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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th December 1851, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1, Untitled Article

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    • IBB FUTURE OF" CHARTISM. '
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      Untitled Article

      Mr . EDITOSj—Of all things required at this iancture , a proper appreciation of . Ghar-?• 4 ieees ^ ties is the one most to be desired . Thronsh imprndentzeal , the tacHcs of Chartists liave teu «« d to make the name offensive , aud association of evil principles . This is an inevitable consequence of being illiberal to jjj 8 feelings of other men ; who advocate an onposite policy- 1-Jiesitate , ^ dt " to say , that $ e discip lea of Chartism , have been badlv juivised ; that when the 'interference' decree teas issued , a mortal Wow was struck at the vitalitv of' The Charter . ' A political creed

      cannot be forced upon men . When accepted , jf disinterestedly , it is the reBult of a reasonjQ (» conviction . Hence to thrust upon a meeting ' the six points of the Charter , ' where the assembly , has met fora given purpose , no £ in connexion withthedoctrines therein propounded , and the expenses of which are paid from private fhnds , is to make enemies of liberally-minded men , who , but for such condact , may be said to be within sight of the same goal . And the worst thing connected with all this is , that it dictates to men they

      only are right in the discussion of the political wrongs of the country—a kind of vanity extremely calculated to serve the interests of tyranny , to the entire sacrifice of freedom of opinion and speech . To be a Chartist , it is madly contended , a man must be nothing else . H e must have no sympathy with a Reformer ¦ echo is contenii to enfranchise every householder and lodger , and to introduce the triennial system of representation ; nor must le treat another as sincere who is not for the Pay ment of Members . Such dictation is unbearable . In « country like our own , with so

      many traditions * of the past , he is the true friend of Progress / who is willing to accept all hB call get from & government whose members do not derive their powwJMfirot ^ theablbf ^ fe roteg of the people ; ever continuing the struggle to obtain the remainder of his wants , which the fresh accession of power has placed nearer to his graBp . It becomes , then , an undeniable fact , that Mr . Hume , Sir J . Walinsley , and Mr . Br ight are doing more real service to the people's cause than Chartism can eTer hope to do , so long as such arbitrary language is pnt forth as advice for Chartists to follow .

      I have said , in a former letter , that the body of Chartism is dead . Its spirit happil y floats over the surface of society , wanting Bome true , earnest , practical heads to alight upon . And where are they to be found 1 Experience points to five men who , if elected for the purpose of making Chartism a respectable political creed , one that will not abash men at its name , because of itsintolerant antecedents ,

      and , in the end , really constitute a People ' s Party , such men's names are Thomas Cooper , Ernest Jones , Robert Le Blond , S . M . Ky dd , and Bronterre O'Brien . These gentlemen are men of ability as well as of practical life ; veil qualified to undertake bo responsible a task . Certainly they are not the only persons to be mentioned as capacitated for the office ; but as I know names may be given of friends who conld not serve the cause as members of

      its Executive , through ill health and private engagements , as declared by themselveB , I have stated those only who , I believe , are prepared to lead , if invited to do so , and a fair amount of confidence guaranteed to their efforts . An Executive so appointed must be paid . Their entire services must be ensured . One of the five should be chosen as Secretary , who must be a man as ready with his pen as he < '"ould be explicit in his statements relative to t > e progress of the movement . Two of the

      e could be spared to advocate the cause in t . e provinces , for , though absent , their opinions , by letter , could always be obtained , upon matters of argent importance ; and two of the remaining three might serve the movement in London , by their personal advice and advocacy in the local meetings . For funds , let the 1 st of January next be the day named for the enrolment of members , by the payment 'Is . for the year 1852 ; collected , in localities , : fonr quarterly payments of 3 d , each ; aud - those who would help the cause by a larger

      contribution be permitted to do so , the contributor not deriving any extra power as a consequence of his extra subscription . Surely , 6 , 000 men can be found to contribute , on the day named , 3 d . per head ; which , if done , would realise a . sum of £ 75 , and Other 500 men to pay Is . each , or £ 25 , in all £ 100 , as a Bnrety to the newly-formed Executive that their immediate exigencies can be defrayed from this collection , which will be added to as each week passes by . I am quite sure that

      there are 50 , 000 men to be found prepared to pay the quota here demanded , and who would do so before the end oi Jane next ; so that £ 025 would be the quarterly income of the movement , from that time , a sum that would not onl y be sufficient to make the cause both solvent and respectable , but would give an amount of power to it , which , in result , must prove irresistible . How easy , then , are tho means for building np an effective organisation , which shall make the people's voice heard both in and out of Parliament !

      Having prowsed thus much , I desire to add a word of caution . It is the great fault of the working classes , that directly they connect V- nnaelves with any political or social move , at they immediately look for the ripening 01 the fruit . That feeling is the ruin of thenorder . They forget that there are negative as "well as positive good to be accomplished ; and that the natural effect of an unequivocal organisation is to prevent future evil being done , as well as to urge on the increasing liberty of the people . So hostile is the class in whose

      hands are reposed the balance of power in England—the middle class—that , for my part , I do not expect that the principle oi Manhood Suffrage will be granted for the next twenty years , live who may , amongst us , to see it . It could bo obtained much earlier , were the men wanting it but true to themselves ; but , viewing them as they are , and allowing for their weaknesses , they mast become an altered body to achieve the victory sooner than i have just named . This will be denied , I Q oubt not by some ; laughed at by the sanguine ; and generally pronounced aB

