to those who have adopted it . Mr . O'Connor , slandered and . calumniated as he has been , has done more for the poor of this country than any one of tho theorists and political economists that are fond of attacking him . I can point to 2 S 4 cottages , with two acres of land attached to each of them . Tho land is cultivated , manured , and kept in the highest possible condition ; the head of each family lias had A-15 to begin the world with ; and yet in no one
instance have the inmates of those 2 S 4 cottages been asked for one sixpence of rent . What has political economy—what has the philanthropy of the 9 chool 9 ever done to equal that ? Except from the estate in Gloucestershire—a portion of England which has often been called the garden of this country , and which is celebrated for its salubrity and the richness of its soil—not one single witness has been brought to show that the treatment which Mr . O'Connor ' s clients received wa 3 bad and injurious . But certainly the personal appearance of all fcheso witnesses was not calculated to establish their testimony , for I have seldom seen a set of men with ruddier cheeks , or who bore about them more satisfactory attestations of health . Nor one of the
witnesses , however strongly the screw had been put on him , would undertake to swear that he has been made tlic victim of any misrepresentation , or that anything ha 3 been withheld from him which he had a right to expect , or which he had been given to understand he would be permitted to enjoy . On the contrary , many of them were compelled to admit that while on Mr . O'Connor ' s estate they were placed in the enjoyment of blessings to which they had always before been strangers ; and there was scarcely one of them who did not draw a picture of comfort and happiness such as it is to be wished could be found to exist in other parts of England as well . If it is true , as we have often been told , that there are in this country thousands and tens of
thousands of persons who never breathe the pure air-of heaven , and who are strangers to the blessing of a cup of untainted water ; and if it is also true that the persons who resided on the estate were men and women of that description—men and women who , until they joined Mr . O'Connor , lived in the pestilential purlieus of great cities where every blessing of external nature was denied them —if all that is true , what words can describe the infamy of tho men who can stigmatise as a thief and an impostor the individual who has been the means of thus placing health , competency , and comfort within the reach of the poor ? Mr . O'Connor has
never been guilty of fraud , misrepresentation , dishonesty , or concealment . His acts , words , and movements had been examined with microscopic accuracy , and yet no act of dishonour or dishonesty had ever been established against him Everything he ever did with respect to his Land Scheme was open and above board , and palpable to view as the sun at noonday . Committee after committee have * ex . 'imined into and reported on his conduct , and Mr . O'Connor remains to this hour an unimpeached member of tho House of Commons , who may take his seat side by side with tho proudest memher of them , for not one of them dare to point the finger of accusation at him . Is tho House of Commons
the express image of the mind of England—or is it , as has been represented by one of its enemies , an assemblage of six hundred scoundrels ? I believe it to be an assemblage of six hundred gentlemen and men of honour , and yet , though that assemblage had examined , with the most jealous minuteness , into the conduct of Mr . O'Connor , they have been unable to detect one solitary flaw in it . I do not know what impressions these observations may make . I know what impression they ought to make , and if I am addressing honest minds what impression they will make . The country expects a fair and impartial verdict at your hands , and , I say it not as a threat , that you will discard every lurking prejudice and do that which reason , truth , and honour dictates . I ask not this for your own
sake , but because I am here to discharge a duty to my client , and having done that , I leave you to discharge yours . So much , then , with regard to the concealment . Every one of the alleged misrepresentations of the society , in point of fact , are not niisrepresentations at all . I prny you not to forget it , but those rules were obliged to be drawn up in a preliminary state , and tho names of the parties were put in as it was intended they should be . In proof of this I need but remind you that the registrar had approved of the draft , It was then engrossed word for word as it had been approved , and having been engrossed and signed , on being again presented to the registrar he refused to give his assent to it . Could Mr . O'Connor know after the
draft had been approved the deed would be refused ? In anticipation of its approval , had he not paid between £ 600 and £ 700 for stamps—had he not been . at a great expense for engrossing and getting tho signatures , and I believe at this moment the question is bfiing argued in the Court of Queen ' s Bench , as to whether the registrar was legally , right in refusing complete registration , there being minds high in the profession—minds before whom we are in the habit of bowing with difference , who think differently from the registrar , and , as one of the witnesses had stated , the opinion of three eminent counsel has been found to be favourable on this very point . The Lord Chief Baron . —We have no such
evidence . Sergeant Wilkins . —We have it in evidence thai ; counsels' opinion was taken ; and that after that opinion was taken they went on with it . And we have this important fact in evidence , that the registrar approved the deed , and put us to the expense of £ 000 or £ 700 for stamps alone , to say nothing of the expense of sending the deed round the country for signatures . Is it not too bad that a public officer should turn round and say that what 1 approve yesterday I will not approve to-day ? Could Mr . O'Connor dream of that ? ¦ Had it not been for that the Company would at this moment have been , carrying on its affairs legally under the Joint Stock Companies' Act .
