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The French Constitution lias at length come brth , and we are enabled to form an accurate idea of he intentions of the Pbesideiit of the French Republic . ^ The result justifies our previously expressed views—it is a despotism under a very lansparent disguise—a despotism , too , without any niginality . After all the severe labour and the solitary study of which we have heard sq much . Loms Napoleon has only risen to the height of parodying Ma uncle . He does not take any pains to conceal this . Indeed he avows it . He sets up as a model Df the ideas which were the governing principles of the consulate—that consulate which led to empire the foremost and
Among anost constant of these ideas is that ofcenfcdisation of power ; centralisation of responsibility . There are really only two priaciples of government ; the one—authority centredin one-the otter-ruleexercisedb ythemany . The oneadespotism , the other a Republic ; and Loins Napoleon pinshii faitii andhisfate to the former . The new old system V * , l # TOa to tlle world is *•» very antipode ofEnghsh constitutionalism . Here we have a sovereign almost divested of power but equally freed from responsibilit y—there a ruler , without whom no act can either be done or begin to be donetaking to himself all the glory of his measures , or waring all the blame . Absolute king never yet bo realised the actuality of that phrase « I am the State / as the man who governs by the sword , and pretends
to govern by votes . Without him the state is not , and all action is impossible . He is developing in practice the temporal phase of the religious doctrine of infallibility and omniscience . Nothing but what he foreknows—nothing but what he judges to be right No free thought , no independent action—all ¦ wills subordinated to his ; all intellects leaning on his for support ; all desires bowing down to his impulses . A new edition in short of popedom , with the temporal instead of the spiritual element predominat ing . If such a condition of political existence can be maintained , the people must lose all vestige of independent feeling—all high ambitions—all desire to control then * own destinies , and sink into abject , soulless , spiritless slaves . If it cannot be maintained
for any length of time , as is by far the more likely , the repression by virtue of which it continues , will let loose a fearful flood of pent-up passion upon the world . Loms Napoleon is like a man striving to dam up a mountain torrent springing from an everflowing fountain . He builds the wall which stops it for a time , but the dammed waters rise surely upward . He adds to the height of his bulwark—still rising the stream flows higher . The operation may be repeated again and again , but there is a point at which repression must of necessity cease ; and then the longer it has continued , and the more stringent it has been , the greater is the destruction which follows .
That our readers may judge whether or not we are exaggeratingthe blackness andtheultimate folly of the policy of Louis Napoleon , we will briefly run over the leading features of hit Constitution , as gathered from the more than Imperial proclamation which accompanies them . He there proclaims his adoption of the ideas of the Consulate . He traces all the progress of France to the administrative , military , judicial , ieligious , and financial systems which that eraheralded in . To him that system of administrationwhich has
, overthrown every Government which endeavoured to support it , and alienated every generation which had the misfortune to live under it , is thene plus ultra of power and contentment . That military system , which takes the peasant from the field of labour to initiate him in the field of arms—which rendered military conquest necessary , in order to preserve domestic peace—which served to keep np delusions of military glory among a great people—which has always made revolutions possible , if it has not rendered them
necessary—cannot be surpassed by human wisdom . That judicial system which has made to the hands of rulers , willing auxiliaries of oppression—which has aided to crush freedom of thought , to put down liberty of opinion—and to annihilate the Press—is the highest embodiment of Justice . That religious system under which religion has become some , thing worse than a name , and Atheism has grown np more steadily and surely than it could under the abhorred ' reign of reason '—the religious system of sensual forms and pageants—the religious system which secretly or openly has fostered unscrupulous Jesuitism—is the purest development of worship from the creature to the Creator . And lastly , that finaucial which
syBtem has fostered commercialism till the howrgeoise of France have become dead to all aspirations for liberty and indifferent to every other freedom than the freedom to make money ; that financial system which makes usurers rich , and tradinggamblers powerful ; that commercial system which has more than once brought the nation to the verge of bankruptcy—is the wisest economy by which the wealth produced by labour may be made auxiliary to the comfort and happiness of all . That is the ; foundation upon which Loms Napoleon builds the hideous structure of his government—these are the i principles by which some thirty-five millions of human beings are to be moulded into a machine as little
sentient as though its component parts were steel and iron , instead of heart and brain—destined to act , or cease to act , at the sole will of the one mind which presides over all . It is a stupendous experiment , and if it succeed , those who have faith that the future is to be one of progress may well tremble for the truth [ of then ? creed . I Leaving the general ideas , and ascending to the 1 details of the Constitution , we find that the head of 1 the Government is to be at once responsible and free —the only freeman in all wide France ; for it is I e ™™ t that his notions of his own freedom include I the slavery of every other being . So he is to be the tree ruler of millions of slaves , and resimmible ! Tfa .