      unencouraging , and therefore injudicious . Be this as it may , the man who thinks that so great a political change can be brought about in a brief space of years , divided as men are upon tiic question itself , is onl y deceiving himself ; Bad the sooner he is aware of the fact , the letter will it be for the cause generally . There is much work to be done , apart from that conn ected immediately with the Charter . An Executive o £ a people ' s party must become * he friend of the oppressed poor ; make its T « ice heard upon the great social questions w hich affect the dwellings and sanitary

      arrangements of the more humble portions of their order ; and otherwise awaken attention lo important and leading features of any particular crisis , be it commercial or political . -Hie world must be made to know that the ^ use of Chartism is identical with the real Jants of the people ; and that the ' Six louits ' are but the development of a part of a great whole , the adoption of which will expedite the accomplishment of the latter . Tins J » ll be the future of Chartism , if it is ever « estined to eccupy any important place in lie Cjun try a history .

      A new Executive is about to be chosen , Jormed of men who , not being paid for their ^« ous services , must attend to their personal yties . I am sensible of the difficulty in adding a contrary line of action , because it is ¦* . M tot m + __* CT 52 ^¦ tizr tz ^ rrc ^ -

      Untitled Article

      cutive , to obtain the aubscriptions I have menboned , of 3 d . or Is . per head from every real friend of the Charter , < m the 1 st of January next , and 10 , 000 men respond to that appeal , why not convene a new Convention , to determine upon the question of having a paid Executive , tneir remuneration , and the policy to be followed in the subsequent agitation of the movement . Trul y there is no time to lose . The moments are -precioiia . If we cannot obtain Manhood Suffrafie m 1852 , the leaders of the people must make tho Ministerial measure as . clbBelv CUtlVe . tO Obtain tVio inWnnr .... T I ... J

      _ _ . _ ¦ - _ * f ¦ ^ . _ . j *" " ¦ ' . ' ¦ * - approximate thereto as human and peace&l efforts can do . I say peaceful ; for in" the name of all that is dear to our cause , let nothing be done . which is , at all calculated to give triumph to our enemies , by plaoing the law between them and our writers , and speakers . As Englishmen , Chartnsts might truly say , Hhe Law and the ConBtitutioa are our watchwords . To obay-bjlfc ' i * ' tUi demotion of our lives . We Btrugae ^ i o ; improve not to destroy . "We ] iaTeJl | Lt > eriyi : © £ speech and communication ; and |§ i ^ yidenc 1 of our appreciation of these U ^^^^ M

      enxreavom . " to enforce as much acquiescence in others . ' ^ This will be thought exceedingly conservative ; but my objectors may rely upon it that it is eminentl y practical , and pregnant with subsequent benefit . The Executive that is about to quit office deserves the favourable consideration of the friendB of progress . It has done its best ;

      though , as constituted , it could do but little . Composed of men of various opinions , if not political , its twin ally , social unanimity of action could not ba expected from Jfc . Thus as one instance only , —Mr . Thornton Hunt is a Communist , and he says he particularly desires to be surrounded only by men like in principle . If Mr . Hunt's wishes are gratified , then Chartism and Communism must be

      declared as one . This is the danger of an unpaid Executive . Every one of its members must lire ; and the better to do so , his name must be identified with a particular set of opinions . Now as he cannot subsist by advocating the Charter only , his own ideas of right ( some people call them hobbies , I do not ) , must ever be predominant ; so that in th © end the leaders of Chartism are found to embrace nearly every kind of ism

      promulgated . All this is very prejudicial ; for , if Chartism is to be bagged with Communism ; or if , by the advocacy and support of the former , an identity of sympathy is to be avowed in the latter , then I say Chartism has for ever perished , both in body and spirit , and the people should call upon the editor o ! the Leader' to write its epitaph , aa one who has contributed his quota to render its existence in this life more painful than natural .

      Tn the names I have given , Mr . Foargus O'Connor ' s is omitted . I wish to spare that gentleman such labours . He has done his work , for the present . Both in health and fortune his sacrifice has been great . Our children will speak of him as such , when history only shall record his actions . He is not the man , however , that should , be now solicited to travel the up-hill journey before us . His name will be more effective as a venerated friend than a present adviser . No slur upon

      his past advocacy will be cast , if that he be not one of the chosen few . Whatever honour is centred in an Executive , it can add nothing to the position held by , and respect entertained for , that gentleman . I am for releasing him now that an opportunity serves . I am sure I am serving the cause of the Charter by advising the withdrawal of his name ; and . I feel equally butq I am doing Mr . O'Connor a lasting service , by soliciting him to take no active part in the future of Chartism , until his constitution has recovered from the shock which

      the enemies to his Land Scheme have chiefly occasioned . Recollect , the election is an annual one . It i 3 the necessities of the time that are conaulted , and not present dishonour to any man . And let no man , omitted in my list , feel that the absence of his name is a disrespect to his past services . I have chosen five out of thirty men who are already named as competent to govern the movement . I do not say they are the most learned or experienced men to be found in that list ; but I do say , and challenge

      inquiry into the fact , that in ability they are second to none ; while in their persons are concentrated less of the currentisms of the day , and more of the sterling reality of Chartism , which is bo much needed at the present moment , than can be found in a different selection . Personally , they are strangers to me . In private , 1 never exchanged a word with but one of them , and that but cursorily . They are only known to me publicly . Therefore , in mentioning their names , the interests at stake have only been consulted .

