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Northern Star (1837-1852), 16th November 1850, Edition 1 of 3, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      SPEECH OF ARTHUR O'CONNOR , ESQ .. IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS , IRELAND , ON MONDAY , MAT 4 , 1795 , ON SHE CATHOLIC BILL . Mb . Smarm , —I should not have trespassed , on ¦ yonr time at this late hour tru iiaotthtt ,: asoften as ^ hu im portant subject has been agitate * since haTe fcad a seat in this house ; I Have given silent ' toiSjoj the most unqualified emancipation of my Catholic coun trymen , from conviction of tbe justness of their claims to freedom , and of the inexpediency and folly of continuing to sacrifice the civil and political rights of the people , for the purpose of aggrandising-a few ¦ f aooUa , under the mask of promoting religion . ' But , sirthe times , call for something more than silenl -oTMPcrW fYF ABTflTTP . n'nn ^ Mni ? "RSO

      , Totes . The situation in which we are so unaccountably placed is so critical , and the bill under yonr consideration involves such Tast consequences in its train , that every man , who is Hot wholly indifferent to the welfare of his country , must feel himself called on to lay aside every lesser consideration , and to deliver his opinion with that freedom , andthat boldness , fjy which only the country can be saved . What do the whole of the argumentswhich have been advanced on this sight , against the emancipation of our Catholic countrymen , by the gentlemen of die opposite side of the house , amount to ? To a mere unsupported assertion , that it would destroy our constitution in Church and State . This is not the onlr " instance in this country in which the most eereziora

      job has been concealed under a specious phraseology . One would imagine from the language held by the jnaht , hon . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ) , that the people of this country were in the actual enjoyment of the British constitution in all its purity , and that it bad been in this country that the experiment of that constitution had been made by which it had become the admiration of tbe world . Is it that the condition of the people of Ireland corresponds so well with the great mutual advantages of their country , that , we are to infer , that their civil and political constitution "wag of that immaculate nature which the right hon . gentleman ( Mr . Pelham ) has represented it ? Is it Because we were the most wretched and most miserable nation in Europe , as long as this system of

      mosopoly and exclusion for which tbe gentlemen on the Opposite side of . the house contend , under the title of Constitution in Church aad State , was in its most entire state ; and that we have emerged from that wretchedness and misery in an exact proportion as we hive destroyed this system of monopoly , by extending the blessings of freedom to our Catholic countrymen , that we should now desist from our labours ? Is it becanse we have beard these gentlemen at the opposite side of the house , year after year , ever since this question has been agitated , predict the ruin of the country , from extending the constitution to our Catholic countrymen , and that we have seen the country thrive in an exact proportion as it has been extended , that we should now stop short on their

      author ity , and consecrate the remainder of the system ofmonopoly and exclusion ? Before we risk every thing in defence of a system npon authority which has hitherto proved so utterly fallacious , let ns inquire into its merits . I will suppose the worst of systems ; and I will leave it to the advocates of this system , to -show in what way it differs from this system of theirs , which they tare consecrated under the mystical -words of constitution in Church and State .. I will ¦ suppose the whole representation of the people of Ireland converted into a subject of traffic , and a monopoly of the trade given to a few families , with an exception of that small portion of freedom which falls to thB share of the counties ; I will suppose even this pittance assailed by these monopolists , bv

      their profuse distributions of jobs and of patronage , and by their appointing the men of the best interests in the counties to seats for their boroughs , whom they could find mean enough to accept them , on the condition of servitude and wages in so vile an occupation ; I will suppose these wholesale dealers in our lights and liberties , coming from their rotten boroughs , and the counties they have debauched , with then * attendant supporters of constitution in Church and State , to discharge their cargo at the seat of go--vernment , at the counting house of an English factor ; bartering an-unqualified sacrifice of Irish trade , of Irish industry , of Irish rights , and of Irish character , -attte iefefc if English , domination , and of English 3 varice . For what ? What shall I suppose the price

      of this infernal cargo , like' pandora ' s box , a collection of every ill that can afflict mankind ? The whole nation of Ireland would blush to hear it J They would blush at their own degradation ! Nothing less than the most unqualified sacrifice of every thing in this unhappy country , that could exalt these farmersgeneral of our rights and liberties , and of every thing that could debase an injured , insulted , and impoverished people . Here is a system by which our national character would be degraded in the eyes of surrounding nations . Here is a system by which the people of this conntry would be doubly impoverished , to pay for that treason which was to revile and villify them in the legislature of their own country , and to pay for that treason which was to sacrifice their dearest

      interests to the aggrandisement of another nation . I call upon the gentlemen of the opposite sidet ofJheJiouse to show in what this execrable system differs from the constitution in Church and State , for which : they contend . And yet you have been told , that on the -continuance of this system yonr lives , your liberties , your property , and jonr religion depend;—on the continuance of this system you bave been told your constitution depends . Nay , to fill up the measure of their effrontery , there are men who will nnblushingly tell yon that this system , so profitable to them , and so ruinous to the country , shaU be constitution itself ! Fortunately it i 3 no longer a subject of contention between the Protestants and the Catholics , for every man in this country except monopolist * , and those in pay of monopolists , whether Protestants , Presbyterians , or Catholics , have declared themselves equally interested in the destruction of this odious system . Fortunately , the

      Protestants and Presbyterians of Ireland have , at length , discovered the folly of sacrificing their own rights and the prosperity of their conntry , in a criminal attempt to exclude three-fourths of their countrymen fnra the tlessiugs of freedom , for no other purpose than to perpetuate a system in which z few families are unnaturally exalted , at the expense of millions of their countrymen as unnaturally debased . Bat it is no longer a secret , that the men who oppose the abolition of religious distinctions in our civil and political concerns , when the general voice of the nation has concurred ia so wise , so just , and so politic a measure , are tie men who usurp the whole political power of the country , the men who have converted the whole representation of Ireland into family patrimony , to the poverty , to the oppression , and to the disgrace of the nation , and to the monstrous aggrandisement of themselves , their relatives , and their servile adherents ; THESE ARE