I sponsibletowhom ? To the slaves ? That would be I * n inv erBion of ideas-that would abolish his asserted 1 ireeaom . The responsibility , as Loras Napoleon I fr awitiis a mere sham—an imperial mockery . It I f . are « val , in a bolder form , of that ' divineright of I 7 * p Jf hlcn f ^ from the block with the gory head of the First Chableb , and was forthwith buried . Re-I sPODS 1 Weto God alone—that is what Loma Napo-I m ° H ould ^ rite , if the worde were not too plain to I put before France , even hoodwinked as she is . And in I ™ ^ ns e the responsibility of the Pbesident has a I ^ wng more solemn than that which he would be
i willing to attach to it . The great laws which govern I all never let any man free from that responsibility , I or answerability , which is the universal Nemesib . I Let despots shake off and deny their responsibility to % law — justice—to morality—to mercy—to truth—if I they will , but their responsibility of their own nature and that of their fellows clings to them like the poi-I soned garment of Dejaniba . Loms Napoleon is g right when he says lie is responsible , but it is a ee-§ sponsibility be forgets—a responsibility io a power B which the artillery cannot crush , nor bayonets pierce , B nor terror gag , nor prisons hold—the power which B brings about retribution even as it sent Napoleon to
If a rock y prison , and Louis Philupe to a foreign H grave . From that kind of responsibility , at least , If we may congratulate ourselves that the usurper , the if homicide , and the tyrant , is unable to free him-B self * H But there are to be other parts of the state machine H besides its head . Ifc says something against the prin-H ciple of centralisation , something for the principle of m association , that even Loms Napoleon is conscious
if of his inability to rule alone . He must have a sj ministry , or , more properly speaking , a Council of M State , neither free nor responsible . Not free , be-B cause themere reflexof him ; not responsible , because S deprived of the volition of free agents . The duties of B this Council of State are to advise the head of M the Government , in whom every vestige of initiative B power seems to reside , and to act as the . advocates of m h's policy with the other classes of the legislature . M Then there is to be a Senate chosen , reallv bv the
B resident , not by the nation , for the wealth they M have wrung out of the poor—the talents they have S shown in supporting wrong—and the services they have rendered to the cause of absolute rule—and this Senate is neither to be free nor responsible . Certainly S "P * free , because it may not discuss anything except M tnat which the one free mind of France suffers them B ™ discuss ; certainly not responsible to the nation , for their deliberations are to be conducted with closed B joora . Beyond the Senate there is to be a LegiBla nre Assembly , chosen by theneonle without ballot .
m so that they may be responsible and sifted by the S *?** of the Government , so that their choice may be 9 rtf * * ^ Aw ^ bly is to act over and over again m we part which the whole French nation has lately
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play . as peop had ' Hobson ' s choice' offered to them—a choice between Loms Napoleon or nobody—between despotism and anarchy . So the Legislative Assembly is to be confined to the simple acceptation and rejection of the measures devised by others , or , perhaps , we should say , by another . They are not to have any oratorical displays for such things , waste time , and the time of absolutism , which want its work done quickly , is too valuable to be lost . They are not to " introduce amendments , for amendments very often alter the whole complexion of a measure . To everything proposed to them they muBt Bay , ' simply Yes or No ; alterations , improvements , or modifications will be totally inadmissible , and at what risk they Will flay No , if-ihey desire it , recent occurrences have
conchuively demonstrated . Add to this a High Courtof Justice , composed of Judges , chosen by the Pkesi-DENi from the High Magistracy , and a Jury chosen from the Councils General—a sort of aggravated modern star chamber , and an army willing to bombard , shoot , and bayonet at the word of their commander , and we may guess what liberty will be left for France . For the retributive Justice , which is in store , and will , arrive as sure as-the ^ tara ^ preserve their courses , we mast wait with what patience we best may . In what way it ; is to be brought about we confess our total inability to discover , for so far as the reports of the discussions of the legislative body are concerned there is to be no shadow of Freedom of the Press . The deliberations of that bodv are to be
given to the world : m an official and authorised report , revised by the President of the Assembly , and of course by the Pbesident of the Kepublic . In the Home News—the Ministerial Crisisis almost the only matter of any importance , as it is the death agony of the Whigs . It is certain that all attempts at a Conservative combination have utterly failed , and if report speaks truly , the refusal has come in the most decided form from the Conservative party . They will not have the proffered friendship of their old foes—they scorn their alliance . The strength the Whigs can give is not worth having . That is a proof of the completeness of the
degradation of the family clique . 'But , gathering courage from despair , we are told that with diminished strength and augmented opposition , they have made up what minds they have to face Parliament with the Cabinet as it is . If we may guess at their conduct from what it was last year , there is no limit to the dirt they will eat in order to continue hi power . They will be happy to submit to be convicted of incapability , fear , stupidity , or anything , so that they may warm the seat of office . They will profess vrith Maworm that
' they like to be despised . They will submit to any amendments upon their measures—give them up , take anybody elae ' s—so that they may remain what they are . But it is plain that even if they are willing to do this , it will be still insufficient . The country must be governed after some fashion or another , and that is precisely what they cannot effect . Legislation has come to a dead block , and the Whigs cannot make it move on . The chances as to who will succeed them remain much the same as before . Lord Palmerston , if he be inclined to hold out his
hand , will go very near to reach the prize ; but who * ever comes after will have to meet tremendous difficulties , or to concede a large measure of Reform , for the growing intelligence cf the artisans , and their growing power , too—their dawning sense that class laws go to make a part of their poverty—their aspiring consciousness that they are fit to take a share in ruling , and their budding determination to have their proper influence , will not suffer any retrograde or Conservative Cabinet to establish itself on the ground which the Russell Ministry seems about to vacate .