      The events of the hour call for vigorous action . If Chartism cannot live now it never can again . Bold and clever men are wanted at the helm . There are numbers ready to man the good ship , but to steer cleat of the breakers a-head skilful pilots are wanted . I have faith in its ultimate destiny . The needle points to a land of promise and hope . Her sails are set , and the vessel is

      ready for the riding of the political storm . Look to its passage , then , you that are sincere in wishing God speed to its journey . " Cease y our mutinous feeling . Learn discipline from the ranks of active service . Appoint competent men as your guides ; and protect them from the malevolence of the enemy . See that you give them the means of securing their devotion ; and leave the management of the vessel to them .

      Awake , Chartists of Great Britain . The call now made is imperative . In your hands repose the future destiny of « The People ' s Charter . * An honest action on your part will give the principles of that doctrine a new life . Answer by your conduct shall Chartism live again ? Say , on the dawn of the new year , that it Bhall ; and be sure you will have done an act worthy of you ub free men , and beneficial to the principles expounded in . your name . Censor .

      Untitled Article

      LOUIS BLANC ON THE REYOLUTION OP BRUTE FORGE . The following letter has been addressed to the editor of a morning Journal by Louis Blanc : — SiR , —It iB cruel to be compelled again to take up the pen , when the soul is horrorstricken and the hand seeks a sword . There are things , however , of which it is absolutely necessary that public opinion in Europe should be informed . ' In my own country , momentarily crushed , the press is dumb : I have recourse to that of a free people .

      Nothing is finished , Sir . A mock Caesar , supported by his drunken praetorian guards , cannot impose himself on France . It is not by cannon shot that the French revolution can be driven back . Nothing is finished . ! . This is what every one says ; it is at lofts what every one thinks . If I had only to prove this my letter-would bo useless , tefBut one fact stands forth in the history of © or recent disasters , unforeseen , strange , m 6 . st feUpOrtaot td&cplain , aud of which the . jjcey is to be found iii the information which I have received sidcb my departure from London .

      That an army of 100 , 000 men , disciplined , experienced , formed of chosen regiments , and supported by a formidable artillery , should have held Paris in check- —Paris taken unprepared—Paris long since disarmed—Paris without ammunition and without pikes—what is there surpieing ia this ? And yet , had the faubourgs thrown themselves en masse into the insurrection , of two things one would assuredly have happened . Either this army of 100 , 000 men would have been destroyed , or Louis Bonaparte would have escaped the execrable distinction of remaining erect amid corpses and ruins—so great is the intrepidity of the people of Paris ; such is the devotion , such the intelligence which it brings to the combats of liberty .

      But the working men , taken en masse , have not engaged in the struggle . This is certain . Why is it so ? Why ? Because their first words were ' C ' est Men fait , ' when they heard of the dissolution of the Assembly which had sickened and disgusted them ; when they heard of the arrest of M . Thiers , who had spoken of them as the vile multitude , of the arrest of General Cavaignac , who in the month of June had fired upon and decimated their ranks ; and of General Chaugarnier , of whom the reactionists boasted as a captain capable of insulting by the use of the whip , as well as of striking with the sword .

      Placed between the maintenance 0 / the robber law of May , and the pretended restitution of Universal Suffrage , between the danger of a monarchical restoration and thafe of a sham Republic , between the obstinate denial of its rights andahypocriticalhomage rendered to its sovereignty , the people retired , leaving the field to the two tyrannies , of which oue would serve to destroy the other , and reserving its blood for less equivocal triumphs . The defeat of the President , might it not result in thereraetallation of the Assembly , repudiating the people in insurrection after having drained its life blood , proclaiming itself the legitimate power , taking possession of the army , creating for its own purposes a parliamentary dictator , and taking into its service aotne now

      illomened hero of June ; and then , with loaded cannon , turned against the people , how could they come and demand a reckoning from their new master ? It is true that the victory of the President was also an immense peril . But hero at least one resource remained to try—the vote . It is true on the other hand , that tllO people once master of the streets , wouM have been more in a position to dictate than to submit to laws ; but it bad already so often had to see , iutbe confusion

      which follows a battle , France robbed of the price of the victory which had been gained . Distrust had even been shoTin towards it , and in its turn it was distrustful . The other day the ' Times , ' speaking for the representatives of tho bourgeoisie supposed them to say , Nontali auxilionic dsfmmilushtis . Alas ! the people on its side , with regard to the representatives of the bourgeoisie , bas had the very same sentiment which these words express . Here is the horrible , the melancholy fatality which has dominated the occasion .

      God grant that this experience may be profitable to all . It has become absolutely necessary that the bourgeoisie should lay on one Bide itsunjust suspicions , stretch a friendly hand to the people , and consent henceforth to be one with it . Hero is the only safety of liberty and civilisation . IIow profound and terrible a lesson ! The members of the Parliamentary majority bad triumphantly inaugurated the system of the state of siege—and behold they themselves are made to undergo its utmost rigours . They had disamed their fellow-citizens ; and behold arms are wanting against the sanguinary domination of the soldier .