      THE MEN WHO OPPOSE . CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION . And why ? Because Catholic emancipation would be incompatible with - their accurst d monopoly . Here lies the incapacity of the Catholics to participate in the freedom of their country ; here lies the excellence of the present constitution in Church and State . In this ia comprised the whole guilt of our Catholic couutrymen ^ and in the eyes of men of this description , the same incapacity would attach itself to angels from heavep , if the abolition of their accursed monopoly was to make any part of the consequences . Let those men who flatter themselves that they can continue the oldsystem of monopoly and exclusion by which the few have been raised on tbe necks of the many , risk what

      they please in its defence ; but let me conjure you , who are without the pale of their political communion , to consider tbe important change which has taken place in the public mind , to consider ithe language which , has been spoken by all descriptions of men , ' from- , one end of the Kingdom to the other . Let me ; eoulure of you to consider that you are no lpjpger . fcgis ' lating for the barbarous , ignorant ages , which ^ are gone by , but that yon must now legislate , iorf . the more enlightened , and more intelligent age in which ¦ sou live , and for the still more enlightened ages yet to come . It is on these safe and liberal grounds 1 invite you to weigh the arguments wbich ., hayeheen advanced on this night against the emancipation of

      yorir Catholiccoantrj-men- An hon . gentleman , ( Ogle saW , if you emancipate them they will get the . upper hand , and they will erect aPopish government ; and a noble lord , ( Kingsborough , ) says , that Catholic emancipation is" incompatible with .. Protestant freedom , -which assertions are founded on the supposition , that the Calliolics pay such implicit obedience to their clergy in religious matters ; that they will destroy our liberties by paying a like implicit obedience to the civil magistrate in political concerns . , Is there anything in the conduct of the Catholics at this day to warrant these charged ? "Is it not harrowing up charges from the barbarous ages that are gone by ? Ask the Catholic clergy , and they will tell you that their power is declined .

      Ask the Protestant clergy , from one part cf the Kingdom to the other , and they will tell you that the " superstitious power of the Catholic clergy is at an end . But have you not heard the right hon . gentleman ( Air . PcJham ) , on this night , hmentthedeenneof his power ! Have you not heard him . in the vilest prostitution of t ? nns , lament his decline , as the decline of a wholesome control ! But while it is with joy 1 express my satisfaction , that all superstitious control over the minds of my Catholic countrymen is at an end , as that circumstance pntB the justice of their c ' airts to freedom beyond all doubt , I cannot , nor will not , suppress my' detes

      tation and abhorrence of the right hon . gentleman , ( Mr . Pelharn ' s ) doctrine , which would make superstition a wholesome control ; at this doctrine of passive obedience which would revive the reign of ignorance and superstitution ; st this doctrine of despots , who hating some infernal systemof oppression to support , and shrinking from the light of reason , would repluoge us into that darkness and obscurity we nave escaped . Backed , then , by the authority ' « f ihe Catholic clergy , backed by tho authority of the Proleitant clergy , and backed by the still more" general authority of the general observations of every man within and without these wallsj from one eudof tiie Kingdom to . tteotterj

      Untitled Article

      I will assume it as a fact , that the superstitious control of the Catiiohcdergy over the Catholic mind is at an end . What kcomcsof the charge of a Popish government ? What becomes of the insecurity of the Protestants from the Catholics sacrificing your liberties , by paying a like implicit obedience to the civil SStrf ? i . e ? n fe ^ aaytoing like this in the con-\ h ? m ? 5 tho | IC 8 ? Has the hon . gentleman and " 0 « e «> rd , who have made these charges / found the ufilnplics . so criminally indifferent to the blessings of civU and political liberty ? Have those . gen-Ueraen , who have left no secret iwans untried to defeat Catholic freedom , found them so criminally tame and submissive under the pressure of civil and political exclusion ? Is it a factthat the Catholic laity have Tgi nccnmoi > fltafiiffr '» Ttftf » i ; aMj .-it 1 . .-

      , hem so slack , and so backward in the pursuit after civil and political liberty , as to require the incitement of their clerpy ? Or , is it the characteristic of the clergy of any religion to be very ardent in the pursuit after civil and political liberty ? I put it to the gentlemen at the opposite side of the house , does the current of public opinion at thb . time hi any nation of Europe , run in favour of despotism , or of Popery , or of Popish government ? But these gentlemen do not perceive the contradictory nature of the arguments they have this night advanced against Catholic freedom . At one time they represent them as men so priest-ridden as to endanger the . constitution , by erecting a Popi .-h slavish government ; in the same breath they represent them as overthrowing the

      constitution by their democratical and republican principles , serving up at the same time the most heterogeneous compositions that were ever offered to the human mind . But I refer those gentlemen to the history of mankind , where they will find that the men who have been really and dangerously priest-ridden have invariably borne the yoke of despotism with patience and resignation ; but whenever the ; have assumed sufficient ^ courage to assert their civil and political , rights it was not until after they had thrown off the tyranny of the priesthood . Seasoning from this indisputable , fact instead of agreeing with the gentlemen opposite ,. that the firm tone in which the Catholics . bave demanded their freedom should be a ground . for

      refusal , I shall ask no better proof that . they are entitled to liberty than their having had the spirit to claim it . But , the gentlemen on the other side of the house , knowing the weakness of these contradictory arguments , have had recourse to prophecy . They have entrenched themselves in the fastness of futurity , and in the spirit of divination , they , have accused ub . who are advocates for Catholic freedom , with the ruin of posterity . To this prophetio accusation I answer , as iar . as prophetic accusation admits of an answer , . that the dark ages of ignorance and superstition have ever proved congenial to the tyranny of priests and despots , but that the independence which has arisen from this : intercourse of nation with nation , from the invention of . the

      mariner ' s compass , and the knowledge which has Sowed from the invention of the press , have proved fatal to its continuance .. Look round the world , and you will find in those countries where foreign commerce ' ia discouraged , and where the invention of the press is unknown , that despotism uniformly prevails over liberty ; look to China and the East Indies , look to . Prussia , to the Ottoman and African empires , those immense portions of the globe where foreign commerce is discouraged , and where the invention of the press is either disused or unknown , and you will find the civil and political rightsof the people . immersed in ignorance , superstition , and abject servility , the sport of the most rapacious despotism . In these countries the

      ears of the governing power are never greeted with the harsh sounds of the rights of man ; no , all is despotism on the part of the governors , all is p issi ve obedience on the . part of the people . Turn your eyes from these wretched countries to the several nations of Europe , and : you will find how uniformly civil , political , and religious slavery diminish , in proportion as foreign commerce has been encouraged , and as the press has been protected . See bow uniformly these causes and effects correspond ; and if any one of you doubt that these great causes are at this moment operating those salutary effects , I refer him to the despots of Europe , and this war in which they have immolated so many human sacrifices , and in which they have deluged all