For the rest , we can only allude , to the fact , that Sir Harry Smith , over whom a strange lethargy seems to have crept , has been superseded in the Command at the Cape by General the Hon . G . Cathcart , whose qualifications seem to consist in his being allied to the peerage , and to his having lerved upon the Continent somewhere about a third of a century ago . What the Hon . General knew of warfare it is most likely he has managed to forget by this time ; and if he remembers , it is difficult to see what lessons he can
have drawn from the contests of large aud disciplined armies , enabling him to deal more efficiently with the Kaffir guerillas more efficiently than his predecessor . One would have thought that the true policy would have been to have sent such men as Jacobs of the Scinde Horse , who have been educated in the tactics of irregular warfare ; but such men are not' Honourable ' Generals , and precedence and rank must have their place , though soldiers are sacrificed—the arms of England disgraced—a Colony plundered , and taxes heaped upon labour .
The wreck of the Amazon , to which we adverted last week , has called forth an inquiry , not conducted by an impartial tribunal , but under the auspices of the Company , the very men who are the moat interested in letting the blame ; if blame there be , como to the knowledge of the public . On the results ef such an investigation but little faith can be placed ; but taking all that has come out of it for granted , we see nothing to induce us to alter our opinion , that in all probability the catastrophe occurred mainly through the ship
being sent to sea before she was properly tried . It is all very well to sneer at the ' unscientific idea , ' that the heated bearings were the cause , and to ascribe it to the overheating of the base of the funnel , because it is not of the slightest consequence whether the heated machinery caused the conflagration , or the stiff working , arising from the heat and friction induced by over firing , ' to force the Amazon through the heavy seas ; and we again express our opinion , that * the time will come when such occurrences will be looked upon as something more than accidents . '
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THE CHARTIST EXECUTIVE . TO THE ED 1 I 0 B 0 F THE KORTHERN STAR . Dear Bir . —It is with feelings of regret that I notice the divisions in tbe lately-eleoted Executive . I , for one , did expect that the niea elected by the country would hate endeavoured to have healed the breaches and differences which have rankled in the ranks of Chartism so long ; and much as I admire Messrs . Jones , "Wheeler , and Linton , in my opinion they have done wrong to resign , and leave the Cnartist vessel in danger . If ever a time had come for unity of action , I am bound to affirm that it is now . At present , all political parties are aiming at unity , for the grand and ostensible purpose of telling , if possible , more powerfully upon the government and parliament . Which ever way wo look , objects arrest our attention , and call for unify . A ricketty ministry , a probability of a dissolution of Parliament , with continental movements , all conipire to say to those who desire Chartism to advance , that "England expects every man to do his duty . "
But , Mr . Editor , I am wishful to mention another topic , namely , the present situation of Mr . O'Connor . It is a well-known fact that that gentleman has paid large suma from his own pocket , for the Chartist cause , which have never been paid back to him ; and I daro say you will agree with me , when I say that something ought to be done by the country , by contributing something towards the Honesty Fund . I am buto that the country will respond , and liquidate the debt due to a gentleman who has sacrificed his all for the welfare of the working classes . From the commencement of the Association , the " Northern Star" has been the fearless advocate of the working man : andfrom a very recent announcement we find that it has been a loosing bargain—cannot the Old Guards of Chartism endeavour to extend its circuiation ? Aid your organ , then , working men of England , and let it remain your advocate aa it hitherto has been . Your moat Obedient Servant , , , , Daisioihan . Dalston , Cumberland , Jan . 12 th , 1852 .
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Reform Confbrkncb , Makohestbr . —At a general meeting of the Committee on Wednesday it was unanimously resolved : —" Tintit is desirable that the Working Man ' s Conference , intended to be held in this district , should not be called until after the meeting of Parliament , in order that the people may have the opportunity of learning something of the nature of the Reform measure which may be proposed by the government ; this Committee , therefore , resolves to poitpone the said Conference , from the 19 th inst ., until the meeting of Parliament , and that due notice of the day of meeting shall be given . "— Johs Edwards , Secretary .