      They had never ceased to decry the constitution ; by their law of May they destroyed it ; and tho constitution is no longer a protection to them . They had allowed the principle of national representation to be odiously outraged in the persona of their colleagues on the Left ; and drunken corporals now lay rough hands upon them . When the Mountain revolted against the people being called thevilo multitude , they cried out with insolent irony , " allons done , " and when they seek a people ready to fight for their quarrel , those who who would have combatted may s ; iy— " And ii this , then , the vile multitude , which is not fit to vote , fit to d / e * allons done . "

      This is the immortal lesBon contained in the events which have now occurred . I repeat it—let its bearing be studied , let it be understood . The bourgeoisie and the people must be one and all i » saved . And when I say " all is saved , " I speak not only of Prance . To divide Europe into three great empires—* Russian empire extending to Constantinople—an Austrian empire , with the definitive annexation of Italy ; a French empire , "with the addition of Belgium . From this new holy alliance between these

      three despotic empires to cause to arise a war to the death against the Democratic party , and against the Liberal and Constitutional party ; to distinguish between the arauea' tread what the absolutist powerB call the rerolutionary flame—that is to say , whatever lights the human spirit on the way of progress—and if England resists to crush her Such is the plan ( who can doubt it longer ?)— Buch is the sacrilegious plan of which the sack | of Faris is the commencement , and for the accomplishment of which Louis Bonaparte haB delivered Fratice into the hands of tho French

      Cossacks . On the reality of this plan , and on the abominable complicity which binda to tho fortune of the Emperor Nicholas the ambition of Louis Bonaparte , I may be able very shortly to publish some proofs , which I am now in course of collecting . We canthtn } ud » e of th © important influence which Russian gold exerciaes in the humiliation and milfortunes of France . Meanwhile , Sir , it is indispensable that Europe should know that the issue of these last evonta is attributable neither to the indifference of the people nor to the cooling of its spirit—nor , leait of all , to its Bonapartism—a word impossible to write without a blush .

      And this will remain true , even should the result of a shameless management of the vote appear to indicate the contrary . No ,. no ; the people of France has nob deserted all its traditions of courage , of noble pride , of devotion to liberty . Adopt * ing the famous expression which Sieyes applied to the A 8 ssembiy of 17 S 9 , fallen for a moment under the blow of brute force—' The people is today what it was before . " Doe . 9 , 1851 .

      Untitled Article

      PATRICK O'HIGGINS TO THE CHARTISTS OF GHEAT BRITAIN . I cannot , as formerly , call you brethren , us I have , for ; some time , ceased to belong to any political society . Nevertheless I still feel a 9 deep an iuterest in every movement affecting your organisation , your political power , and social happiness , aa if I were still an active member of your honoured society .

      Believe , my friends , that it grieved me sorely to see the recent divisions in your ranks , aud the apathy—the death-likeapathy—which pervaded , " and still pervades , the only society in the British empire , having , for its objects thepoliijtcjal and social / redemption of a people , a noble , a generous ^ , and a just people , now on the very abyBSof immediable serfdom , sjtwevy , and degradation .

      The- treachery and infamy of the spy Powell , asdBomo . others of the same sort , in 1848 , did no'tdainpi my hopes of the ultimate success ^ of chartism . I-hoped on , and believed in the eternal truth , of the' earictiflfid principles oOi ^^^^ iQHl ?^^ hopefl that ' thejr wer& top ^ s ^ rbDg , too holy , too deep rooted in the hearis ^ f the people to to struck down by the maohinatione of Whiggery or eke of Toryism .

      Chartists , you are men , you know the history of your country , you know , or ought to know , the schemes , traps , pitfalls , and devices of Whiggery . You know , or ought to know , that when the Devil appears in one of Stulz's best made coats , and Hoby ' s best top boots , salutes and compliments yon , tells you that your are a right honest fellow ; asks yon to take share of a bottle of claret with him , makes you drunk , and then secures you and yours for his own vile ends , he ia then a

      Whig , and acts like a Whig . On the other hand , when he appears perfectly undisguised and openly proclaims his ri ght to act as he thinks proper , and to deal with you as he pleases—should he get a hold of you—he is then a Tory . This being the case , the apparent question is , which shall we have ? The deceitful treacherous Whig , or the openly professing tyrannical Tory ? A serious difficulty arises where all three characters combine to destroy the rights of the people . Beware of traitors in your camp !

      I never thought that it would be my fate to see a caee of this sort , to see the three parties —Whig , Tory , and the devil himself , palpably and unmistakoubly combined to overthrow the people , * Sow dissentions araoug tho Leaders of the Siibines , ' said the Roman to his son , when he cut off tho heads of the tallest poppies in his presence . Strike down the leader , tho father , the originator , and the martyr of Chartism , and its votaries will become an easy prey , said the infernal trio ;

      and , to a certain extent , they have succeeded . Who would have thought tha't'the occasion of Kossuth ' s visit to England would be seized upon , us a meanB to destroy Chartism , —by striking down its leader , by . destroying the man who sacrificed faini ^'' connexions , friends , wealthy home , happiness ; and country , for its great and noble principles , for the holy ambition of being the acknowledged representative of the rights of the working people of Englaud ?

      It was hard—very hard , to Bee through the couduct of the Chartist Executive towards Feargus O'Conuor at Copenhagen House and Highbury Barn , until a letter , signed ' & . J . Holyoake , member of the Executive , ' appeared iu the ' Star' of the 6 th iust . The roan who does not see the animus and sophistry in that letter as a screen to assail Feargus O' Connor , and , if possible , destroy him , must be blind indeed .

      I am far from palliating or justifying Mr . O'Connor ' s appearance at the dinner to Kossuth at Southampton . Mr . O'Gounor should have known , of old , that if the Redeemer himself appeared at that dinner as the advocate—the well-known aud trusted advocate of the rights of the working classes , the dinner party aasembled then would , if they could , crucify Him , with his head downwards . For the life of mo I cannot see what brought

      him there . But this gross insult to Chartism was not enough , Instesd of taking the first opportunity to retaliate upon its authors , to blot it out , and cover them with disgrace , Messrs . Huut , Hol y oake , aud Co ., cap the climax of baseness and iugratituda by their dastardly conduct at Copenhagen Honse and Highbury Barn . Why did Messrs , Holyoake and Hunt not enter into some explanation before Kossuth left England ?