      Europe with such torrents of blood , and their present fears for their darling despotism shall be their answor * But it is some consolation to me , to reflect that the avarice of these despots , which has tempted them to encourage foreign commerce in their dominions , and the vanity or necessity which has led them , or obliged them to give some protection to education ; and the press is at this moment sowing the seeds of that independence and knowledge which will one day crush that despotism , even which they and then- bloodhounds have disgraced . Impressed with these great and important truths , is it when our country is becoming commercial under all its artificial disadvantages , is it when we have thrown off some of the shackles of

      our trade , and when by passing this bill , by creating a people , we shall be enahled to restore it to perfect freedom , that we are to reject this bill through fear of destroying posterity ? Is it when knowledge is progressive among us , when the youth * of the nation are giving such . brilliant , examples that liberality of thought is the offspring of education ? Is it when our Catholic countrymen are displaying such eminent talents in the pursuit after civil and political liberty , f talents which , I am sorry to say , we have had many examples this night , to prove how much more easy it is to verify than to rival or imitate ? Is it under these circumstances we are to enter our fears for posterity ? 13 it when our countrymen have resumed their reason in such an

      eminent degree that we should suspect them of relapsing into ignorance and superstition ? Is it when our Catholic countrymen are claiming their civil and political rights , with the address and firmness of men . of enlightened minds , that we should suspect them of relapsing into slavery and a Popish government , basely surrendering the noblest privileges of man ? Sever shall such tinsel reasonings make me see thefuture rnin of my country in the actual freedom of my . countrymen ; never shall such weak argument dissuade me from an act of immutable justice , where the rights and liberties of millions of my countrymen were at stake upon the issue ; no , on this head the prospect is a bright one , and cursed be that man who , for interested

      motives , would darken or obscure its lustre . So much for tbe dangers of your constitution in State ; but the Church is in danger . What is that part of the system to wbich the Protestan . t religion is under such obligation ? "What is that part of the system with whose destruction the destruction of tbe Protestant religion is so closely connected ? It is simply the system of conversion ; but is it a system of conversion from conviction ? No ! it shuts every avenue leading to conviction , it closes every door by which a Catholic could enter the Protestant church ; they have been barred by those rewards and punishments which short-sighted bigotry invented for the purpose of forcing religious opinions . By this system you have exposed the Catholic who

      is wiling to follow the dictates of conviction to the execration of his own sect for deserting them , because he appears to have done so , he escapes the penalties annexed to adherence ; and j ou bave exposed him to the contempt of the Protestants , whose tenets you wish him to embrace , by making him appear to them , as a man who had sold his principles , his religion , and his God , for no other purpose than to sain the immunities yon hold out to conversion . Instead of promoting your religion , you have called forth the dread of execration and contempt , to steel the Catholic mind against that conversion you affect to promote ,. , and to attach him to that religion from which you wish to estrange him . Thus it is that narrow-minded bigotry ever defeats

      its own ends by the means it empioys to attain them . Ton have not its heats nor itSrgasssions to ' excuse you , but you have had tte experience of its example to direct you . Cease , then , to prescribe to the Almighty the extent and manner of the adoration he shall receive ; cease to place your rewards and punishments in competition with his , for you cannot but observe how thoroughly the blasphemous presumption has exposed the impotency of the attempt . Act like "legislators . Leave the way to conviction and conversion as free and as open as the superiority Of the tenets of your religion appeara to you clear and indisputable . Act like men ^ sensible of your duty to your Creator . Presume not to meddle with opinions he has not given you

      faculties to understand ,. and which requires ; his omniscience to control . * Away with that system which exacts the sacrifice of the civil and political rightsof the people for the ineffectual purpose , of promoting religion . We have tried it long enough in thi 3 unfortunate country to prove its inefficacy . It has had free scope amongst us ever since the passing of tbe law against recusants in the reign of Elizabeth , until these few years , that we have be-* un on its abolition ; and if you would judge fairly of he merits of the system and of its abolition by their effects ; I call on you this . night to choose between centuries of disunion , of cml wars , and of ™ tched-£ . unexampled in any nation on the globe : and a in unioain civilisation

      few vParsranid process , , SSS ^ -iaAfflft : ^ te ^ tw&sjs ^ iravas ^ ssfffi&aE Pies of those gentlemen who oppose this bill , 1 Jo assert that every , the least , disability on account of reli gious opinions , makes part of the system oj persecution . The objection make 3 its appearance in another shape , and the dangers which were said to threaten the Protestant religion , from' Catholic emancipation , have been made by an hon . gentleman , Mr . Pelham , to reappear in the shape of

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      dangers , which he saysr threaten the ; Protestant establishment . He has confounded tho establishment with the religion ,, and , by an artful trinsmU gration ^ he has made theProtestant establishment to stand for the soul of the Protestant religion and , after vre have defeated the objection under the colour of the one , he has made itto rally Antaeushke with additional ; strength , under the colours of the other . I say with additional strength , for I am ; aware that Protestant establishment is a word of that mystic meaning in this house , that those who would wish to retain it in that state of consecration in which it has been placed by the priesthood in the days of our most inveterate bigotry , have a consider ' able advantage over me , who would examine Us meaning before the tribunal of reason . It is their

      interest to confound the establishment with your religion , in order that it may derive all the sanctity of the religion itself . It is mine to separate them ; but they may as well attempt to confound the military establishment , by wnioh the officers and soldiers are paid , with the tactics and manoeuvres which it is their duty to learn . In order to answer this last objection it will be necessary to prove either that the Protestant establishment would undergo no alteration from the emancipation of the Catholic , or that , if it was to undergo an alteration , tbe Protestant religion , so far from being injured , would be highly benefitted by the change . And I prefer tha hitter , because I believe , in my soul , that if some very material alteration be not speedily made in our religious establishment , there will be

      an eno , not only to all religion amongst us , but to all moral principle , without which religion is a farce . As the legislature of this country' have been mistaken in their attempt to promote religion by their system of persecution , so also have they been utterly mistaken in the nature and effects of religious establishments . They have confounded the interestot the clergy with the interest of religion ; and they have imagined that , in proportion as they enriched the Protestant clergy they were promoting the Protestant religion ; and that , by dooming the Catholic clergy to have no establishment whatsoever , they were consigning the Catholic religion to eternal oblivion . Was I on a subjeot upon which I could expect any share of candour ,-1