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ON THE FORMATION OF A PEOPLE'S . PARTY . Mr . Editor , —The Chartist Exeoutive is the counterpart of the Chartist Movement . For real goed both men and cause are impracticable . An organisation in such a desperate stage of phthisis required theirameaiatecareofthe most skilful of itate nhvsi .
cians , instead of which , men have been called to the bedside of the patient , who , for experience and ability in the pathological , part of the inquiry , are little short of veritable quacks . Certainly , in the group , there are four men of unquestionable talent in their own particular way ; but even the literary merits of these members are neutralised by the unlettered andequivocalremainder . Such men , so allied , nevercan work together ; and therefore I am heartily glad that the whole question of Chartist tactics must be at onco
gone into , since it is quite impossible for the newlyelected Executive to move in any legislative direction . Out of nine , only five are left to act , . MeBsrs . Jones , Linton , .. and . ... Wheeler ,- having ^ signed ; ancj Mr . O'Connor being unable to attend j so that the charge of the people ' s cause has fallen into the hands of Messrs . Arnott , Bezer , Gra ? sby , Shaw , and Holyoake . Now , without depreciating a single private or public merit possessed by these gentlemen , I ask any reasonable man if these are the persons who should be entrusted with the conduct of bo important a movement ? I confess I am ashamed of the fact , that so little discretion has been exercised , for better qualified men might have been chosen , even out of a list of thirty thatcontained namestruly lamentabletoread , knowing , as I do , how limited were the powers which such
personscould brwgto the duties they aspired to discharge . It is all of a piece , however , and but one remedy can be proposed tosuit the exigency of the moment , viz , ; •—the resignation of the Executive , and the re-organi « sationofthe entire party , the Executifa taking the initiative of the change , aud holding office until their successors are appointed . \ The work of reconstruction is oftentimes more difficult than that of origination ; and I think , ' in this case , it is far easier to dictate a Charier than successfully muster the scattered members of a once popular cause . i
If the difficulty be not exaggerated ! then , more than usual ability is necessary , at this moment , to surmount it ; for upon the preliminary proceedings subsequent success or failure will depencj . The question consequently to be answered , is , VWhat should be the leading characteristics of the proposed reconstruction V I Bhall reply to this inquiry by pointing out some practical means " suitable for . such an end ; and though they may pass unheeded , yet committing them to print must inevitably do something towards a more perfect solution of the problem bifore us . I propose the abandonment of the terms Chartism and Chartists ; and the establishment of an organi-Bation , under the name of' The NATioNiL Suffrage Association , ' formed to work out two alterations
in the British Constitution—viz ., the bxtengion of political power to every man of twenty-pne years of age , , who is of sane mind , and not in the receipt of pauper pay , resident in a given place for the preceding twelve months ; and the protection of ihe power so granted through the agency of secret voting , or the Ballot . To introduce these principles to the country , a People's Party should be organised , for the purpose ef making the voice of the people heard upon all
questions aflectmg their political aud social condition , concentrating the strength of the said Party to the effectual realisation of the measures above noticed , by petitioning Parliament , the p " ublioaTion of tracts and suitable articles in the Press , and by public meetings . For the practical development of these intentions , two meetings should be convened , one iu London and one in Manchester , for the purpose of receiving and adopting such propositions as the basis of the future movement . At each of these meetings , twolve persons should be selected to represent those assembled at a Delegate Meeting , to be held as soon as convenient . and to be made
up of representatives named in the order of one delegate for every 150 members , or one for eachlocality or branch society . This meeting to be held in London ; and , in order to give it an universal tone , representatives from any part of the country , appointed as before described , should be entitled to take part therein , in common with all assembled . The twelve persons appointed at the Mancbester meeting to be considered as the temporary Executive of Manchester , who shall , if unable to attend the Delegate Meeting , as a whole , be represented by one or more of their numbers , and be required to commit their desires aud opinions to paper , so that they maybe considered at said meeting .
The business of this Delegate Meeting to consist in the settlement of the following propositions : — First , —Name and Object ' s of proposed Association . Secondly , —The best means of making the one known and the others acceptable to the country . Thirdly , Appointing an Executive for one year , and determining the remuneration to be paid them ; and Fourthly , fixing the minimum amount of annual subscription to be paid by members . I have already stated the name
and the ol . jeclsdesired to be worked out by theproposed Society , and shall now only add , that I think a paid Executive of five , aud a subscription of Is . per year , or 3 d ., per quarter , would be suitable replies to give to clauses three and four . This being concluded vacancies in the Executive , or election of a future Executive , might be filled up and perfected by a ballot of the Members , i , e , all who have paid their subscription of Is . for the year in which said elections
occur . These proposals , Sir , I think , are so plainly put torth , that they do not require many explanatory sentences . The Manchester Meeting will be , probably , opposed , or thought unnecessary ; but I think Buch an important town should speak out , upon so serious a matter ; and as thore are pecuniary difficulties in the way of convening men from all parts of the country , at the present time , the plan mentioned seeks to obtain the direct suffrages of the Manchester men ; while the friends to the proposal resident elsewhere could meet and determine upon resolutions which the London Delegate Meeting would properly consider .
