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•^ U SURPER-THE TJSTJRPATIOS-AND lBB U iTSPUTUKE . ¦ lRO jXiGACI : PERJURY : MASSAGRE . J / . nrrespondent of the " Times , " under the Big-*~ " of "An EnglUhman , " presents the most ** hie sai complete epitome of the usurpation # j its TffO bable results yes riven to the public . The «« anication traa honoured with a promioent place , '' Printed in leader type ; a somewhat remarkable ? S considering the nudernte tone in which the ^ 7 er 8 peafesofthe Republican party , who hare Sen made » bugbear by ibe usurper to fri gbien Since into submission to hi * sanguinary and riiffwhcoup d ' etat . The writer says he was quite SpW forthatevect :-« Iam save that for the last three years the rnriisb public has been singularly wrong in jts
-Strate of facts ana us anticipations of the future ? he oofflinant ideas with it and with the pres . -were i ia ifoe of the Republic , dread and horror of the Soc £ ist 3 , sympathy at first , mputiee aftemarda , to-^ rds the majority of the Legislative - Ajgembly ! nfl blindness to the character , the designs , and Jnaehinntions of Louis Aapoleon Bonaparte . The ieriarv of ibat arch traitor is too patent now'to be inW , although there are parties who , in public and in private , from ignorance or from interest , doss over it . " that should
• = jj js important we appreciate the real satnre of the present crisis : — -If evei-a party has been hardl y treated ox ffifcrs of a « classes in tWs country , U is that of the modern French BepubJicans . They comprise a great portion of the courage and the larger part of gie principle of the nation . Come what may it will snrme , and whatever dynasty or despotism is feted to rule , France will always have to count with it . After all the opprobrium lavished upon thoie jlepnblicans , what crime hate they committed ? Pid the revolution of IMS massacre , peaceful citizens , poor volleys of musketry and grape intothe mansions of the Boulevards , shoot its prisoners in
cold blood , and organise a reign of terror ? It did softins of all this , for it suffered Louis Philippe to escape-it left its worst enemy , Tl . iers , unharmed it abolished the punishment of death for treason * and it held out a more cordial hand to England than we had ever grasped before , or perhaps are likely to grasp again . Will National Guards , under the new regime , be permitted to fill excursion trains to London , or will another Lord Mayor and a posse of aldermen entrust themselves to the sabre and the vote , * , which now rei < rn at the Hotel de Tills ? The Republic did one other act of jflagaanhnity—struck off the proscri ption of the Bo-Djpartes , for which they have rewarded it .
"I do not defend the extravagancies of Socialism , but Socialists and -Republicans are not converge terms ; and be the former what they may , their errors are those of imperfect reasoning , which time , the exercise of political rights , experience and reason itself would correct . And it must not be forgotten that a market has been made of the fears of Frenchmen , and of the ignorance of Englishmen , in the denunciation of the Socialists . Was it proposed to diminish the duties on consumption , to reduce the army , to organise anything like a tax
on property , to modify the harsh bankruptcy laws , to attempt a Poor Law ~ to imitate , in fact , that legislation which almost all parties here approve of—and the hue and cry of ' Socialism * was instantly got up against the unfortunate Republicans . Had Sir Robert Peel been in the French Legislature he would certainly have been hunted down as . the worst of Socialists . Socialism , in fact , Jusu ? en , and is at this very moment ,, the * raw head and bloody bones * of tho 3 e in power , raised to terrify the timid and the ignorant into voting awav their liberties .
1 < io not and cannot defend the mnjority of the National Assembly . Their sympathies were always against the Republic—their policy to undermine and overthrow it , Louis Napoleon and they wore in partnership ; and from the moment of his election they combined to crush Republican feeling , to harass and oppress the Republicans themselves , and by every artifice , calumny , and violence to render tbeai contemptible and odious . Together they planned and executed the expedition to Borne ; together they consigned to beggary and ruin the primary teachers , and committed education to the Jesuit * * : together they degraded the TJniversilT and subjected it to those same Jesuits ; together tbey burked universal suffrage , of which they both were born , because , disgusted with their
reactionary measures the electors of P . iris had given a vote against them ; together they postponed the laws on the communal organisation , the municipal bodies , and the National Guard , and falsified in them the elective principle ; together they practised all sorts of illegalities , sanctioning the worst abnss of preventive arrests , arbitrary imprisonments , sham plots , and police conspiracies ; together they displayed the grossest partiality in allowing or prohibiting the sale of journals in ths streets ; together they passed the law on signatures to entrap and crush the journalists ; and together they kept whole departments of France in the state of siege for nearly three jeaw on the most flimsy of pretences . Let the majority look tack and askitself for whose profit it forgot its duties ; outraged justiee , and violated the constitution which it invokes
. " I turn to Louis . Napoleon . In exile and in youth a Socialist writer—a volunteer in the patriot army of Italy—a companion of the loosest section of the English aristocracy—the hero of the conspiracies of Strasburg and Boulogne—the breaker of his word to Louis Philippe—the proscribed of the Monarchy—the recalled of the Republic—he had given , indeed , few gages to order , to honour , or hie country , when he became its citizen . "The Republican constitution was framed , the respective powera of the legislative and of the
executive departments were distinctly and carefully denned , the subordination of the President and the duration of the Presidency were as distinctly declared ; and , knowing all this , Louis ^ Napoleon became a candidate for the office with its obligations , was elected , and solemnly swore to observe them ' in the presence of God and man . ' On two different occasions he volunteered to renew that sacred promise , and on a third he declared in a message to the nation that he should' set his honour ' on the keeping of it . "Words , oaths , and honourwhere are they now ?
" He had scarcely passed the threshold of the Slycea svhea he commenced hi 3 game . That game was to madden the Republicans by outrages , and to make their excesses , real or pretended , the bugbear of the timid and the servile : to hold up the Socialism tost ce goaded into violence in terrorem over the majority , and to lead it to commit itself irrevocably with the nation in its reactionary course ; to make that majority believe he was indispensable to it , and France that he was equally indispensable to her . His calculation was , that in spite of the constitution he had sworn to , his re-election would be got by the majority ' s connivance .