      Chartists ! I beg to call your attention to the miserable , puerile excuse Mr . Hotyoake makes for hia ' acquiescence' in Mr . Hunt's behaviour towards Mr . O'Connor . Ho says , ' the reason of my ultimate acquiescence ( in Mr . Hunt ' s conduct ) was iho underfitood disinclination of Kossutfi to be subjected to the same annoyance as Mr . O'Connor had subjected him to at Southampton . ' Now , just mark the word ' understood . '

      WhounderstoodKossuth's disinclination ? Messrs . Thornton Hunt aud G-, J , Holyoake . Thoy understood it , but nobody else did . Again , he saya , ' This was the reason Mr . Hunt was compelled to propose to the Committee the omission of Mr . O'Connor s name iu the invitations . ' Pray , Mr . Holyoake , who compelled Mr . Hunt to propose to the Committee the omission of Mr . O'Connor s name in theinvitations ? Was it Lord John compelled him ? Was it Lord Palmerston ? Lord Clarendon , or their friends , Powell , Dobbin , Barrey , and Luke Pundar ? Who

      compelled him ? Surely the vague terms * understood disinclination' could not compel . But suppose that KoBBUth had any such objection?—which to imagine even for a moment ia quite preposterous—suppose that he was so utterly ignorant of human nature , and the feelings of hatred which rankle in the hearts of some rich ruffians against any man whom the wording classes choose as their leader—Hapsburgh and Haynau have a most affectionate regard for Kossuth—to be sure they havejust as warm and cordial as the enemies * of Chartism have for Feargus O'Connor .

      Permit me to ask you , was it not the duty of your Executive to have taken prompt and effectual means to prove to Kossuth and the whole world that neither the Mayor of Southampton nor any one else could insult with impunity any Chartist leader , much less its chosen representative ? Instead of your Executive doing this , they have heaped injury upon insult , and , as far as in their power , degraded the Chartists and Chartism below contempt . Rest assured , my friends , that

      you have not been treated in this manner by those whom you trusted without a quidpro quo . For the last sixteen-years the Whigs have been planning the destruction of Feargua O'Connor . They tried their hand , in York Castle , at Lancaster , 5 nl 8 i 3 ; at Nottingham , in Bradshaw ' s notorious and infamous case ; aud , now , at Southampton , Copenhagen House , and Highbury Barn , Whiggery has , at length , succeeded in finding tools to do its wicked work .

      Chartists ! if you are . men , or deserve the name of men , you will take the earliest opportunity to wipe oat this foul disgrace .

      Untitled Article

      The question for you is , whether the Mayo of Southampton insulted Mr , O'Connor , » h ( wRether Messrs . Huut , Holyoake , and Co . added injury and grievous wrong to thatiusult I need not tell you that any man who paii for a ticket had a right to be at the South ampton dinner , and to speak there . Patiuck O'IIiggins . Dublin . 7 th of Dec , 1851 .

      Untitled Article

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF ENGLAND . Friends , —Having been informed portions of your body in various localities have nominated me again as a fit and proper person to aot as one of your Executive for the ensuing year , and feeling confident that year will bo one of unusual excitement , I have thought it prudent to lay before you briefly an outline of my views upon your past and future policy , in order that you may run no chance of ulectmg a man whoae views may poa-iibl y be antagonistic to your own ; and to avoid the possibility ( should I be one of tho chosen ) of h .-irin ^ it said that I

      sougut yowr sunrage 8 while sailing under false colours . To be plain with you , therefore , Ideolare to you I have three positive : objections to urge against the policy laid dovyn . by . those who' are * , or 1 . Idiaagree entirely witlnnB ! proj ^ slHoa ^ fhafc your Executive should be reduced iu number or that that Body should be paid . 2 . I look upon the notion of working men ostr being elected , not only a 9 a childish idea , but believe in practice it would be a delusion and a

      snare . 3 . I scout the idea of repudiating all men but those who belong tokly to your movement , believing it to be undemocratic , absurd , and impolitic . My reasons for my first dissentient are briefl y as followa : —A Convention w ^ s called together on whom devolved the duty oflegislatingforthe movement , and which decided it siiould be regulated in its present mode ; and until another Convention be called , and until that Convention decides to alter your constitution , it is the duty of all who call themselves Democrats to abide by the laws which their own representatives made ; but further , I hold it to be a who policy to have as lari'e a

      number on your Executive as practicable , because , first , it ensures a good average attendance ; and , secondly , for the reason that all propositions having to be examined and Bifted by a number of men wiio , naturally viewing each given circumstance from a different point of sight , will . ifford a security to your movement that no hasty or undi gested nioa 8 urea shall ever again retard or jeopardise the onward march of Democracy . And as to the prudence or practicability of poying your Executive , really it is not only unnecesearj , but in truth it is impracticable ; and were it not . the money couM be devoted to better purposes . It must be clear to

      those who do net scorn subtraction , addition , and multiplication , that to pay three , five , or nine men would consume weekly £ 0 , £ 10 , or £ 19 , leaving unpvovided for secretary , rent , printing , and lee turers . I say we do not want an Executive to live upon your energies and sacrifices , in the form and shape this plan would involve . I s ; iy if either of the above sums can be raised , let fcbe money be oxpended in tracts and lecturers , under the direction of a temperate , capable , and practical Executive ; and you will do infinitely more to elevate an-J dignify tho movement than a mint of money expended merely for the personal services and attendances of an Executive Committee of paid men .