Of course I can anticipate many objections to thel abandonment of the name of Chartism ; and that men will confound the abnegation of it with the principles of the Charter . But no such consequence should otnecessity . be expected . A man can be in favour of six clauses , and co-operate with others who are struggling for but two of those six , without doing the least violence to the remaining four . It iB a question ! £ ? £ The case stands thus : The entire sixare ob to the
jectionable majority ; but Adult Suffrage and the Ballot are not bo generally disliked . This being so should we not assist in obtaining the latter , and feel a confidence within us that , in a few years the other four will be adopted by the ? country rather than run to extremes , and declare for the Charter-or ^ enfranchisement , Political Liberty or Political Slavery , all or none ? Surely , they are not reasoning and well-meaning men that will thus plav into the hands of the foe , and perpetuate evil through the division of classes . No ; I resign no point of the Charter , but I caase to hold prominently before the
public those clauses which the said public are deeply prejudiced against ; with me they remain in abeyance—shelved , if you like , but placed within sight so that they may be taken down and re-introduced at the fitting opportunity . I do hope something will be done . I know the indebted Executive can scarcel y move but all hands are not so tied . What if a meeting were ' publicly called at one of the ' usual places ! Would the Executive feel jealous at such a proceeding , or conclude that it was for a hostile purpose ? I act with not
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against , them . Therefore , in order to avoid this , I call upon the Executive to consider the foregoing remarks , and their own reduced and insolvent condition ; and I can assure them , that if they will take the initiative in the establishment of a national party , for the distinct purposes mentioned , they will be doing something worthy of their responsible appointments . But if they will persist in calling themselves the Chartist Executive , declare , that for the adoption of the six points of the Charter they were appointed exclusively , and leas than these they will never cease , as an Executive , to publicly agitate for ; then I say , « if you are bo sensitiye as to
your obligations , resign your functions , for whilst you continue to hold them , society is laughing at your weakness , and our common enemy is rejoicing over jour mis-directed fixedness of purpose . ' Do you desire to do good ? Say that you do , have you the means of fulfilling your wishex , or the hope—the distant hope—that such men as yourselves ever will be supported by any considerable numbers ? The Chartist strength . was said to be six thousand members , yet only nine hundred voted for the favourite candidate of the Executive . Wlioreare the opinions of the remaining five thousand one hundred . The fact is , the Chartist movement is reduced to one thousand supporters , the majority of whom are resident in the . provinces , who know but very little of the men selected
by them to form their Executive , and who have more faith in their principles than knowledge of the public mind as to the probabilities of their political creed being accepted for many years to come . Positively , it is quite despairing to look over the auditors ' Balance Sheet , dated January 7 th , 1852 : —Manchester , I find , contributes ten shillings in three months ; Sheffield , four shillings end two pence- , Stockport , ten shillings , iu same time . Where is the gleam of hope , that the most sanguine member . the Executive can trace throughout the list , aud point to as a redeeming item ? Not thirty pounds have been directly paid , as members' subscriptions , in three months ' . Lot the books be closed . Enough is presented to disgust and deter any man from alliance with such a pretended movement .
Away with the name of Chartist ; it is offensive to both sight and taste . Let ub build up a People ' s Party , and force the middle classes to join it , by showing them , that on the majority their future welfare depends—for the happiness of the producing classes is the trueBt possible indication of the contentment of the country generally . Rally , then , friends to Progress ; under the banner of Male Adult Suffrage , protected by the Ballot , and show the discipline of your organisation , by a peaceful and dignified agitation in favour of political emancipation . CisNsoa .
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Mr . J . Fmoh , senr ., has forwarded a letter , addressed to Mrs . Rose , of New York , the eloquent advocate of the Rightsof Women , and which , after congratulating her upon the success of her efforts , Mr . Finch Bays : — <{ T . ¦ n ' . "Mead-street , New York . " Dear Mrs . Rose , —It gives us great pleasure on this Biao the water to see the hearty manner in which you have received that wonderful man Kossuth . —To be enabled to deliver fifty long speeches in New York to men and women of all ranks , classeB , colours , professions and pursuits , and of every variety of political , religiousand sooial opinion .