" Bat never from the first was that re-election the term of hi 3 ambition . Like his uncle , he , too . liad his star , and that assured him empire . At the Terr time that he was practising on the credulity and fears of the Majority , he was sapping the respect for Parliamentary government by the ignonraiious dismissal of the Barrot Ministry , Ms contemptnous Messages , -his announcement that Prance desired to feel his ' hand and will / and by hounding on the journals in hi 3 pay against all parties but himself . His progresses in the departments , his bearing , his addresses were those of an
laiperial Pretender—his Society of the 10 th of December , an organised band of hired ruffians , were instructed to cry , wherever the opportunity was possible , ' Vive VJtmpereur ! ' and his intrigues with tha army took a definite shape . " The banquets to the sub-officers , the champagne , the toasts , and the reviews , disclosed a coannuiiy of purpose and a determination to debvich the soldiery that opened the eyes of all . till men could scarcely bring . t ' nemselves to think that he would dare the last extremity of perjury and treason , or that the chivalry of France could be purchased by cigars and sausages .
" Gnangarnier and his lieutenant were dismissed , and a heavy blow was struck at thu Assembly . The Republicans dreaded the majority and their Captain almost as much a 3 Bonaparte , and the military power of the Parliament was annihilated . seHibly , and w meant to render it contemptible . Menaces in &e journals of the government defied it , reports of « ups d ' etat never intended to be realised were spread , to lull into a false security , and to mask the « al one when it arrived ; well affected regiments were kept in Paris or were drawn to it , while those
that were suspected were draughted to the provinces or to Algeria . Bonapaitict generals and colonels Wade the ' most incendiary appeals against the peo-P [ o to the troops under their orders ; change after saangein the Ministry of War and in the command ? the army of Paris conducted at last to the right Uulruments—reckless men , of as desperate fortunes as those of the Elyses itself ; and when all * as prepared , came the Jong expected appeal to toe democracy in tho bill for the restoration of ^ 'versal suarage . In spite of all warning and all e ntreaties , the insane leadership of Berryer and uiers
^ induced the majority to throw it out , though Onlyhy two doubtful votes . This decision would uave been speedily reversed had Jfanoleon really "Wired it . The rejection was his stock-in-trade of Popularity , and he hastened to make the most of it . -ice last affront and fatal in jury was done to the f ^ sembly by tearing down from the barrack walls Me declaration of right which the constitution gave «¦ 01 demanding directly military force for its defence . The Qaestors' Bill , denning this right was * nrown out by the Republicans who , placed be-* eeu two enemies , dreaded for the moment Changarnisr and the majority the most . Even now it is
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t ? S wlwbat ^ eirconajict should have been , hnrriS f ? Pa 8 v iflg ° ' the meaSure * ould haw hurried on the combat , aud might have prevented tS ^^ ^^'""?** " * wSZ ^ T ^ f / L ( one " striot rifikt and It wal ti ^ L eI 5 T by th * Council » f State . ™ Z " # I 1 - ? P ° ° n s-iw that the decisive moment had armed . If that bill was law his instruments might quail before the penalties o ? treason . ihe troops , distinctly apprised of their duties might hesitate when th ^ orSer came to E 2 ^ i + 6 m ; "nd * beAsSembl - v WoaId be t « o well IS ^" * V ° u * main - His plan Z ^ . ! ™ ° on 8 « mmate cunning . Abortive
ru-Sn ™« , , J PS C T . as haiI on ^ ris , atfhlm ff - u * 7 t ther t 0 dread <> f 'augh at them ; the insults of the government journals were redoubled , and the d , y las fixed for the eS tion of a representative . Before that day arrived despatches were sent to all the prefects to be prepared for a Socialist outbreak in the capital on the occasion of the declaration of the pou . iresh regiments were concentrated in its neijjnoourfiood under the same pretence ; the garrison was ordered under arms , and the-militnrv movements were on such a scale that the "National inquired on the mornin ? of the 1 st ' What dark intentions lurked behind them V " No Socialists appeared , or had ever been expected ; the day was one of profound calm ; the majority congratulated itself on the triumph of order , m the pereon of Mr Devink ; night came , and Pans slept , and before it awoke on the 2 nd of December the coup d ' etat was struck . i
I shall say nothing of its details , nor of the horrors that have followed . They are written in blood on the memory of France . Bnt can any man doubt , who knows her history for the last three years , that Louis Napoleon has never for one instant , ceased to conspire since the Republic admitted him a citizen—that he marched with the majority , while the majority could be made his tools and might become his instruments—that he broke with it as soon as it saw through his designs ,
nntf lyinely appealed to the suffrage he had mutilated—that his Presidential reign was one long juogle with the fears of one class by goading ano - ther to despair—that he has systematically debauched the army , and effected « treacherous and bloody Revolution by paid Praetorian bands—that he has violated the mo 3 t solemn , reiterated , and voluntary oaths taken to ' God and man , ' and that he has compassed a military , despotism more debasing and debased , more universal , and more ruthless than Prance has ever groaned under ?
" Can this endure ? I am not an atheist , and T answer No ! The wrath of Heaven does not blast in our days Ananias with the lie upon his lips . The Christian world does not deify Nemesis , but she pfcill exists , and still , perhaps , is lame . The logic of Grime is Retribution . The perjured traitor who now rules France rules by terror only . The sanction cf that treason by Universal Suffrage is too gross a sham to need exposure , and too bitter a mockery even for derision . He governs by and for the army , and the power that made can by one shout unmake him ~ He bought with hard cash its hayonetB and its votes—he must still continue to buy . The donatives of the Lower Empire have commenced already . The butchers of the bourgeoisie are on war allowance . The officers have got promotion and gratuities—no man knows how miich . Marshals of France have been created , and a Council of FiTe is in the air . '
" But . this military tyrant is not himself a soldier . He "Never set a sguadron in the field . "Xor the divisions of a battle knows " More than a spinster . Cromwell and the first Napoleon were the great captains of their age ; their lieutenants had served , their armies bad been formed under them , and both were bound to thorn by a common plory—not , as to this man , by a common crime . / 7 c is dependent ¦ wholly on his penerals ; the state of siege compels the concentration of enormous forces in the several military divisions of France under some half-dozen ehisf 3 . "Who 13 to answer for their fidelity and for their accord ? When iealcusies spring up , as they
certainly will , can the puppet of the Elysee appease them ? * Give , give , ' will be the cry ; and woe to him when he refuses . Gan the rotten financial system of France sustain the inevitable prodigality ? "Whence will the money come ? From the people ? I dare him to increase taxation . Sooialist that he was , madman and impostor that I believe him to be . he talks of shifting and of lightening it . The abolition of the octrois and the wine tax is possible on one condition—the reduction of the army . The Republic might do that—he cannot . Will he borrow ? Will you capitalists of England lend ? Is the experience of Soain , of Portugal , of Austria
lost upon youl You cannot bs such idiots as to pitch your ingots in the gulf of this despot's necessities / and of a sure repudiation of a future FrancCi Will you rush to war ! For what ? That mat * ers not . Any pretext is enough fer him who la ' uchs at truth and oaths . But he cannot assail the military despotisms of the continent . They are his natural allies , and their tyrannies prop his own . The old Republic conquered to the cry of liberty , and 2 fapQ . leon but completed , under the flag of despotism , what that cry had commenced . Did the modern Hepublic march its battalions into GermaTiywitb « Liberation of the people' on its banner .-, tlio issue might he -frarfnl for the houses of Hoheuzollern and oi
Hapsburgb . But no shout of freedom can be raised by this man ' s Janissaries , and tbe > - ,-nusfc face the hatred of the German people as well as the discipline of German hosts . "Itia England that ho dreads , and on England heffiU 3 t war , if he war : ib ail . Uiifc war has its special perils for him . If he fail , 'he ia damned pa 3 t saving ; if he succeed , it must be by the hands of others . Will some new _ hero of a- hundred fionts' be content to work for him ? Why should
be ? The usurpation of Na v > o ! eon is a school and a lesson for usurpers . War / with . England has its peculiar dangers . If steam has done much for France , it has done mores for us ; the alliance with America looms larger afid nearer ; and , sad as it is to . think of such strife , I believe that ere many campaigns were passed the commerce of our enemy would bo extinguished—his ports would be blockaded—his mercantile marine laid up , or prizes in the British harbours—his fleet sunk , burnt , or captured , and his naval power a tradition .