      Would rest the whole argument on the ( smb . I would ask , has the Protestant religion -been promoted in . proportion as the Protestant clergy has been enriched ? Have the members of the Catholic religion diminished accordng to the views of the legislature , who doomed their clergy to poverty and to . have no establishment at all ? Tho state of the population of the two' sects is sufficiently well known to prove that the reverse is the fact ; and if you will examine the nature of these establishments you will discover which is the best adapted for the purpose of promoting their respective religions . From that absurd notion of promoting religion by enriching its clergy , the Protestant establishment has made men of fortune ot

      its clergy ; and it has made them to live with men of fortune , and to live ' as men of fortune ; it has induced them ' to live ' with men-of fashion , with men of pleasure , and with men of the world—and it has made them to live as men of fashion , as men of pleasure , and as men of tbe world ; it has thrown them entirely into that class of men whose education , whose high sense of honour , and whose respect for the opinion of an observant world , renders the attendance of a minister of religion almost unnecessary ; but it has taken them from the dull , ' but useful rounds of parochial duties ; it has estranged them from cultivating a friendly and intimate acquaintance with the lower classes of the people , whose want of education , whose want of a sense of honour , and whose ignorance of moral ; obligation ,

      makes the constant and friendly attendance of a minister ' of religion indispensably necessary to keep them from falling into irrelig ion—to keep them from that vice and debauchery , which , unsupported by any other fund than that of their labour and their industry , which it must shortly consume , must make them bad subjects under any government—must lead them to pilfering and punishment , perhaps to robbery and murder , and to a disgraceful death . By this establishment you have raised excessive hopes of preferment in tbe minds of the clergy , from the inequalities it has left in the provisions wbich it makes for them , by which their characters have been subjected to the imputation of cringing and servility to the dispensers of preferment—to the meanly sacrificing their civil and

      political rights and opinions upon tbe altar of an earthly superior , by which they appear , in the eyes of the people , as men either disregarding or disbelieving that leading - and essential tenet of the Christian religion which forbids the sacrifice of their duty to their worldly promotion . Injurious as these defects in this establishment—for which such fears are entertained—have proved to your religion , they almost vanish , when I come to consider- the evils which arise from the mode of payment which it allots its clergy . I shall not dwell on how destructive this part of the establishment has proved . to the agriculture of your country—the most important branch . of industry in' which your people can be employed . I shall confine myself to state , that it has sown the seeds of eternal rancour , animosity ,

      and litigation , between the minister and his parishioners ; it ha 3 allied the minister of the meek and charitable religion of Christ -with tho very dre ^ s of the earth ; it has made him one in a company with valuators , with proctors , with process servers , and with civil bill attornies ; it has made him the principal suitor in that hell upon earth , the civil bill . court , where perjury is all prevalent ; it has converted the minister of the disinterested religion of Christ into a tithe-settling auctioneer , distributing his liquors in order to intoxicate his bidders , that they may vie with one another for the purchase of his wares ; it has made them appear the most avaricious and the greatest persecutors , who—by the tenets of the religion it is their duty to inculcateshould be the most disinterested and the least

      worldly ; it has made it appear to the world as if this establishment was instituted to make the people sensible of their indigence by a comparison with the wealth of their clergy—to make them sensible how miserably their hard labour was rewarded by a comparison with the indolence , but immense and sudden fortunes , of their CLERGY ; it has made it appear to the world as if this establishment was instituted inthiscountryfor no other purpose than to provide exorbitantly for the families and connexions of the political jobbers , and political advocates for tie constitution in Church and State , in its present limited condition ; and it has made it appear to the world as if your PROTESTANT RELIGION had no other business in this country than to support this establishment , and not the establishment to support

      the religion . Turn your eyes to that establishment —or , rather , no establishment—which you forced on the Catholic religion , with a view to its abolition ; you have not enabled its clergy to mock the simplicity of the Christian religion by the splendour of their equipages—by the magnificence of their palaces , their furniture , or their sideboards—by the massiveness of their plate , nor by the voluptuousness or luxury of their tables ; you have not tempted them , for you have not enabled them to desert their parishes and their religious duties , in search of pleasure at Bath—at London , in . your capital—at the water drinking places , the resort of the fashionable . So ; you have apportioned their salaries . to the discharge of their duty , and . you have called out the strongest

      incitements in man—the procuring a subsistence , and the hopes of bettering their condition , to stimulate them to the most active discharge of their duty . I am not an advocate for either establishment—for Iain as adverse to that establishment , ¦ which , by obliging the . clergy to humour tho weakness , or to encourage the ignorance of his parishioners , as the only means of procuring a subsistence , makes it an dffie ^ Deneath a man of education . : But I cannot , but observtf j / ou have an example ¦ in your country of on ettailishment , by which a greater number than those of the . established religion , are carefully and diligently instructed in their religious duties , by a resident elergy , of the purest morah , the most decorous manners , and of the greatest learning , between whom ^ and their parishioners the greatest amity and affection subsists ,

      and not the fifteenth part so burdensome to the nation as your Protestant establishmint . I am aware , that intheeye 8 of weak and timid men who subscribe to the doctrine , that reformation is the parent of revolution , I shall appear as one who has entered on a delicate subject with-too much freedom ; as a dangerous man , as a jacobin , as one that would embrue my hands in the blood of his countryman . But I will appeal from such contemptible decision to the sounder judgment of those who subscribe to the safer doctrines , that abuses are the parent of revolution , and that . a timely and radical reform of those abuses , as well in Church as in State , arethe only security against ihow , convulsions , which shake society to its foundation . An eyewitness to the horrors of a revolution in another country , ! must be more than a

      monster to wish to see them raging in my own . Bui if ever there was a time when it behoved men in public stations to be explicit , if ever there was a time when those scourges of the , human race , called politicians , should lay aside their duplicity and their finesse , it is the present moment . Be assured , tU people oj this country will no longer bear , that their welfare shall be made the sport of a few family factions ; be assured they are convinced their true interests consist in putting down men of self creation , who have no object in view but that of aggrandising themselves and their families at the expense ¦ of the . public ; and in setting up men who

      shall represent Hie nation , and who shall do the business of the nation . And if I could bring my mind to suspect that my Catholic countrymen , af ter they had been enibodkd in the constitution amidst their Protestant and Presbyterian fellow-citisens , would basely desert Hie common cause of . our general freedom by enlisting u nder the banners of this or that family monopolist Isheuld conceive that in having been the advocate for their emancipation , I had been the advocate for their disqrace . But honour , interest , and the rising spirit of the nation , forbid such unworthy suspicions . ff T was to iudge by the dead silence with which jSijSwXW AwM suspect what I have said

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      H t k Tery P ^ taWe ^ BomB men in this nJ : ' ow i nave not risked connexions endeared to me oy every tle of blood and friendship , to support one hos oi men m preference to another ; I have nasarded top muoh to allow the breath of calumny toi taint the objects I have had in vie * from the part 1 nave taken ; - " Immutable principles on whioh the nappmesB and liberty of my countrymen depend , convey to my , mind the only substantial boon for which great sacrifices ; should be made ; I might allay the feara of the Protestani monopolist for

      ii i . the true spirit of political bigotry , they ? £ u ¦ lr Prote 8 ta ? t ascendancy by stating , that as the boroughs continue in the hands' of Protestant P ^ Pfietdrs , centuries : mu 8 t pass away before : the Catholics can participate in any considerable portion of the political power of their country . But I am contending for the purity of the constitution , not for its abuses * I disclaim contending for Ca- tholic freedom , in the hope'that the rights and liberties of my country may continue to be monopolised in the same manner after their emancipation as they were before . BUT I HERE AYOW MYSELF