, to speak suitable words to each , without giving jast cause of offence , ib an aoquired talent , that seldom is found eombinsd in any human being . I am happy to think that he has the best prospect of succeeding among you in the groat objects of his mission . I hope you will be able to send him away , well freighted with arms , money , and men , to fight for Europe ' s liberty and independence . " France has again suiovJally fallen under a most degrading and despicable military despotism , under the faithless and perfidious Louis Napoleon . The French will this by seven and half millions of votes , and they must bear it for the present . " ' *
" But this French move raises the most serious questions for the liberty , independence—nay ,. , for the very existence , of Great Britain , as a separate state among the great nations ot Europe . 1 fear . , that unless ' we immediately form an alliance of the most intimate kind , offensive and defensive , with the government of the United States , and they send uaat onco ample means , in ships and men , to defend the extensive coasts of England , Ireland , and Scotland , we shall be invaded , overrun , and swallowed by the barbnrian hordes of France , Austria , and Russia . " It is a faot—a most lamentable fact , —that England , though in connexion with its colonies in all parts of the world , is the greatest empire the world ever saw ; yet so badly ia it governed , that at its centre it is one of the weak , est and most vulnerable of any in Europe . Here we stand
the only advocates and champions of civil and religious liberty—the liberty of the press , and the asylum of the proscribed and pGrseouted of all nations , and thus setting at defiance all the combined despotism of Europe , in the midst of 350 , 000 well-disciplined French soldiers , the best at military tactics and the best officered in the world close to our shores , bloody and goring from wars and razzias in Algeria , and tlio murder of our own citizens and panting for revenge upon us for their defeat at Waterloo , and whom Bonaparte must employ in some way to consolidate the power he has seized ; but wo have also 200 , 000 Prussians , 300 , 000 AustrianB j and 500 , 000 Russians , none of whom would be inclined to . giveusanyassistauoo , but would rather rejoice at ouu downfall , " And what armed force have we to meet all this formida .
bio array ? Positively next to none at all . We have about 30 , 000 troops in Ireland ; perhaps 20 , 000 more in England and probably wo might muster 20 , 000 mariners at home ! All those avo badly officered by men who have bought their commissions—few have obtained them by merit ; their arms and accoutrements are bad , and they are nearly all without practical experience on the field . Our militia is very inef fective , seldom called out on duty , and comparatively few . They would be of very little value in case of invasion " . Arms have been studiously and sytematically kept out of tho hand 3 of our people ; and for any man to teach or to learn the use of arms , is a penal offence with us . The consequence of all this is , that for defence , in case of invasion , we are helpless , and should be driven like sheep to the slaughter by a comparatively few well-disoiplined French soldien .
"Steamboats , railroads , and telegraphs , have rendered our insulated and island position of very little advantage in the way of protection . It ia impossible for us to guard efficiently all our coasts—our marines are within a few hours sail of us ; and stoamers could land troops on almost any part of our coastB ; and our railroads and telegraphs are so perfect that , in a few hours , those troops may be in London , or in any other placo where moat wanted . We could not guard our railroads ; and if we destroyed their working , it would be as disadvantageous to us 88 to them ; for we have no roads and vehicles now to supply their place . In short , our present weakness i » such , at the centre of our government in London , that 50 , 000 well-aelected soldiers of tho French army , now in Paris , might march to London , revolutionise our government , take possession of tho £ 17 , 000 , 000 of gold in the cellars of the Bank of Eneland , and make these islands a province of France , with leas risk and trouble than the late coup d ' etat in Paris
There leems to me only two ways of avoiding this ca-WBtrophe ; and one or both of these must be done immediately , if we wish to avoid the ruin that is impending over us . " The first is , for our government to pacify the mass of our people by giving them Universal Suffrage , and then imme . diately to train every man in the country to the use of arras , and to arm all the people ; we could then defy the world in arms . * " The second is , to form an alliance , offensive and defen . sive , with the government of the United States of America , and immediately subsidise American ships of war , steamers and troops , to protect u » whilst we were training our own people . °
a ., th T ] s no ttl P ? f ° T ste in idle tal& . what is to be done , must be done qmokly . I wish you would immediately put this letter into the hands of the editor of the " N « w York Tribune » nd let him take meaSesto make it a publio as possible . Kossuth ought to know these things . Our Ambassador ought to consider them . Your . Government should prepare to take their part in the affairs of Europe ; for your trade , your commerce , your national prosperity , is intimately connected and dependent upon the political relation ! of Europe . Our government in England , ° wl er '" ot boroughly corrupt , both in Church and State -bothat home and in our Colonies—that I fear nothing but aoomplete revolution will ever place us in that strongnosi-Uon that mi 1 enable us to hold up our heads , and to maintain our rank among the greatest nations in the world Our oligarchy wi 1 never give up their unjust powers and prerogatives till they are wrested out of their hands . If ft P fit of patriotism ihould come upon them , it will only be wheit w too late .