" The struggle , however , isprobale—perhaps imminent . We snay e onfide in God and our right , but we may not be supi :-. e . We baTe to deal with duplicity , faithlessness , and daring , reckless professions , stealthy preparation ? , and a sudden blow . The lover of peace lo . mt be ready for war , and Mr . Gobden cannot now recommend us to disarm . Our house must be put in order ; no more quarrels with our colonies ; a speedy end to Kaffir campaigns ; concentration at home of disposable troops , an efficient maratirr . e force in the Channel and in the harbours most iiecessible to France : wise concessions to pub'ie tipraior ., and consequent combination of itli ciasrt-s . _ _ .
•¦ jf T . fcr . e be a > nari tvIio is not to be envied , that man i ? Louis >'» i » olcoii . A self-convicted perjurer , an . MtJiin'ed ira : \ or , a conspirator successful by the fouk-si tn-acberv , tue purchase of the soldiery and the butchery of thousands , lie mnst , if not cut shor' in b . s tami-r . » o all the lengths of tyranny . For him Mure is no Lair , for his system no eleniaJH of either stal-ility or progress . It id a hopeless r : ; " al .-sc . ia to ; : r . achronism . The Presidential cbair »> rihe hr . peKai throne is set upon a craterthe sei ! is volcanic ur . jermined , and
tremblingihe steps .-. re s ' lspjiory with blood—and the darkening . ytCRixj of sj . T ! oui < itring hatred , conspiracy , and ve :: c- - ir : co Is exhaling round it . Each party can fm-7 ti ? k its contir . < rant An- tyrannicide : the ass :: 3- ! r . - > io |> 9 hiir , in Yne street , and even at the balls or bsi . queis of the Eiysee he may find the fate of Gu " . ! v : is . De who has been false to all must only lools for fal ? el : r > od , ant is doomed to _ daily and to night ! v fetM -of mutinies , insurrections , ai : d revenue . ' Coi ! sci « iice cannot be altogether stifled , and « i ! i sttiiotimes obtrude , in her horrible pharaasmagcrJu , : ho ghastly corpses of the
Boulevaros . "B :. r , where is the national party in his favour , of v ; h ; ch v : e heard so much ? I see no sign of it . The army has bejen corrupted and inflamed by apr en ! s jo " : ii buses ; rnd Woodiest instincts , —the Jesuits are en'iisted l > j ihe earnest , and the promise of spiritual ; . ' nd material plunder , —the timid are terrified by tbq past , the present , and the future , — the s . rviio . of / iho Bavnoheclass , avecrawling , belly in lbi » dust- / lo yhec and pension—and the foul her < J of sycophants and parasites that sack the strength ami . bifcd of power in France , the roue , the c-ieiMiM' , .. M 1 , j the desperate in character and iortuut , choke ; the doorways of the Elysee . " If ihismr . h's reisr , is destined to continue , even
for a brief d-uratioii , the world will witness the mo ; t I . etei o «^ jieouE jumble of despotism and of < leiE 3 £ t'guy , of Socialism and corruption that history has " ever ccronicleii . The bribery of Walpole , the theories of labour of Louis Blare , the stock-| oli !> iri £ - of the worst ays of Louis Philippe , the deportations ojf the Czar , tbe razzias of Algeria , will ali mcctij ' i one marvellous system of anarchy that wi . 'I be cjhiled Imperial Government . Its great aim an ! obje-st are io gas the country and to Tig ' the niai ket ' ; : und under tais patent of tranquillity and onlir Franco will tin one vas : military hell , with Louis >* apoleon for its croupier .
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iI / , i . LOTir '> 1 rnx « a specific remedy for Complaints to which Female * areliable .-Aftertho experience of many years it is h . Vcmte 6 iibly proved that there is no . metope & £ al to HoHcway ' s FiHs for the cure of diseases « " = « fcnta Sfemale- c . the Wraiins and panfvmg «« $ ; **«» « these admira'We Tills render them safe and w ™ > they m ay bo taken by females of all ages ; any dworsamsatioa or frregri arity «< the system may be speedily rectified by their use , a ™ 5 tbe patients thereby restored to the most roW Lealth ; As a medicine for family use IMtoTO ' KUs aw un * a galled , and may be taken for bile , sic * headacli « = » orm > i « wsM » . J
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THE ELECTION , LUOUS ANON .-( Prom the Examiner . ) . In the thing called an election in France there Js no more of election than in the highwayman ' s alternative , " your money or your life . " Setting asideforamom 6 ntt . heconsj deration of theintim £ nation , the corruption , the foul influences in every snaps which have been exercised to extort the suffrage favourable to M . Bonaparte , we ask who , uninvested with authority , can have a right to presonbe the bounds within which the will of the nation ia to range , and to narrow it to the acoep . tance or rejection of one man out of 35 , 000 , 000 f Who , in invoking a declaration of the national ohoice , can have the rizht to dictate the solo ohiprif .