      THE ZEALOUS AND EARNEST ADVOCATE FOR THE MOST UNQUALIFIED EMANCIPATION OF MY CATHOLIC COUNTRYMEN , IN THE HOPE AND CONVICTION TUAT THE MONOPOLY OP THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF MY COUNTRY , WHICH HAS HITHERTO EFFECTUALLY WITHSTOOD THE EFFORTS OF A PART OF THE PEOPLE , MUST YIELD TO THE UNANIMOUS WILL , TO THE DECIDED INTEREST , AND TO THE GENERAL EFFORT OF A WHOLE UNITED PEOPLE . It is from this conviction , and it is for that transbendantly important object , thatwhile the noble lord Kingsborough , and the right Hon . Secretary , are offering to risk their lives arid fortunes in support of a system that militates against the liberty

      of my countrymen , I will risk everything dear to me on earth . It is for this great object I have , I fear ; more than risked connexions dearer to me than life itself . But he must bo a spiritless man , and this a spiritless nation , not to resent the baseness of a British Minister who has raised our hopes inordor to seduce a rival to share with him the disgrace of this accursed political crusadej and blasts them after , that he may degrade d competitor to the station of a dependant , and that he may destroy friendship his nature never knew , be has sported with the feelings of a whole nation , raising the cup with one hand to tho parched lip of expectancy , he has dashed it to the earth with the other , in all the wantoness of insult , and with air the aggravation of contempt . Does he imagine that , the people of

      this country , after ho haa tantalized them with the cheering hope of present alleviation , and of future prosperity , will tamely bear to be forced to a re-endurance of their former sufferings , and to a re-appointment of their former spoilers ? Does be . from confidence of long success indebauching the human mind , exact from you , calling yourselves the representatives of the people of Ireland , to ' / eject a bill which has received the unanimous consent of your constituents ? Or , does he mean to puzzle the versatile disposition of this house , on which he has made so many successful experiments already , by distracting you between obedience to his imperious mandates , and obedience to the will of the people' you should represent ? Or , does he flatter himself , that because he has succeeded in betravine his own

      country , into exchanging that peace by wbich she might have retrieved her shattered finances , for a war in which he has squandered twenty times a greater treasure in the course of two years than with all bis famed economy , ' he had been able to save in the course of ten ; for a war in which the prime youth of the world have been offered up , as victims to his ambition and his schemes , as boundless and presumptuous as ill-concerted and illcombined ; for a war in which the plains of every nation in Europe have been crimsoned with oceans bfblood . / or a war in which his country has reaped nothing but disgrace , and which mwt ultimately prove her ruin ? Does he flatter himself that he will be enabled , Satan-like , to end his political career by

      involving the whole empire in a civil war , from which nothing can accrue but a doleful and barren conquest to the victor ? I trust the people of England ure too wise find too just to : attempt to force measures upon us they would reject with disdain themselves . I trust they have not so soon forgotten the lesson they ao recently learnt from America , which should serve as a lasting example to nations against employing force to subdue the spirit of a people DETERMINED TO BE FREE ! but if they should be so weak or so wicked as to suffer-themselves to be seduced by a man to whose soul duplicity and finesse is as congenial as ingenuousness and fairdealing i 3 a stranger ; to become the instruments of supporting A FEW ODIOUS . PUBLIC CHARACTERS IN POWER AND RAPACITY

      AGAINST . THE INTEREST AND AGAINST THE SENSE OF A WHOLE PEOPLE . If we are to be dragooned , into measures against our will , by a ' nation that- would lose her last life and ' expend her last guynea in resenting a similar : insult , if offered ' to herself . ' 1 trust in God she will find in the people of this country a spirit in no wiseinferior to her own . You are at this moment at the most awful period of your lives ; the minister of England has comnntted you withvour country , and on this night your ADOPTION OR REJECTION OF THIS BILL MUST .. DETERMINE IN THE EYES OF THE IRISH NATION WHICH YOU REPRESENTTHE MINISTER OF ENGLAND OR THE

      PEOPLE VOF IRELAND ! And although you are convinced you do "not represent the people of Ireland ; although you are convinced , every man of you , that you are self-created , it does-not alter the nature of the contest , it is' still a contest between the minister of England and the people of Irnland , and THE WEAKNESS OF YOUR TITLE SHOULD ONLY MAKE YOU THE MORE CIRCUMSPECT IN THE EXERCISE OF YOUR POWER . Obey the British minister ;—disregard the voice of the people : France must have lost her senses if she hesitates what part ' she will take ; it is not an 84 th department you will have if moulded to her wishes j it is not simply a La Vond . ee you will have kindled in the bosom of your country : for . if you shall have once convinced the people of this country , that your . are TRAITORS TO THEM , AND HIRELINGS TOTHEMINISTER

      OF AN AVARICIOUS DOMINEERING NATION under the outward appearance of a sister country . If you shall have convinced the people of this country that the free national constitution for which they were committed , and for wbich they risked everything dear to them in 1782 , has been destroyed by the bribery of a British minister , and the unexampled venality of an Irish parliament : if you shall have convinced them ; that instead of rising and falling with England they are never to rise but when she has been humbled by adversity , and that they must fall when she becomes elated by prosperity ; if you shall have convinced the people of this country , that instead of reciprocal advantage , nothing is to be reaped from their connection with England but supremacy and

      aggrandisement on one side , and a costly venality , injury , insult , degradation , and poverty , on the other ; it is human nature that you shall have driven the people of this country to count the alliance of , any nation able and willing to breakthe chains of a bondage , ' not more galling to their feelings THAN DESTRUCTIVE OF THEIR PROSPERITY . The g ^ rii lemen at the . opposite side of the house have attempted to influence you by tho mention of Jackson : so will I read his correspondence with your enemy , and you will find a volume of instruction in every lino he has written . If the people of this country dp enjoy the constitution in Church aud State , Why " has he found the people of ' tho one country frq ' er ' from that oppresssion whioh goads riatio ' ns intoall the horrors of a revolution ? Why

      has : he found- the people of the other more hi » hly sublimated to his purpose ? Examine the whole of his intelligence , and you will find the weakness of your , 'country in the conduct you have pursued , and in the converse of that conduct-only : you can establish her ; strength . Do not depend on ; the bayonet for * support of your measure , believe me , that in proportion as your measures . require ^ force to . support them , in an exact i proportion are they radically and mischevousry .. bad . Believe mo , there is more strength in the affections and confidence of the people than if you were to con vert ¦ every second house in the nation into barracks for your soldiery . ' ] And , when the gentlehieh ( Cuffe . and Kiogsborough , ) whom I have heard this night tell you , that to act' in