The year 1862 opens in blackness and darkness for the befo ri ? tA lni T ° d oaly knows what we shall see vSl ^ . r «« - I Ia ° , onfirmati ° n of th » mean opinion I d ?« . »™? . « ^ tvnlar troops , I may mention tfiat most tffiT .. Vll % * : ed t 0-day from the » eat <* war with «™* w \ *?! 2 $ 2 fGood H ° P 5 the Loi > ° n " Time "" saya that about 4 , 000 of our troops there—which are some of
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the picked regiments m the service—have been repulsed bv about half tbe number of Kaffirs . The " Times" says that tbe accoutrements and want of oxperienco of our troops causes their failure , anil not tho want of couraire or discipline . Just so ; and therefore what confidence can the peaceable people of England place in them for protection against a foreign foe well disciplined , accoutred , and experienced ? None . You Americans need rigour in your government and in your position , —your onty weak point is your slavery . I hope to God you will soon got rid of it , *> y some means , or it will assuredly at somo time swamp you . Wby do not your Southern States at once decree , that every negro born after a certain date shall be free at twenty , wo years of ape . Surely no man haB any right to claim as slaves generations yet unborn . " 1 am , respectfully , " Dear Mrs . Rose , Your Sincere Friend , and the Friend of Women ' s and all other Riglits and Linerties in which aro the inalienable Rights of Man , "Johh Fihoh . "
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iJt'iSc *] * ^ appeared ouv Second Edition of TI 1 E DESTRUCTION OF _ THE AMAZON BY FIRE . An investigation has been , held at Southampton with a view of , if possible , ascertaining the cause of the conSSat ion . The evidence , with one ortwo slight excopUons was in accordance with the statements alreadjrE m on ? ¦ seventh page . After all the evidence had been heard the court adjourned without expressing any opinion as to the cause of the fire . From other accounts we make the followini » extracts — Captain Symons ordered no ono to get into the boats This order was oboyed until the peoplo saw the flames ' overpowering the ship . He was last seen with the man at tbo wheel , ordering tho helm to be put up , so aa to keep the
ship before the wind . His last words were , " It is all over withhjer . " Among the crew of the Amazon who was saved ( writes our Southampton correspondent ) is an able seaman , named James Slaylin . He arrived at Southampton on Wednesday night . Ilebelongs "| to Wisbeaeb . ' . in ' Cambridgeshire . Heisart intelligent and apparently a trustworthy man . Ho states that soon after the ship left the Needles they stopped two hours off Portland to throw water on the enginei ; th . captain at this time was walking tlie bridge . Maylin was on watch on Saturday night on the look-out at the porte bow . Mowatt , another man who was saved , waa looking out on the starboard bow . The second officer had charge of the watoh . At a quarter to one on Sunday morning he heard the fire-bell , which was rung by Passmore , another of those saved . On turnine round and seeini ? whfi ™ .
abouts the ship was on fire , he immediately rushed to get at tne wet swabs , which had been made ready tho night before to clean the docks for Sunday prayers , and threw them on the foregrating close to the fore funnol . He then , with another man , hove two trusses of hay overboard , which had taken fire . At that moment the captain came on deok in his shirt and trowsers , and without Shoos or stockings , and Maylin assisted him in throwing water down the forecabin . The captain was perfectl y calm and collected , and , though working laboriously , was giving orders to the various persons who were near j \ f scene of inlloscriDall ) le terror and confusion ensued ; and Maylin states that the despairing and agonised screama ot the people , together with the cries of tho tortured animals on boardseom yet to ring in his earsHo saw ¦•»¦ UHll
, . num-• r - y —— — q --- — . »» -. » ^ - » w AiUll *™ Ders of persons rush on deck , striokon with terror , many of thorn terribly burnt . Some dropped down dead immediately , or swooned with fright and Buffering . Ho remembers seetne a boy rush on deck in a Guernsey frock , with his faae fearfully burnt . Whilo getting the boat ready in which he escaped , a female passenger ruBhed on deck . She had on only her night gown , the bottom of which and her Ieg 8 were , much burnt . Three times she was placed in the boat that was saved—onoe by Quartermaster Dunford—but she refused to remain . He heard several hurriedly say to her that they would soon give her plenty of clothing when she got away from the ship , but modestly prevailed over the love of life , and she remained behind to perish * The last words Maylin heard Captain Symons say were , It 8 all up with us—there is no hone , mv men—set vmw
boats ready . He then saw him for the last time as ha wont aft towards tbo wheel . Maylin then almost immediately fell through the deck , and received a flesh wound in his knee . What added much to the disastrous consoquences of the fire was the not being able to stop the engines on account of the terrible heat in the engine-room , Tho Bpeed at which she was going through the sea rendered it almost impossible to lavrnoh the boats without their being Bwamped . The boat in which the twenty-one were saved most fortunately and singularly esoaped swamping . After leaving the ship bo saw no living thing on board—he thinks that all but himself and companions must have perished ia the waves in attempting to escape , or must have been disabled or killed by tho flames . It waB break of day before the Amazon went down . He