upon which it is to be exercised ? Who can have the right to cut and embank the channel for the source of legitimate power , and to give to it the law—thus far and no further : What is the soverf Jjpjy of tno people appealed to , if its voice can be stifled to a yes or no in the narrowest and most arbitrary alternative ? M . Bonaparte , in his appeal to the sovereignty of tne people , has arrogated a sovereingty over the sovereignty of the people . It has been his act of sovereignty to prescribe and limit the terms of the choice , and this act of supreme authority has proceeded from one divested of all legaL authority whatever and under tho ban of the law . Toresemble this to a forced marriage after rape would be to mitigate the peculiar enormity of tbe conduct . Aothing legitimate can come of such violation of
law , nothing constitutional from such an outrage against tbe first constitutional principles . The taint of the usurpation runs throughout—the usurpation having been the moving power to fix the method of sanctioning nnd establishing itself , proposing itself , and nothing but itself , yes or no . The possession of power hag in this flagrant case been certainly more than the proverbial nine-tenths of the law ; wo look in vain for any fractioa of law or semblance of constitutional principle . The election , arbitrarily narrowed aR it is , involves ji denial of the right of election . It amounts to no more than a self-nomination , with a permision of ratification , to be dispensed with if not given . It ia a conge d ' elire , in which the paramount right of appointment is asserted in the permission to choose .
If a free choice were allowed it would be with the monstrous inconsistency—a contradiction in terms—of a free choice arbitrarily limited—a free choice with marvellously small choice—a free choice confined in the closest alternative , ard forbidden to range beyond the one question of one man , yes or no . And who so hounds the choice ? who so arbitrary restricts tbe range ? The man himself , overruling , and circumscribing , clipping , and coining the sovereign authority to which be pretends to make appeal . The appellant in this cause defines the jurisdiction , and selects the point upon which the issued is to be had . These
considerations have doubtless determined many of the opponents of the Uvsuper to take no part in the mockery of the election , and this course would be judiciou 3 and effective if any honesty in the conduct of the election could be expected ; but as that is utterly out of the question , it matters little whether the suffrage be silent or ad ver 6 c , for forgery will deal with the one and suppression with the other . We may be sure , indeed , that M . Bonaparte ' s scruples will not begin at the election , and that lie will not treat the suffrage with more respect than the press , which is either suppressed or falsified , that is , forged opinions inserted in the p lace of cancelled passages . The " Siecle , " the journal of the bourgeoisie , has been suppressed , merely for having recommended its readers to look to the electoral lists ; and is it to be imagined that the tyrant would be more forebearant towards adverse suffrages than to a guide th . it simply points to the bureaux rp . oistration ? "From his treatment
of the organs of the opinions of the people , we may unerringly infer what will be his treatment of the opinions of tho people in the gross : and he will make up ball cartridge with tho balloting papers inscribed with the Non . The election is as much an instrument in the hands of the usurper as the Bourse , and it is as easy to get up a false return aa to screw up the funds to . 102 , a rise of twelve per cent ., in the tranquillity of terror . Everywhere fraud is at work for Til . Bonaparte . Thero ha 3 been nothing open since the 2 nd of December but slaughter , nothing frank but force , nothing undisguised but tyranny . Tlie rise in the public securities—the very word conveys a satireis easily to beexplained . There is a limited number of agents of change appointed by government , and whoso books are open to tbe inspection of the government . To have transacted a sale would have
marked an agent out for vengeance , a prison forthwith , and perhaps a thrust of a bayonet by the way , in a pretended rescue , or a chance bullet . Let us not be told that the government is incapable of Grime bo black ; our' answer is , that the massacro of the 4 th—a massacre which , after tbe pattern of St . Bartholomew , should bear for ever tho name of the massacre of St . Bonaparte , for a saint be is of the ultramontane Catholic Churchwas « i planned and " got up thing , " to use the appropriate language of the felonry . General Magnan , in his report to the Minister of War , plainly states that he allowed the assemblages of people and the construction of barricades to proceed without check or hindrance till two o'clock , in order to have a mass of life against which to operate with more effeot : —
At noon I learnt that the barricades were becoming formidable , and that the insurgents were entrenching themselves ; but I had decided on not attacking before two o ' clock , and firm in my resolution , I did not hasten the movement , notwithstanding all the intreaties th » t were made to me to the contrary . I knew the ardour of my troops and their impatience for the combat . " The ardour of tbe troops 1 " for \ rhs \ t 1 " their impatience for the combat ! " with whom ? Ardour and impatience to embrue their bands with the blood of their fellow countrymen . So that this employment of the troops , which is generally either felt , or affected to bo considered , as a sad necessity , a stern but repugant duty , was on this atrocious occasion a labour of love , executed with eagerness
and alacrity . The assassinations , the great majority of which were of helpless , defenceless people , who were caught passing through the streets , or looking on , apprehending no danger as they saw no signs of resistance , amount , it is said , to about 2 , 000 ; and that this is not an extravagant estimate may be inferred from the loss of the troops , for if we heard that a certain number of wolves had been found killed in a sheepfold , we might judge what must have been the havoc among the sheep from the fact that some of their destroyers perished in the tbrong of tboir victims . General Magnan does not think it worth while to say a word in regret or extenuation of the murders en the Boulevard Montmartrc and tho adjacent street . English witnesses , thoroughly trustworthv . state that tiio fire
opened along the whole line from the Porte St . Denis to the Boulevard des Italiens was wholly unprovoked , that no shots had been discharged from the houses , and that the volleys of the troops were kept up for a full quarter of an hour as fast as they could load , and a more desultory fire for a full hour . A very significant fact is mentioned on good authority , that when the troops were firing on noncombatants flying up the rue St . Denis , and shooting the wounded lying writhing on the pavc-mont , the officers in vain ordered them to change their aim to tbe houses . This command was doubtless "iven from humanity , to diminish at least the slaughter ; but it shows that to firo at foractbing or somebody was the order of the day , with the object of striking what tho Minister of the Interior calls " a Balntary terror . "
If it bo true , as alleged in the usurper '? journals , that money was given to the men who threw up the barricades , there cannot be a doubt , putting other circumstances and evidences together , that such money was the blood money of the government . A military government in France , completing the chain , of despotic posts from Petersburgh to tne Pyrenees , would alone be n serious evil to this country , impairing its security and necessitating costly , precautionary defences ; but a most malignant aggravation of this evil'is the alliance of the priesthood with tbe rule of the sword . The Alps are now no more , and the field is smooth and open for the machinations of Kome up to the opposite coastWe thus seein immediate prospect , banded