      contenipt of the public opinion is spirit and firmness , and that to act with a decent respebt for that opinion is timidity and cowardice ; they make tfle character . of the legislator , to merge . into tho character of the duellist , and they sit you upon the splitting point of honour with your constituents . Is it not enough that you live in the age and in the midst of the horrors of revolutions to deter you from acting in contempt of the public , opinion ? Have you not had examples . ewigh to , convince you that' men , in throwing off cho russet frock for the uniform of the soldier , do not at all times throw . away the ties of kindred and ¦ of blood ? Have you not had exaaiplcs enough to convince vou that even soldiers cannot at , all timcti be

      brought to abed the blood of their parents , their kindred , and their friends ? . And have you notJiad a great andmeinorable example to convince you that the soldiers of ah odious government may become the soldiers cf a nation ? ' if these are plain truths this is . the time to tell them . If I speak daggers to you it is that neither you nor my country may ever feel them ; BUT IF YOU WISH TO BE DEceived , hearken to tflose men wiio are interested in riskixo every-Thing , that they may continue to monopolise the whole political POWER OF YOUR COUNTRY ; HEARKEN TO THOSE MEN WHO ARE INTERESTED IN RISKING EVERYTHINGTHAT TnEYMAY

      , CONTINUE TO DRAW THEIR BETTER IN . I 1 ERITAKCE FROM THE SALE OF THE WELFAKI OF YOUR COUNTRY ; but let me caution you ,, whose property is- too considerable to b&

      Untitled Article

      I hazarded in the bare pursuit after the rights and ~ -op «* y , ) Of your . eni ^ Ted and iinpovenshed counteenyiO take . oare ^ t par J yoiiact pn this nighfc ; let me caution you , that the decision of thfrnjgM goes much further than even the important bilFuwder your consideration . You , none of you , can- be ignorant that the British minister has designs in procrastinating this question , to prooure advantages for his own country at the expense ofyoura , " greater than she was capable ofae oeivirig since theriv ' oluUon , at least since the Union '' and so strongly impressed is this on the public mind , that you who shall on this night vote for the . rejection of this bill ; will appear in the eyes of the ' Irish' nation , ' not only as men voting in obedience to the British minister against the voice of the .

      people , but as men voting for an UNION WITH ENGLAND , by wh ? ch , this country is to be everlastingly reduced to the state of an abject province . Fortunately the viows of the British minister have been detected ; fortunately the people of this country see him in his true colours ; like the desperate gamester who has lost his alL in the wildest schemes of aggrandisement , he looks , round for some dupe to supply him with the further means of future projects , and . in the orafty subtleness of his soul he fondly imagines he has found that easy dupe in the oredulity of the IrisL nation . After he baa exhausted his own country in a crusade against that phantom , political opinion ,. he flatters himself he will be enabled to resuscitate her at the expense of yours . As you value the peace and happiness of

      your country ; as you value the rights and liberties of the soil that has given you birth ; and if you are not lost to every sense of feeling for your own consequence and importance as men , I call on you this nighfc to make your , stand ., I call on you to rally round the independence of your , country , whose existence has beep so artfully assailed . Believe me , the'British minister will leave you in the lurch , when he sees that tbe people of this nation are TOO MUCH IN EARNEST to bo tricked put of : their rights , or the independence , of : their country ; after be sees that they , have been sufficiently alarmed at seeing the ' same men who " uniformly opposed the independence of their country , when it was a / ojiestion in this house in , 1782 ,, jecalled into power" wherV ' that . independence was to

      be attacked in ' 95 , when , he has gained his ends of you , and when he had made you the instruments by which he shall have so divided and disgraced the opposition of England as to render it impossible to form an efficient government out of his opponents , he will make his peace with . this country by conceding this measure , leaving you fixed figures for the hand of scorn to point its slow , and moving finger at . " Gracious God ! that you should fall into that very error , which has so recently overwhelmed a great nation in such unheard of cala mities ! Will you not take warning from the fate of the government of France , which , by not adapting its conduct to tho chances of the public mind , has brought ruin on itself and devastation on its country . What a display of

      legislation have we had on this night ? Artificers who neither know the foundation on which they work , the instruments they ought to use , nor the materials required ! Is it by foreign troops you would lead the ardehf spirit of your eountrymen ? 'Is it in the fusty re ' eords of barbarous ages you ' would seek for that existent , mind to which you should adopt your laws ? If you will legislate , know that on the broad oasis of immutable justice only you can raise a lasting beauteous temple to the liberty of your island , whose ample base shall lodge , and whose roof shall shelter her united family from the rankling inclemency of rejection and exclusion . Know that reason is that silken thread by which the lawgiver leads his-people ; and , above all , know that in the knowledge of the temper of the public mind

      consists the skill and wisdom of this legislator . Do hot imagine that the minds of your countrymen have been stationary , while that of all Europe has been rapidly progressive ; for you must be blind not to perceive that the whole European mind has undergone a revolution , neither confined to this nor to that country , but as general as the great causes which have g iven it birth , and still continue to feed its growth . In vain do these men , who subsist but on the abuses of the government under which they live , flatter , themselves that what we have seen these last six years is but the feverof the moment ^ which will pass away as soon as the patient has been let blood enough ; as-well may they attempt to alter the course of Nature without altering her laws . If they-would effect a counter-revolution in the European mind , they must destroy commerce and its effects—they must abolish every trace of the mariner ' s compass—they must consign every , book

      to the flames—they must obliterate every vestige of the invention of the press—they must destroy the conduct of intelligence , by destroying the institution of the Post-6 ffice , then , and not , till then , they arid their abuses may live on in all the security which ignorance ,, superstition , and want of concert in the people , can .-bestow . But while I would overwhelm with despair those men who have been nursed in the lap of venality and prostitution—who have been educated in contempt and ridicule of a love for their country , and who have grown grey in scoffing at everything like public spirit , let me congratulate every . true friend to mankind , that that commerce Which ha 3 begot so much independence will continue to beget more ; and let me congratulate every friend to the human species , that . the press , which has sent such a mass of information into the world , will continue with accelerated rapidity to pour forth its treasures so beneficial to mankind . It is to these great causes that we are indebted . THAT ¦