saw her distinctly when her magazine blew up . A large number of rockets mounted up in the air at the time . The boat in which the twenty-cms were saved was rowed about twenty-five or thirty miles when they saw a barque . They hailed her with their united voices , when she waa certainly not more than a quarter of a tnilo off . Maylin is confident some one on board the barque answered . He distinctly saw a lantern held outside the barque , as if to distinguish whereabouts tho hail came from . As well as he could see the barque , sue had close l-eerd < ni < e-topsail double reefed main-topsail , whole foresail , fore-topb « W staysail . The barque , however , did not attempt to render tbe boat any assistance , although the captain of her must have seen tho burning Amazon , and . must have conjected that the persons who hailed him were somo of her crew or
passengers . The acene on deck is described as dreadful in the extreme . When the fhmeB had approached the after companion , two male passengers camo up from the saloon all in flames , and running aft , fell on the deck . A tall lady , supposed to ba Mrs . Maclaren , entreated some ono to " take care of her child , but she would not enter either of the boats . The stewardess , Mrs . Scott , with her bonnet and shawl on , and something in her hand , first asked Steer to put her into tho dingy and then left for a larger boat . At tho time of leaving some of those who yet lived were kneeling on tho deck praying to God for mercy , whilo others , almost in a state ot nudity , were running about screaming with horror . The water tonder on board the Amazon , who waa saved , describes the fire as most rapid and intense . lie is confident that many of those forward never could have » ot out of their beds before the fire overtook them . °
Wo give tbe following extracts from a letter dated Brest . January 5 th : — " The Dutch vessel , Gertruida , Capfc . Tuuteler , entered tho roads here to-day , with twenty-five shipwrecked persons , who escaped from a terrible catastrophe , of which it is a miracle that they ave not the victims . " The whole of the shipwrecked passengers and crowhave been brought ashore in boats , and a more melancholy spectacle than they presented oould not be pictured . Among them are two ladies and a child ; and their sufferings may be conceived from tho fact that , besides all the other hovrors they have gono through , they were exposed to all the inclemency of the weather during nearly fortyeight hours , almost in a state of nudity . "
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THE ENGINEERS AND THEIR EMPLOYERS . Yesterday Messrs . Middleton and Co ,, engineers , Loman-Btreefc , Borough , closed their establishment , by which about 100 men are thrown out of work . TnE Co-operative System . —A meeting was last evening hold at tho Sun Tavern , Blackhoath-hill , called by tho Greenwich Co-operative Working Engineers' Association . Tho object of the meeting was to consider tho propriety of establishing additional workshops . upon the co-operative principle—one shop haying been opened by the society about a fortnight ago , in which a number of men bavo since been employed . Previous to last night the shares taken had been few , but tho capital subscribed at the conclusion of tho meeting amounted to £ 305 , divided amongst about 110 operatives . The society has already received orders to the amount of about £ 100 , and have given tenders for work to the amount of £ 2 , 000 .
Manchester . —A meeting of tho working olasses engaged in the iron trades was held on Thursday evening at Carponters ' -hall , which was attended by about 3 , 000 persons , including operatives connected with the society and thoso not connected with it . The following resolutions were adopted : — " That we , tho members of the iron trades in Manchester , after sorious consideration , aro of opinion that tho rosolutions issued by the Amalgamated Executivo Counoil for tho discontinuance of overtime and piecework are absolutely necessary ; and therefore we pledge ourselves to do all in our power peaceably , but firmly , to effect the aboli . tion of those evils . " " That , inasmuch as our Exeoutive Counoil does not agree with strikes , nor the removal of labourers from planing , slotting , shaping , and drilling machines , this meeting seriously considers tho course of our employers in this present dispute unwarrantably opposed to just prinoiples , and inconsistent with truth and humanitv . "
" That in consequence of calumnious accusations having been made against the officers of the various trade societies relative to their being paid demagogues , communists , idlers , &o ., wo repudiate such as wholly untrue and uncalled for . "
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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . _ TT „ THURSDAY , Jan . 15 . HOUSE OF LORDS .-Parliament was this day further prorogued by Royal Commission to tho 3 d February next , then to meet for the dispatch of business . Tho Lord Chancellor and the other Royal Commissioners named in the Commission having taken their seats on the Woolsack in the House of Lords , tho Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod was directed to summon the Commons to the bar , and some of the officers of the Lower House having » nswered to the summons , the Royal Crmmission was read by the olerk at tbo table .
Tho Lord Chancellor then declared the adjournment in the name of her Majesty , adding tho important words that is was the Royal will and pleasure that tho Parlhment should " assemble and bo holden" on the adjournment day " for the dispatch of divers urgent and important affairs , " and the Lords Spiritual nnd Temporal and the knights , citizens , and burgesses , and the eommiJsloiwL ^ shires and burghs of the Houao of Commoj » s > wftrl ^^ quired and commanded to give their anflni&ZTS&Stt& ^ S ! jg-j- — « A- ^ va | a « g , a = t&a . " - ^ " » rr , FxTiH V"&T f !
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AND NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL . *
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besn condomned to Just the whole le yCfcXY . Ho . ' 74 L LQNBOK , SATURDAY , JAHnARYlQ ^ T ,,. ¦ jas ^^ g . -u ^
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 17, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1661/page/1/
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