. , against the peace of this country , the impulses oi cpiritual and military encroachment , each stimulating and supporting the other-the lust of conquest sanctified by bigotry , sacerdotal ambitions and aggressions deriving new audacity troni the support of his sword . It can hardly be necessary to point out what the effect of this state of things must be upon the ultramontane and malcontent part of Catholic Ireland . All the bigot sympathy and guilty hopes of this body will be with the dasnotic government in confederacy with Popish ambition and priestcraft , against liberty in all its forms , civil and religious . Dull and shortsighted , indeed , must be the man who does not perceive tiie eravity of the prospect before us . witn tne
England has coped triumphantly powers of France , wielded by tbe first milhtary genius ; but then the despotic governments at enmity witli France for the Revolution , were in turns our allies , and never sincerely leagued against us . The case is now reversed . France , despotically revolutionised , is cordially embraced in the Holy Alliance ; and England stands alone in Europe , excepting some small states , which upon the first pretence would be swallowed up by their powerful neighbours . France is already menacing Belgium &nd Switzerland , and . there is a wolfish maw ravetung for Piedmont . Then as to our resources , steam Urb made a change both in naval warfare and in , military operations by the rapid transport of troops , the effect of which remains to be tried . Our be-Ue f iat&atwsretaiB the advantage but «/ , { tbe sai-
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measured eaayantage ,, we . poaseaaed under the Ban , when the French fleets were rotting blockaded in their harbours , or met to be destroyed whenever they ventured to . ' sea . -Maoh more vigilance , than Jonnerly would now bo necessary against a neighhour at open war with us , or in whose faith iri peace no confidence could be plaoed . We have had a signal warniDg of example of what may be done under cover of darkneas in a night
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CONVERSION OP THE '' DAILY NEWS" TO SOCIALISM . partnership En Gommandite . rho English law of partnership has been lone teltto be most unsatisfactory . Its stringency in imposing unlimited liability on every partner is unparalleled m the mercantile world . It makes each partner answerable for the debts of the partnersnip to the whole extent of his fortune ; it gives an unpaid creditor the right of suing at law each of the partners individually for debts contracted in the . name of all ; it holds every one to be a pariner who partici pates in the slightest degree in the pro-• t »? \\ business » ifc allows every partner to deal with the common property to any extent short of the commission of actual fraud ; and if an unfortunate
-partner has been forced by an action at law to satisfy the claims of a creditor , or has suffered wrong m the management of the concern , it virtually refuses him redress against his fellowpartners , by . confining his remedy to a suit in chancery , to which every partner must be a party . These onerous responsibilities can be escaped by two processes only—Act of Parliament , and a charter from the crown—but both are so ruinously expensive and so uncertain of attainment , that for all practical purposes , limited liability is excluded by tho English law . A committee of the House of Commons investigated this subject last session , and resolved , " That tho law of partnership , as at present existing , viewing its importance in reference to the commercial character and rapid incroaao . of the population and
property of the country , requires careful and immediate revision . " It then recommended tho appointment of " a commission , which should suggest such changes as-the altered condition of the country should require . " Among the changes most canvassed at the present time , and towards which public favour seems inclining with increasing force , is the adoption of what our neighbours call partnership " en commondite , " The subject has acquired fresh interest by the growing introduction into the money market of London of the shares of French companies organised on the principle of partnership en commanditc ; and the question naturally occurs , if Englishmen are attracted to such enterprises , when protected by a foreign law only , why their principle should not be adopted by the English law also , and the benefits it is found to confer diffused generally over the country ,
Partnerships en commanditc are carried on by a few managers or geram , who alone have the exclusivo right of cond ' uoting the affairs of the partnership ; but on them also the law imposes the fullest ana most unlimited liability . The rest of the partners or commanditaires , whose numbers are subject to no restriction , are answerable only to the extent of the capital which they invest in the concern ; on tbe other hand , they are interdicted from every kind of interference . with its management , possessing only a right of access to the records of its proceedings , and to full information on tho state of the business .
It is obvious that such partnerships offi-T some very considerable advantages . There is an abundance of capital seeking investment , which is driven back upon the funds and other fixed securities ] because its owners , though willing to stake a part , are not willing to hazard all their fortune on promising commercial enterprises . The en cornrnandite principle would open to such capital attractivo employment , in sums varying from the highest to the lowest amounts , and many a valuable scheme which cannot now be prosecuted for want of funds , because the presumption of success is no equivalent against the risk of total ruin , would quicKly find the support of many contributors , and be car «
ried out with great advantage bo : h to individuals and the community . Many are the possessors of narrow means , who would be eager to procure an enlargement of ease and comfort by sharing in the profit of business *; people whose condition is now hopelessly hemmed in between three percent , consola , and a venture for their whole fortune . The vast , extension of savings banks , friendly societies , and otber benevolent institutions , shows how largo are the sums seeking investment amongst the lower classes , and how difficult it is to obtain anything above the lowest scale of interest , To these classes , partnerships en commandite would open out a largo field : and it seemB hard to restrain their liberty by the operation of artificial laws .
But more urgent still than all these reasons in favour of the proposed alteration of the law , are considerations derived from tbe relation now subsisting between capital and . labour . The working classes have reached an amount of intelligence unprecedented at any former period of history , whilst their numbers attach < i weight to their sentiments unknown before . Never before have artisans and operatives , in the essential character of their thoughts and feelings , approached so closely to the _ upper classes—nevei ' : before were they less ca " pablo of becoming tho slaves of routine employ " ment , valuable for their hands and the intelligence which guided them , but undeveloped in understanding , and indifferent to the pursuits which characterise intellectual beings . Symptoms of thi 3 change abound in every country of Europe ; its effects are sufficiently alarming—it were well to take warning in time .