      THE COMBINATION OF PRIESTS AND DESPOTS , which bo long tyrannised over the Civil and political liberty oi Europe , HAS BEEN DISSOLVED .. Itis to these great causes we are indebted , that no priest , be his religion what it may , dare , preach the doctrine , and that no man believes the doctrine which inculcates the necessity of sacrificing every right and every , blessing this world can afford as the only means of obtaining eternal happiness in the life to come . This was the dootrine by which the despotism of Europe was so long supported ; this was the doctrine by which the political popery of Europe was supported ; but the doctrine and the despotism may now sleep in the same grave until ihe . trumpet of ignorance , superstition , and bigotry , shall sound their resurrection ! Thanks be

      to God the European mind demands more substantial food than the airy nothings of metaphysical belief . ; Thanks be to God , the absurdity of one set of men framing-OPINIONS for the other men to BELIEVE upon a subject , which neither have faculties to UNDERSTAND , has been exploded ; and that every heart and every mind . is anxiously engaged in perfecting a civil and political code , which , as it is within the scope so . it is the most important concern of every nation on the globe ; and , ' so far frpm believing they would earn heaven by a base dereliction of their rights ,-they-are firmly convinced that in prompting the' true , civil , and political rights of man , they are advancing human society to that state of perfection it was the design of the Creator , it should attain - - convinced -that ¦ the CAUSE OF FREEDOM IS THE CAUSE OF god . . ' .. . ; :. :

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      ITALIAN NATIONALITY AND ¦ INDEPENDENCE . We have receiyeil from the National Committee the following official circulars to which we cheerfully give insertion . ; - -: ;; ' " ' - : ' ^ 'Circular No . l . " ; ' . "' ' .. 1 ITALIAN NATIONAL LOAN . ' . " \ ' ; 1 . The National 'Italian Committee , elecUd by sixty representatives of the , people in the Roman Constituent Assembly , and by many other citizit ' s belonging to representative assemblies or holding military or governmental officies in any other parts of Italy during the late movement by a decree , bearing date the 4 th of July , 1849 , and which is ' con ' . tained in the manifesto which accompanies this cir . cular , have opened a National Italian Loan of Ten Millions of Italian lire , ^ . SgSSJSgg

      2 . The loan is divided into , two hundred and fifty thousand shares—fifty thousand of one hundred lire each , and two hundred thousand of " twenty-five lire each . The notes are distributed in series , -and are numbered consecutively . ' 3 . The shares are made over to the purchaser im » mediately upon payment of their amount . They . the property of tbe holder / or the time being , and are transferable by simple delivery of the notes—the possession of which establishes the tide to the shares , and to all interests which may become due . 4 . Interest runs at the rate of six per cent , per annum from the date of tbe purchase of the shares until payment .: The date of the purchase will be writien . on the notes themselves by the persons entrusted by the committee with their dislribution . '

      5 . The sums subscribed will be employed by the National Committee , according to the powers indicated in the act of the 4 _ th of July , 1849 , exclusively in the acquisition of materials ; of war , or of what else may-directly ' concern the independence and Ii . bertyof Italy . ' . No partpf the . fund can be with ! drawn from ; the above * -purposes'ftfr . personal . assistance 5 n any Bbape . ' . " ' ¦ ¦ '' ¦ ¦ ¦';• '¦'¦ '' - ,- ' ' ' " " - ¦ - ' ; 6 . The money obtained nil } be deposited Sn London , at the banking-house of Messrs , Martin , Stone , and Martin , 68 , Lombard-street . The committee has the ri g ht of changing-the place of deposit according to circumstances . ' ,

      7 . A commission of six individuals , half Italian and half foreigners , will verify periodically the general state of the debtor and creditor account of the loan . The auditors can in no way interfere with the administration of tbe fund . ' . 8 . This commission will be named by tbe repre . sentatives of the Italian people , whose signatures are appended . to the above act . Until such nomination , ' the commission pro . tern , will consist of the following Italians and Englishmen , viz : —Colonel Antonio Ferrara , Vincenzo Cattabeni , and Frederico Petrucelli ; William Shaen , Esq ., William Henry Ashrust , junr ., Esq ., and William Stradwicke , Esq ., . 9 . All the subscribers of the above-mentioned Act have the right , when they desire it , of exercising a ' similar power of verification . ' -

      . 10 . A National Government once constituted ia Italy , the Italian National Committee will make over to it all the books , the registers of notes , the unsold notes , and the materials of war already acquired , and everything in their hands in any way appertaining to the loan . The commission of verification will at thesame time make its repor ^ to such government . 11 . The National Italian Committee and the subscribers of the above-mentioned Act undertake to do everything in their power . to procure the recognition of the loan by such National Government , and the fixing of tbe earliest possible period for the repayment of both capital and interest .

      12 . The National Committee promises absolute secrecy with respect to the names of purchasers . who . may desire , during existing political circumstances , to remain unknown ; but it keeps a register of their . names and of the suras of money paid in , so that , at a fitting time , subscribers to the loan may possess conclusive evidence before their fellow-citizens of not having despaired of the salvation ot their country , and of having contributed to hasten its accomplishment . 13 . The notes , formed of paper expressl y manufactured for the committee , have the inscription , in water-mark , "Prestito Nazionale Italiano" ( Na- ' . tional Italian Loan ) , and are in tenor as follows , viz : — " . ' ' . ' . : ¦ ' . ' ' :. 11 Did k Popot . 0 . —PnusTito Nazionat . e Itauako .

      Italia kVHoma . Diretto unicamente ad affreiare TIndependenza e la Liberia d"Italia . AOdOl . Franchi 100 . Ricevuta di Franchi Cento . di Capitate , col Mercantile Interesse di mezzo per Cento al mese , a datare da questo giorno , 1850 . ; Pel Comitato Nazionale , Giuseppe Mazzini , Giuseffk Sirtoiu , Matiu montjkccm , aubelio saffi , a . salioeti . La Circolare No . 1 , enntenente le basi e i particolari dell' Imprestitofi distribuisce colle cedole . London Agent , James Stansfeld , 2 , Sidney-place , Brompton . " : Translation . " Gon and thb Pboplb ' —Italian National Loan .

      Italy and Rome . : Directed solely to the achievement of the Independence and Liberty of Italy . A 0001 . 100 Francs . Received the sum of 100 Francs , to bear interest at the . rate of half per cent , per month , dating from this day of -..,- 1850 . ¦ : For the National . Committee , Giuseppe Mazzini , Giuseppe Summi , Mattia MoNTBCcm , AuBBLid Saffi , A . Saliceti . The Circular No . 1 , containing the basis and particu-Isrs of the Loan is distributed wiih tbe notes .

      London Agent , James Stansfeld , 2 , Sidney-place , Rrompton . " On tbe face of the notes are two impressions in the form of seals , one bearing tbe arms of the Republic , the other the inscription , " Comitato Nazionnle Italiano" ( National Italian . Committee ); and on the back is the impression of a broken seal , with the signature of one of the two secretaries of the committee . &ESARE AGOSTINI , Secretary of the National Committee .