      I do not tFish you to infer that I am opposed to the proper payment of tho .-e who labour for you either on paper or on the platform—this ia altogether jv different question—but in this it is my deep conviction you will be better served , and your Intereats will be safer in tho bands of voluntaries who will serve the movement without any other hope of fee or reward save the approbation and testimony of a good conscience , than you would be if you delegate your authority to the * ame ; number of men who

      could not live unless they were paid by the movement for their services ; not that men thus circumstanced would be necessarily dishonest , but the POSSession of office would bo craved—and secured tooby the spouters and hangers-on of the movement , who never have done anything buc retard it , — vshoso antecedents aro the shibboleths that keep hundreds of men from joining you , and who , even lately , have done their little all to drive from your councils that class of men who alone can save your movement from extinction .

      in touching upon my second objection , IshoulJ like , without giving offence , still to make myself distinctly understood . "Why do the rational scout hereditary legislation ? Simply because we run the risk of having , aa the case may be , a rogue or an idiot , as often as a wise man , for a legislator , This is precisely why , upon principle , I object to an absolute law being laid down " that working men alone should form your Executive Committee . " There is up innate virtue or talent in a " working man " above another roan , and the results of tho legislative operations of such a committee I fear if probabilities are to be considered , would be anything but satisfactory . Let me ask , what chance , to obtain the requieite knowledge haB a man who

      h / is to toil from sunrise to sunset ? It is my firm belief that if one thousand men , artisans , mechanics , and labourers , who lovo their children and attidy their homes , were canvassed , you would not find three men who would Or could undertake what you require an Executive Committee to perform ; you would then bo driven to tho doubtful mon whose characters , domestic or public , would not stand the light of Diogenes' lantern , or to those who some of you want to repudiate , namely , that class of men who are in a . position that juatifica them , fop the loro of their fellow men , to meet the required demands on their intellect , their time , and their pocketB . » One of your eloquent friends ( who can use both tonguo and pun , and who , if his ideas are carried

      OUt , must be " one of , " or perhaps the only one with the required qualifications for , Ms Executive Committee ) thus writes : — '' Shall the movement pvo » oeed in the miserable way iu which it has hitherto stagnated ? " Now , this is not exactly the thing ; it has the appearance of a dirty bird fouling its own nest ; for was not the vmter one of that very Executive that he accuses as the instrument of this stagnation ? and ( speaking from memory ) he was one , too , whose ' attendance has not been more regular than that of other members : whose su » - xestions , practicable or impracticable , have not been more frequent than those of other members ; and whose absences in tho country , though professedly on Chartist business , have not had a titho of the effect , aud for the future will not realize a thousandth part of the value , to Democracy that will spring from the lecturing tours of another

      member of your Committee , whom ho twitB with being absent on other businosB . Your eloquent friend repudiates the services of men who havo papers , and advises you not to elect a man who has counting- house business to attend to . If th © latter cap is meant to fit me , thus I reply to it : That any man who vise from the ranks of labour by industry —who , amid their rising prosperity , hare never turned their backs upon tho toilers—who have tbo respect of a { ar <; e number of working men—and who , in those sneered at counting-houses , commuuicate daily with more men capable of doing good service to tho cause than certain other people ( judging from the past ) aro ever likely to meet with in their lives—and who , by their practice and demeanour , have given pledges of their sincerityare worth Bhoals of your untried , theorizing , non . contributing , fault-finding , do-as-I-say-not-as-I-do

      declaimers . I now will briefly touch upon the third objection I hfiTC to make against the absurdity—tho madness of repudiating men who belong to other movements . I have heard of some men who , having but one idea themselves , have a strange fancy to make all the world subserve to it ; and I have heard , too , of a certain Fox who , haring lost his tail , endeavoured to persuade foxes with tails they would bo better without theirs ; but 1 never expected amongst a class of men who have studied , or who pretended to have studied , the aspects of political or social economy , to find any hardy enough to attempt its realization . I should like to know how many

      capable men you would have left toy . our movement if members of tho following associations were ineligible to act as your officers — the Christian Socialist , tlie Anti-State . Church , and Parliamentary Reform Associations , tho Society for the Repeal of the Taxes on Knowledge , and the Sfieul&r School Society ; to say nothing about tho plan proposed actually shutting out mon who went for five points out of the six . How " beautifully legs' ' would the sum total of efficient members soon be , were such a narrow and miserable policy foisted upon the so oft deluded body to which you belong ! For my own part , I tell you candidly , if you elect me , I shall join or act wicn any association I pleaee ; and if you do not like it . J pray do not eleot me . Further , I tell you it ii hiih , time you throw