Already in France a fierce war has broken out between capital and labour . England likewise has felt the 6 hock . Vigorous intellects and vehement passions have been enlisted in tV . e strife . Old institutions are powerfully assailed ; and who shall say that a new era may not bo at hand ? Capital is denounced as the too ! of selfishness . Its interests are painted as hostile to those of the mass of mankind , and a capitalist is held up to odium as one whom self seeking must convert into an oppressor . Even men employed in the ministry of the church havo gone so far ns to call tho condition of a re . ceiver of wages a bondage , — a pure sliivery 8 — equally offensive to reason and religion . These sentiments easily find support in those seasons of adversity io which a trade spread over every reigon of tho globe is inevitably subject . A bad crop of cotton may call a legion of socialists into
existence . Mills are worked half time or stopped altogether—wages sink—tho capitalist rapidly loses his property , and yet is charged with being the cause through his " selfishness of the misery of the workmen , not only by the men themselves , but by writers also , whose " position and education should have taught them better things . What device can be more seasonable or more salutary than the conversion of the workmen into fellow capitalists with the master ? What can possibly open their eyes so effectually to the vicissitudes of trade as that they should share its proSis and its losses ? What can create so certainly as partnerships a cordial spirit of brotherly fellow feeling between the mind that thinks and p lans and t ! : e hands that work;—or consolidate so firmly a community of interests between those whom the tendenoy of the ago is apt to arrsv in direct antagonism to each other ?
partnership en commanditc seems admirably adapted to bring about these valuable results . The operative is stimulated by it to Bave , because he is able at once to dispose of his savings advantageously . However small may be his investment , it associates him with the fortunes of the factory . If timea are bad he is not tempted to charge the cupidity of tho master with the crime of lowering wages : ho has access to the books , and can inspect thcregister of diminished profit painful or loss . He learns that if he suffers , the large capitalist suffers stiil more . When fortune smiles , he not only obtains better wages , but as a partner shares in the gain , and learns to look on the common business with affection—with a feeling that it is his
own . On the other hand , the master obtains corresponding advantages . He gets guarantees for peace and harmony such as nothing but partnership can bestow . He " commands increased capital . He ceases to be an object of jealousy ( io his men ; they know the state of the business ; they rise and fall with him . Can the growing disposition to look upon tho master a 3 tho enemy of his workmen be met more directly or with a better promise oi success ? .....
As managing partner , liable for the whole of his fortune , tlie master has tho strongest inducements for the exercise of prudence , activity , and care ; as associated with " special partners , " who are forbidden to interfere , he is exempted from trouble . And ho gains one very clear advantage abovo those he now enjoys . His workmen have now the most powerful motives to practise oeonomy and industry . They work as masters—not as hirelings ; their savings and their energy reward , not an employer , but themselves . for
• tfo reasons or equal weight can be assigned refusing a fair trial to such a system . Complete publicity gives the public all the security they require . If the names of the partners and the sums thev have invested in the busino&a are publicly proclaimed , cverv one who gives them . credit will know what he has to trust to . And there is in this very publicitv an assurance of the possession of capital by the concern , which is not to be had as the law now stands , Tbe evidence- before the committee moreover asserts that in those countries where the law of partnerships en commandite prevails , such coBCwna , when bankrupt , pay beyond the average vate of dividend . If men of straw ave appointed managers , the sums placed against their names will give tho publio warning ot the fact . And it is hardly a justifiable policy to forfeit great advantages for the sake of protecting those ff &om tu , eir ioilig alone exposes to danger " .
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. Uon ¦ my U pleaded regarding the risk encountered by the poor and ignorant , of entrustin ° their savings to crafty and fraudulent men . Under no system can this evil be ; averted . Experienced persons declare that the sums lost by tho poor through injudicious loans every year is increciible . Partnerships en commandite admit of effective pre " . cautions being made for investers . They may have publicity , full access to the books t and e .-pecially an extension of the machinery already at work in friendly societies , for providing cheap and immediate redress to partners against each other . This is a very vital point ; one of the law reforms most urgently needfirt
English merchants are proverbially a conservative race . Custom is their ruler , and beycud most mortals they dislike the hazards that attend innovations . This feeling is often salutary r in the present case they have no reasonable ground for alarm in trying in England an experiment which is at work , without producing ruin , in Prance , America , Belgium , and elsewhere . —Datfu ifews .
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KOSSUTH AND MAZZINI .-HUNGARY AND ITALY . Amongthe addresses presented Io tbf Hungarian leader ivhile in this country was one from the Society of the E ' riends of Italy . In hi . * reply to that address , Kossuth expressed his confidence in Mazzini , and recognised him as the leader of the Italian people , with whom he should be happy to act in conjunction in future . At a subsequent interview between the Triumvir of the Ruman Republic and the ex-Governor of Uuneary , it was , we believe , agreed that the causes of the tsvo countries should be united , so far as public action was concerned in this
country . 1 he pupers hare just published a correspondence between these two illustrious mm , in which each give full expression to their views , and amply substantiate the statements as to the good understanding which exists between them . Intlie p : esent state and future prospects of Europe , this accord between two leaders who enjoy popular confidence to a greater extent than any other person living , is a good omen . The correspondence originated in M , Mazzini fonvarding to Kossuihan address entrusted to him for presentation by some Italians resident in Genoa . The addrftss was accompanied by a signet ring , bearing tlie impression of the Roman JEagla , and the motto , " Dio e il Popolo , " with the inscription on the circumference" Gl'Italiani a Kossuth . " In the letter accompanying the address , after expressing himself warmly as to thu high estimation in which he and the Democracy of Italy hold the Magyar chief , iMazzini proceeds to discharge an important duty committed to him namely , to explain the nature and tendenc es of our demoorany '' so that yon may know what men they are who extend to you and ask of you the hand , and upon what basis will be founded that alliance which identity of positiim . of enemies , and of object has decreed between us , " Italian democracy is not a reaction , but a faith . It is not a cry for emancipatien uttered by one hostile and irritated class against another ; it is a programme of association of all classes , or rather of all thp . various sofiial fractions , in one sole aim that of constituting the great Italian family one free and powerful , for the benefit of the creater human ' amity : the country , for the benefit of all countries .
If Italy did not feel herself called to anee m the name and for tho good of all—for a principle-and not for an interest , for the free development of life wherever it is violated or imperfect—if she did not deduce her rights from the duty which binds her in theallianre of nations , in the moral unity of Europe , and through that to the unity of the human raceouv democracy would be but egotism disguised , hidden under a pompous title . Nationality , is , then , for us the sign of ouv mission , our collective conscience . It assumes for itself and
recognises for others an inalienable right to independence . The aim is common—the choice of means , the more of organisation by which to reach it , belongs to the nation . Equality among the peoples is the sole security for their alliance . And our alliance shall be that of free and equal people ? , who , while independent in all that concerns their internal organisation , recognise a common country , humanity , aa superior to all others , and join together in the name of God to promote progress and the triumph of truth and justice .
Upon the banner of It . ili . in democracy shine forth two eternal words , " God and tho People , " which are the beginning and tho end of our faith . God the lnw , n law of progress nnd of love , tho people sole interpreter of that law . Wo do not accept privileged interpreters . God has his throne in the conscience of eveTy individual ; from the harmony of the individual conscience with the conscience of the human race and with universal tradition springs a continual revelation of truth , which virtuous genius developes and purifies , and which thepeopla verifies and applies in social intercom's ? . The papacy and the empire are for us two falsehoods— phantoms of authority , which neither direct , nor fecundate , but extinguish free life . Italian democracy will combat the one and the other until the day in which the Rome of the people and the Vienna of the people shall have signed tho emancipating compact of alliance which already exists between us , and in the name of which we shall be united on tho battle-field .