The Lord Chief Baron . —If the registrar had so registered it , and the Company is illegal , the registration would go for nothing . If you put that to the jury as the Jaw which is not , I am bound to interpose immediately , and point out that which appears to me to be an error . I quite agree , however , that that makes no difference to M »\ O'Con * nor ' s position , as brother Wilkins is now putting it ; but it is very important that it should not be understood that a mistake on tbe part of a publio officer could make that legal which is not . Sergeant "Wiliuxs . —But it was quite clear that Mr . O'Connor acted in the matter lonafide in tho year 1 S 45 , when the rules were propounded . Another meeting was called in December , when they
left the word " Chartist out of their title , I think ¦ wisely . At the next conference they left out another word , which had become objectionable to the community . Tho rules are , in fact , the same ; tho officers are the same the details nearly the same . After describing the original appointment of . officers , tho learned counsel said—Mr . O'Connor , although his name was not inserted in tho rules as treasurer , published the fact to tho world . Every time nil estate wag bought , he published the lact who had bought it , what was given for it , and to whom it was conveyed . He alw ays told hia followers what he was doing , and what ho
intended to do . In a speech delivered at the nomination at 'Nottingham , which he published on the 7 th of-August , in the Northern Star , a newspaper which was read by almost half a million ot people , he expressly admitted , in as many words , that he was himself . the treasurer , and that he waa treasurer of £ 70 , 000 , What could be more candid What more manly or straightforward than that admission ? I implore of tho jury again to view the case with the calm clear light of reason , and not to permit , any lurking prejudice to drive them to any other verdict than that which might be war « ranted by reason , truth ' , and honour . The learned counsel on the other side has had the hardihood to
assert , that there is no knowing what has become of the money that has been contributed by the poor tradespeople i Imfc how autliicJ 6 US is Ihe assumption ! Because the money was collected from tho poor , is that ^ ei' sa a sign of fraud ? If so what a fraudulent body are that excellent people the Methodists . ^ A laugh . ) And so were tho Anti-Corn League ( turning to Mi' . Roebuck ) . Mr . liosBUCK . — "Well , I was not a member . ( A laugh . ) Serge-ant Wilkixs . —So , my learned friend travels in his own orbit ; he belongs to nothing . ( A laugh . ) If it be true that nobody could tell what has becomo of tbe money , what becomes of theinvestigation which " has been instituted into this whole affair by ord ? r of the House of Commons ?; Is . it true that Miv O'Connor ' s account-books have
been subjected to , a rigorous examination by two accountants of iho IIouso of Commons , who devoted to them fifteen hours a day for eighteen days ? And is it also tviie that the Committee have reported that no stain whatever rested on the character of Mr . O'Conaw , and that it could not be substantiated against Iiim that ho had misappropriated one shilling of tho funds entrusted to his charge ? la all this , true , or is it all a fable—a mere vision of tho imagination ? , Ifthero is one particle of truth in the allegatiou that it was impossible io ascertain what has . become of tho money of the allottees my loarhed friend has failed most lamentably in his duty to hia constituents and hia country in nob standing up in his p ' ace in the House of Commons , and moving that Mr . O'Connor be ignominiousl / expelled . Tho fact is , that the money which ha fallen into the hands of Mr . O'Connor , can be ac « counted for out of-Jwj Jio ( i 3 ^ t § ' | hp !^ t farthiiie . The receipts were J ^ li ^ ea ^ gui ^ uflyii every wees in the Northern Sfflvj&jg&i rilflt ^ MffiflsseB that have been exammeaMlS | btlW » li one had ' the audacij ^ yj ^^ arg ^^^ O' ^ mBor with having miBapprcfoM # M |^! fi ^ lp | ^ fA ^ w ^ ^]! M ' ^ ¦ H YiSiS *
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), March 16, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1565/page/7/
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