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      off the menfct ! yokn of thc-30 eccentric councillors who ( uivu nhvi ' . ys let ! peed the real friends of pro . sircs . i to tho mrussiiy of srii-nnir youv movement , ( if , iinte .-il , it ' , r , ( s to bo sos-vBtlnt iiS !) in ilosj'icc of vcwscives and ;> Dm- \ inu ) -i : t '; liU : ' ( . 'wvocatcs . l ' o « r uloquvnt fi-icnil j ^ iys , " The ! u 6 : i ekctud ought to Uutfio . l , iii . luhif . blo—i-y ; i [ Inviu Mi Chartist-. " Tins is abounding sort of rt-meilfic ; hut titilor mc ; ui 9 liotisin ^ or else moans more than sorni * men . woi )) i l lilc . j jf they crave to retain the helm of your Alfaii'd . Who is a tried 111 , 1 : 1 not nocossarilv one who has been in prison . I think thovo who " gave wioir mito to support men in prUon have nmon moie tijo anue ; ii . asiv . . t > of tried meut—1 think more and I hesitate not to tell you that it is my

      deliberate opinion , in nine cases out of every ten that tact Khoulii bo a disqualification , because it evi-<( euw « such wen have neither tho foresight , calmness , nor discretion necessity to be possessed by the lenders of such a movement , 1 should be sorry ware this opinion taken in a personal M > nsu hy any of the political sufferers ; those of them who know me ivili feel that I would be tho last man to say anything nith . ' . ' ie intention of wounding their ( qq \ - ings ; wliAt I wish , to convey is merely this , that a man who has been a victim is not necessarily the man to be a louder , unless hu possesses a number of other qualifications , which if you do SCO III him , of course his past sufferings in your cause will always give him a superior claim to your respect and suffrages .

      Your eloquent friend : i ! so says , "Elect men who can use both pen and ton » uo onpJatfonn or paper . " I fancy many aspirmg Chartists will feel this an utter disqualification " for them , however worthy ; while working men proper will hardly know how to conceive suuh a quali&cnliuu to bo sit all harmonious with the suggestion of having none but their class on your Executive . I say also , have none but tried men ; but take fiai' 6 they are tiied ' mcu ; not forgetting alSO Ihe time rnuat come when some fresh men must ba Ohosen , and that there is a time when all men are untried .

      Woigh well , then , Inequalities of tho candidates before yon make your choice ; but when you have made it , be honest enough to support them ; and if a ny ^ whim-oj ^ cugtchat shouldJn < lucQ * xau not to do , JffiM ^ te » # t < i ; t ) Wmo ^ raDmrnofc tha nretPwTronv ' yo . u ; decline to afford the necei » s ; ury means to carry on your own caWe . If you do this in sincerity , your new Executive will hy down their offices at the end of 1852 , with Chartism » tjvanoed many stages towards its consummation ; if not , Chartism will still continue to be viewed as a snit of political Frankenstein , to be m ; ide use of by yourenemios whenever they want to filch another tax , or place some other yoke upon your ueAg . If you are wise , the Chartists will cease to bi > held

      up to scorn as a factious clique , oppot-ed to everything and everybody ; nnd ChnrtUm nill bo viewed as a practical proposition emanating from , ; ind being carried on by , practical men . All associations moving in parallel paths must and will : ipply to , anti receive assistance from , your organisation in achieving their objects , which , if good , however shore thoy may be of your own , you should never withhold assistance from . Your movement would thus bo tho rally ing-point of all others , Mid each one achieved would be just so muck progress i » ada towards the consummation of your own . As present tho argument of your leader is , literally , that all men are villains ; tlinfc each step gained by any class or man nmkes that class or man enemies and

      tyrant 3 over his fellow-man . In consequence your policy , instead of improvement or progression , is , in fact , retrogression . Wero yon successful In car * ryiiig it out , its fulfilment would be anarchy , and every man ' s hand would bo against his neighbour . Instead of ample work , more food , and more comfort , your policy , in effect , is , no work , less food , and starvation , on the falso presumption thnt , if a man has a full belly , be must be an aristocrat of full bellies , and contribute his quota to keep his fellow-creatures in their present degraded position . These assumptions avo false and scandalous libels

      upon our common humanity , and should be scouted , by you as the ravings of madmen . _ Your policy should bo to make Chartism attractive and loveable , that the unenfranchised may revere it as a means of deliverance , and look forward to its realisation with hope . That you will adopt this policy ia my earnest hope ; that if , . " . fter this expression of ray sentiments , you think it well to elect me , I ahull do as I always have endeavoured to do—serve the cause of Progress co the utmost of my power and ability . I remain , yours faithfully , JRobbbt Le Blond .

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      FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION , WITH THEIR KELA . TIYE EFFECTS UPON OUR SHIPPING AND COLONIES .

      Mr . J . Duncan delivered . a lecture upon tho relative merits Of the above systems , on Wedr . fsaouj evening , at the City of London Coffee Rooms , Lud « gale-hill . Tho attendance was numerous and respectable The fiuhatauCOOf hl 9 discourse -was , that Fre& Trade would bfi tho rational polioy of a nation , provided it was not encumbered with a National Debt , and th .-tt indirect taxation was aboii&iied , always supposing that the soil and climate wcro equal to those of the nations it compoteti with . UjiIgss these conditions existed , it was wither

      honest aor politic to expose the labourm . " classes of this country to the competition of the " . hole world . The " Times" nowspiipei' admitted that the nice of Free Trade had not yet fairly commenced , and thut when it did , we must alter our whole representative and monetary system , or the bone and sjnewa of our land would be compelled to emigrate . The maxim lo buy in the cheapest , and sell in the dearest , market , was incompatible vir . b . our present currency system . Cheapness hati loon the ruin of Ireland , However important it was to have ) food , cheap , plentiful employment to working men was a more stern and paramount consideration . The repeal of the Navigation Laws , combined with the introduction , at ft low duty , of slave-grosrn