This compact , whatever the calumny of ou >* adversaries may assert , is not a pact of anarchy , of the overthrow or the negation of those elements which constitute civil life , or of a new tyranny of a sect or of an individual system substituted fov the tyranny already existing . Italian democracy ia a nation , not a sect . We recognise two inviolable elements of life ; tho individual and society , liberty and association . Wo believe all systems which would sacrifice either of these felcments to the other to be false and dangerous , nnd inevitably resulting in anarchy or despotism . We seek in everything to harmonise these two terms , We desire a
state in which the way shall be open to every man for tho development of his moral and physical faculties , in which the way shall be open , to all the sources of education and of wealth proportioned to his own exertions , and to secure and continuous labour , fre « ly chosen , and on which his right to enjoyment must depend . In such a state we place ouv hopes of a peaceful , because normal , state of society , free from violence and reaction because based upon equity , free from the necessity of revolutions because relying on the continual progress and fraternal association cf the millions who people our land .
KOSSUTH TO MAZZINI . ITcro is my answer to the address of your fellewcitizens . United , we shall act , I hope , a better one . United , because our cause is one , because wo have a common enemy , a common camp , a common design , united , because my republic , like yours , is neither tyranny , nor anarchy , neither a violation of tho liberty of the individual , nor a sacrifk-e of tho social aim to the egotism of individuals ; united , because , like you , I recognise no other master than God and my nation . —I have faith in you , as you havo in me . For a short time farewell . Loins Kossuth .
KOSSUTH TO THE GENOESE DEJfOCJlATS . When , a fugitive from my country , I hailed with tho affection inspired by our common misfortunes and hopes , the sacred soil of Italy , in the voices oi brotherly enthusiasm which reached me from the multitude assembled upon the shore , I felt—heavenly consolation!—the solidarity of the new life which is now animating the desires of the nations ; I felt that the hour of deliverance will never strike again for divided peoples , and tiiot the compact ol their future alliance is engraven on the hearts of the
oppressed by the finger of God himself . And your address , amongst a thousand others , is a new confirmation to me of this idea . Whilst grasping the friendly hand of him deputed by you to present it to me , of the man representing the party the most , powerful for action and the most promising for the future of Italy , and with who 3 e sympathies and labours I share , I thought of the glorious fruits which will spring from the union of tuy country and youi's in the approaching battles for independence and liberty . .. _ .
. For us , as for you , O Italians , the tfforts and the experience of the past have borne their fruits . Tho time is now ripe—the series of tvials exhaustedall hope of converting to the right path elements radically opposed to every development of life , vanished : it only remains for Hungary , for- Italy , for the nations trampled upon by despotism , to arise in their own strength over the length and breadth of a continent overshadowed by lying forms , without any otber legality than that which tbe Eternal Mind impl . mti in the natural order of human things , assigning to the different peoples vocations , faculties , and a right of spontaneous progress , in harmony with their common duties .
Our cause and yours are bound together by thenorigin , their sufferings , and by their aim . The House of Hap 8 burg has been death to Hungary as well as to It » ly . Jn conjunction with the , Court of Rome it extinguished in you , by protecting the inquisition , every spark of genius and national virtue , and retarded by two centuries nnd a half the revival inaugurated by your p hilosophers and martyrs of the seventeenth century . From us it snatched one after another our ancient franchises—the right ef electing our kingB , our own armies—liberty of
conscience ; it replied to our protests by rapine and the sword , to the Magyar generosity which had thrioe saved the empire , by robbing us of our independence . —In exchange for the blood and treasure we spent in its service , it repaid us with falsehood , treason , and the scaffold . By oppressing Hungary , and co-operating in the dismemberment of Poland and Italy , thus taking from these generous nations their mission and individual life , Austria opened an immense gulf in the centre Of civilised Europe , deisiuoyod tha defences raised against the barbarian
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hordes , and gave a fatal b . ' ow to modern civilisation . And what reward has she reaped for her enormous crime ? fler own vassalage to Russia . Tho House of Hapsburg is tho negation , the evil , the absurdity of . political Europe . It has thrown hostility dissolution , death , into the midst of Christian peoples to make of them its prey . Extending on one side the hand to tho Pope , on the other to "i e tzar , it has endeavoured , anil still endeavours . wp 2 hi nfJ ? r , u umn " ^ science « nder the double ! : ll ! t of falsehood and brute force . Kot founded
. E , JVi e 5 ests c ° nformable to tho nature of J £ , « f * »« mily and of a few venal officials , it confides its safety to an organised system of assassination , andto ^ tho disciplined barbarities of its troops , It ia time ( hat humanity should be avenged of this abomination . It is time for the peonies who hate been dragged by the arts of spiritual and material tyranny into the narrowways of egotism , to re-enter the open path of liberty and association .
Italians ! the fate of Hungary is fast bound up with yours . United with you in the battle , w sh . ' . ll be so after the victory ; erected together , amongst the hymns of redeemed peoples , a glorious temple to our martyrs upon the ruins of the house of Hapsburg . Happy shall we deem ourselves if , by tho blessing of God , we are the first to begin the strngole of European liberty against despotism . "When the hour of redemption arrives—and arrive it will for u . " , come what may , and Jet whosoever else hold back—Milan and Pesth , remembering past errors ,, will sound , simultaneously , the tocsin of rtvolt , like cities of the same count-v .
In our ancient constitutions is inscribed the right of insurrection and defence against the caprices of power . This principle , never forgotten by us . will save Hungary . To you , Italians , it whs forbidden by the two powers which are joined together for your ruin— the papacy and the empire—to iriscriba that right in a national constitution . But the ^ could not erase it from your hearts ; and to-day from one end of the Peninsula to the other , tho life of the ration is bound up in this . For tit , as for you , the necessary result of such a right , after the experience of ages , is ths Republic . And " in this nam we . "ball conquer . We shall conquer , because w& shall be united—because , fighting with the people and for tho people , and not for the interests of castes or of governments necessarily leasrued with , the Emperor , the Pope , and the Czar . " We shall conquer , because , uttering a cry of true liberty
, and not counting upon the miserable combinations of a diplomacy which has betrayed us hundreds of times , and no longer possesses either life or sensa in presence of tho Europe of the future , wo shall have with us all the peoples who demand a country , all' free men who have , in whatever part of tha civilised world , the will and the courage of a just cause . Lastly , we shall conquer , because our principles wiU not bo principles of violence and neea * tion against those sacred and inviolable elements ' in which society has root and life—but principles of development and of tho progressive association of the capabilities , the tendencies , and the natural activity as well as of individuals as of corporations —principles of universal education , and of tha harmonious co-operation of tho nations in the work of their common pevfectionment . Louis Kossdtit .