      Untitled Article

      Circular No . 2 . THE ITALIAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE . Italians !—Without money no undertaking is possible . , The national cause has . need . of materials of war , collected and ready for the moment when European circumstances , wbich can neither be calculated upon nor foreseen , shall give the opportunity of rising . Through the want of arms and means the ruin of our . movements has been accelerated . Precious time and money has been ; expended ' in providing materials of war , which arrived too late , and fdl into the hands of the enemy . The first days ' of a movement are the : most difficult . At such a . , time tbe uncertainty of the internal state , of the country , and a redoubled vigilance : from- without , cause delays and obstacles of . every kind to tine , providingiofarms and

      money , which are of vitar ' iaiportance ; , And . the Lombardo-Venetiah provinces , andl those of the Centre Will inevitably be in want . of arms during the first days . His necessary . . to ; prp . yide .- ; them . Your committee , has proposed , the means which appear to ' them . the best . . For the dignity of .. the cause , which is yours , by the facility which it affords of collecting a vast capital b y small sacrifices from every man , by the security which it offers * the National Loan , opened in our Circular No . I , is a more fitting plan than an invitation to immense sacrifices . on the part of a tew individuals , or than the method of irregular voluntary offerings , which : are uncertain in manner , in amount , and in time . The undertaking is for all ; let it have the aid of all . Let the Nation save tbe Nation . ...

      Are there not two hundred thousand patriots in Italy ? Do they not feel , thjt the conflict for our holy banner is inevitable ? Do they not desire that those who will be the first to fight shall have the means ! of fronting . the enemy ? Would they not give to us when invested with power , and guiding the movement ? Let them give to us as citizens . We now represent the thought of the Nation in exile , as formerly in Rome anil in Venice . And the day will come when every one of our notes will ha a document of merit and a title of honour to the Italian , who before that day shall have become a purchaser of them .

      But there ? s another object in \ addition to fne first ; the moral olsject . A . ; loau raised by simple citizens for the National cause , and taken up white the Papal and the Austrian Loans do not succeed , or succeed only by compulsion , raises the National parly to an undeniable power in Europe ; constitutes it an element iiifluet , cmg peoples and ' . sowrnmenw who are now , f . or ,. a \ Lt . of oo » i « iw Jn « w JJJO respeciinnl . ah , but lukewarm fneudss an < d paces ^^^ ^ F ^^^ TtS- ^ Su ^ wrw ^ fl .. - " « j / flMI . We call upon the national party , upon the Italian democracy , upon all who desire its tnumpi , for a proof of real life . Give it ia' the name of GwS ,

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      j . ... - . . - ¦ Cat and Baopipes . - ^ A public-house of considerable notoriety ; with this sign , existed long at the corner of Downing-srreet , next to-King-streefc . It was also used as a chop-house , and frequented by many of those connected with the public offices in the neighbourhood . An old friend told me that many years ago he met George Rose—so well known in after life as the friend of Pitt , clerk of the parliament , Secretary of . the Treasury , « fcc , and' executor of ihe- 'Earl of Marchniont—then a bashful young man , at the Oat and Bagpipes . I may mention that George Rose was one of the few instaneos which .-I hate met ; with where , a-Scotchman had freed himself from the . peculiarities of the speech of his country . ¦ . Sir William Grant was . another . Frank Homer was a third . I never knew another , Notes . and Queries . . ¦ . ¦ ¦ . .

      Tub Fugitive Slave Law . —A ; sad scene took p lace on board one of the boats on the Erie -Canal .-A man , woman , and child were on board the boat , endeavouring to escape to Canada . The crew of the boat in which they were learned that they were fugitives , and immediately devised a plan to trouble and terrify : them , probably thereby finding amusement . One night some of the human fiends , in prosecution of their plansjvwent to the berth of the man Harris , and , awakening him ,. informed him that his mastoy was on uoavd the boat , and that they would , surrender him and . family into his hands . Harris drew a dirk , with whioh he . was armed for self-defence , drove the scoundrels on deck , and by his decisive manner and actions kept them at bay

      until morning . In" the morning ho was informed that his . master had left the boat , and gone on to Syracuse , but would there meet him on the arrival af the boat .. On Tuesday evening , about five o ' clock , the boat came to a stopping . place at the first Lodi Lock , about a mile east of this city . As is often the case , a number of persons went aboard the boat . Harris supposed they came to take him , being so informed by some of the crew . In his desperation he seized his razor , and , drawing it forcibly across his throat , jumped into tho canel . ITjs wife , with their child in her arms , leaped after him ; all determined . to die rather than again come under the slaveholder ' s power . Efforts were then made to rescue the drowning family . Harris and his wife were cot out , but tho child was drowned . —American

      oaper . . , Extraordinary Rapid Voyaoks . —The Peninsular and Oriental Company ' s steamship lttpon , -with a full heavy cargo for Malta and Alexandria , and 143 pusseiigers chiefly for Indin , which left Southampton at nine a . m . on the 20 th of October , reached Malta at two p . m . on the 29 th , after eight hours stay at Gibraltar coaling , and notwithstanding that she experienced a strong contrary gale of wind in the Mediterranean , with a head 8 ea . The Medusa , from MarSGilles , with tho Overland London Mails fot India , of the 24 th of October , reached Malta early on the morning of the 30 tb , after a run of : ajxtj hours and a half .

      Untitled Article

      ^ An allusion to the students who preferred going to jrranciMtreet Chapel , where the Catholic Delegates were S ™^ . ^ account of their reception at St . James ' s , than attending Lard Camden witn an address . M ^ t-iL ^ Tf ^ 111 ^ 6 * rancis-street Chapel by . Si * r ^ enn ' R 5 an - andLewins . were grossb ftrTiebmT ofthecieicb «? ' ^ etnatfiefcatelrfr ^ S

      Untitled Article

      • ' - ' ' ¦ ¦ ¦\ y ..-.. - : ¦ ¦ " . - - ___ : . ; ,.. . : ••;; ¦ r ' . j ' .-A ! :- i ^ Uj cl i . 'jt . i ' . t . X # r Novembb ^ 16 , wgo : ^^ . - ^ . >^ - .:--- r ; - ^ - -.. ¦¦¦ ..... ¦¦¦ ., ¦¦ ,.. ¦ , ~~ :-rt T ^ ff - ^ ¦¦ ;¦ ; ;;" ' ;;;; i ;; rir : ; ' ¦¦¦¦ ¦¦— - —r ,,: ^ r ! 1 l _ - _ * _ v ^ ^ p— ^^ SCS S **""*—^^ , „ ,. . ^ .. „ ^ .. - ••¦' - ~ ~^_ i in ¦ S !! 5 ?

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 16, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1600/page/7/