      produce had been the ruin of most of the colonies . Free Tivido implied reciprocity , but other lauds would not reciprocate with us , TVe admitted the staples of America free of duty , but the lowest tax placed upon our manufactured goods by the Aiuo « rican government was thirty per cent . Tho Ainericons knew that cheepness was profitable to the annuitant , but injurious to the producer , and while labour was represented "In tlieirgovernrjient , it wag useless to expect them to reciprocate with us , and thus deBtroy their young and rising manufactures . The same argument applied to Franco . The Americans regarded Oobden and Drigho aa they did Mosea and Co ., who wished to supply the whole world with slop clothing . A ch .-inge in the currency was essential to preserve u * from sudden pauics . Tho emperor of Russia , by sellingi out at any price the four millions which ho had in our funds , could

      cause them to fall fifty percent . The changes from paper to ; gold currency ia 1819 Jbad doubled tha National Debt , and caused tho working man to give double the amount of labour for the Bame amount of gold or silver . The only safe courso wai to have a national paper currency , confined , to this country . If foreigners would not taKo Our ma liufactui-es in exchange for their products they would then have to buy our gold at its market value . Theso reforms would never be effected until tho people were represented iu parliament , because it was the interest of those now forming tho government that money should continue dear , « ud notwithstanding the influx of gold from California , while it was buvried in tho IWik cellars it wrs aa usoloss as in its native bcils . Great talk was made about keeping faith with the public creditor , but none whatever was kept with the public debtor .

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      FRENCH REPUliLlUANS .- ^ A MEETING AT KE W CASTLE- UPOA ' -TYNE . A Public meeting of the inhabitants of Xewcasttoupon-Tyne was held in the Lecture-room , on Monday , the 8 th inst ,, to sympathise with the Frenoh Republicans , —Mr , Gunn in the chair—when fch » following resolution wa 3 proposed by Mr . Watson ,, icconded and supported by Messrs , Charllovo , Thomas , and llarney , a , nd carried by acclamation : — That tho solidarity of the peoples being a great truth , and tho fraternity of the nations a great duty , the persons composing this meeting ted called upon , individually and collectively , to declare their heartfelt sympathy fur all the oppressed people of Europe . That foremost amongst the betrayers and opposers of our bi-eUircn stands the perjured usurper—Honaparte ; and inasmuch as he has treacherously ami forcibly overthrown the liberties SO gloriously achieved by the French people iii February , 1848 the

      ; having extinguished pui-lijimcutary representation , the press , and all the other guarantees of frcedumhavin / j , to consuoimatc Ids treason , let loose a bribed aud hrutal soldiery upon an unarmed people , whose blood he has caused lo flmv in torrewts , lie luis stamped and proclaimed himself' [ itrjuvtr , ' ' traitor , '' brigand , ' and 'aslassiti ; ' an cueiny not only to France , but to the world Rudas such , worthy irfihe tX ( cnuion and vengeance of the human race . Tliat in the pursuit of freedutn luui justice , the pDOplu are bound to aiil «« cll oilier ; that the aristocrniical government of Great Britain is the great obs : aclo iu tlie way of the people of this country performinc tlieir duty to their brethren ; therefore it is the bounden autyoftheunrvprosvim-d millions to forthwith struinrle tor , and wm , democratic rarlinmt'iitary Uefonn , based upon universal and tfjual r , presentation . Mr . Hantey spoke upwards of two hours , and olcxiuenUy dotenued the- doctrines of demoevacy . Bis denuiiciaiions of the traitor , Bonaparte , was received with hursts 0 ! applause . . After a vote of thanks to ' the Chairman , this inaportaot iueefciu <_ r iivnktt «>> .

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      Fjuluees .- — 'lh « fcuspciihiun oi' Messrs . Edward fc ' yttc and Sons , Eist . 111 J Westjlmiia merchant * was announced on Tu d . - « y . Their liabtlitiea are not supposed £ 0 bo very lnrge . At Uostou ( America ) there baa been another failure , the firm being that of iGintuer and BartleU , with liabilities for 2 Q 0 . OOO Uols .

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      Amoxo those persons killed during tha present French HeroJufcion was Mr . Charles Hoffe , whose friends reside in Southampton . Mr . Hoffe was an intelligent and amiable man , and waa for many years connected with the press of Paris ; his knowledge of several languages rendered him peculiarly adapted for such a connexion . His mother is an aged widow lady residing in Southampton , and to whom the disastrous news of her son ' s death * ras » p ad Wow . Mr . floffe was a widower , with two young children , who are staying at Southampton . It was only a week or two aince than he came to England to see them .

      The Smitbfield Club Cattle Show was opened to private Tiew on Monday . The armals of cattle ani other Block are numerous . The North Western , Great Western , and Great Northern railways hava brought the larger proportion ; and the animals ap : pear in fine condition . . CflBBCH Refobm . — Two cburenea in London , viz the Church of St . Stephen , Westminster , and Christ Church , Broadway , Westminster , are open all day for private worship , or for inspection . Itjs the particular desire of the clergy that no money ba giTM to theattendante .-. % & / i w" **

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      A woman name d- Mary Long , died at Cork Jast week , at tae great age of 106 years .

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      . ;! ,- . ¦¦• ;•! > : : i a « t ! V > ;* a ;¦ ' //^^^ . ^ at ^ i fe ^^

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      VOL . XV . P . 736 . LONDON SATDRDAY DECEMBER IS liw p ^ e * hwehob „ , — ^ Mvmuuil , WHIPlM / iH , UUUUmMUl * . * j ^ Jj > uJ . FiTe Shilliaga and Sixppac * per < innr » W ¦ mimMmm ^ mmm * , _____ . .... ¦ . 11

      Ibb Future Of" Chartism. '

      IBB FUTURE OF" CHARTISM . '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 13, 1851, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1656/page/1/