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ELECTION INTELLIGENCE . RErnHSKXTATios op West Kkst . —It appears from the organisation of political parties in this district , there is every probability of a strenuous contest at the general election . We know not whether it is tho intention of . Mr . Thomas Law Hodges , ono of the present members , to retire ; but wo loam on good authority that Sir Joseph llawley , Hart ., of Chevening , and Mr . J . Whatman , a county magistrate , residing at Maidstone , "ill stand on tho liberal interest . The Conservative association , of course , support Sir Edward Filmer , one of the present members ; several meetings have been held to determine as to who shall bo brought forward as his colleague . —Kentish Mercury .
Thk Rei'rbsektation of Leojiinster . —We are requested ( by an authorised correspondent ) , says the Hereford Times , to state that the rumour alluded to in our last , as to Mr . Frederick Peel becoming a , candidate for Bristol at the next election , is devoid of foundation , and that tho lion , gentleman has no intentien of severing his parliamentary connexion with this borough . Representation of Ipswich . —The Suffolk papers state that Mr . Charles Gilpin , of Bishopsgatestrcet , will be a candidate , on tho liberal inUrest , for the borough of Ipswich , at the next general election . Mr . Gilpiu is a member of the Court of Common Council .
The NRwroRT BoRouoiis . —Mr . Lindsay , an ex tensive merchant and shipowner of London , is con fidcntly spoken of « s a candidate for the represent tion of those boroughs , in case of anticipated vacancy .
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Thirty Lives Lost dt Siiipwreck . — The American packet ship Tyendenoga , on her passage to London from New Yor-k , was totally Io 9 t on the morning of ihe 2 nd of December , on sunken rocks off Corribou Islands . The total loss of passengers and crew drowned is repotted to be twenty-seven . Two ships wtre run down and toUlly lost in the Channel on Tuesday night last . The Theodora , a large Dufch barque , 600 tons burthen , hound to Amsterdam from Batavia , about seven o'clock in the evening , when some twentv-five miles below tho
Eddvstone , steering up Channel , was met by the Corinfhian , also a barque , nearly of the same tonnage , Captain Spencer , from Hull , beating downwards . By some misunderstanding or neglect of keeping a " look-out , " both , came in contact with each other , and with such tremendous force that the Theodora filled , and went down . The sudden and unexpected blow left scarcely sufficient time to get the boat outi Fortunately , the whole of the crew were saved . The Corinthian sustained very considerable damage . Th » other vessel run down was the Eleanor , belonging to Cardiff . One of the crew was carried down in
ner , and unhiippily perished . 'Ihe collision took place about ten miles from Dorman . The remainder of the crew were rescued by tbe vessel which came into collision with the Eleanor , the brig Mimer , belonging to Hamburg . On the 10 th inst ., a large vessel , having on board 250 emigrants , from Bremen , bound for New York , was seen ashore on the Goodwin . A number of Deal and Margate luggers wera lying off tlie wreck , taking on board the helpless passengers , who were brought off in boats . The vessel ' s fate is not mentioned . There are three other losses mentioned ; the most serious was that of the Lilla , of Liverpool . She v . as found to be on ( ire on the 2 nd inst . in latitude 43 . 33 , longitude 45 . Nothing could be seen of the crew .
Murders dy Arsenic ix Francis . — One of the most extraordinary cases ever brought before a criminal court has just been tried by the Court of Assizes oi the Ille-et-Vilaine . The prisoner was a female , named Helene Jasrado , who for years past has been a servant in different families of the department . She stood at the bar charged with several thefts committed in and since the year 1840 , and with seven murders by arsenic in 1850 ; but the evidence showed that although , only seven cases had been selected , as more recent , and therefore more easy of proof , not less than forty-three persons bad been poisoned by her with arsenic . The victims were either her masters or mistr . sses , or fellow servants , who had incurred her hatred . In some cases no nn . tivo of interest or hntred could be assigned . The prisoner appeared to have hern actuated by a thirst for destruction , and to have taken pleasure in witnessing the agonies of her victims . The suddenness of the deaths in the families where she was a
servanfcexciteu the greatest sensation , but for a longtime no suspicion as to the cause ; for the murderess appeared to be very religious ; she attended in many instances with apparent solicitude on the persons whom she had poisoned , and so successful was her hypocrisy that even the deaths of the mother and another relative of a physician in whose family she lived raised no suspicion cf poison in his mind . The frequency of deaths , however , in the families by whom she was successively engaged excited a suspicion among the peasantry that there was sonnthing in her nature fatal to those , who were near her , and it was customary with them to say that her liver was white , it being believed in that part of France that persons who are dangercus have while livers . The pnspner hersei ? frequently exclaimed , after the death of a victim , " How unhappy 1 am 5 wherever I go , death follows me . " The cases on which she was brought to trial wore established by the evidence beyond tlie possibility of doubt . The prisoner , throughout the
trial , which lasted ten days , constantly declared that she was innocent , and . seeinod to antioipate an acquittal on account of there being no proof of her having had arsenic in her possession . It was proved , however , that in one of the families in which she was a , servant some years ago there was a largo quantity of arsenic , which was not locked up , and that u had . suddenly disappeared . This arsenic had , without doubt , been taken by the prisoner , and had served for the commission of the successive murders . The only defence set up for her was founded on . phrenological principles . It was contended that the Organs Of hypocrisy and destructiveness were developed to a degree which overpowered the moral faculties , and that , althouah it would be unsafe tc leave her at large , she ought not to be condemned to capital punishment , the peculiarity of her organisation rendering her rather an object of pity . This defence failed entirely ; and , the jury having de « livered a verdict without extenuating circumatances , the court condemned her to death .
Chelsea . Kbv Suspension Bainon , —According to the late report of Woods and Forests , the Commissioners of Public Works are to advance £ 120 , 000 for tho new suspension bridge and Thames embankment at Chelsea .
Spurt Tt.M. Mm*
Spurt tt . m . Mm *
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De cember 27 , 1851 ,
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 27, 1851, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1658/page/7/
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