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THE NORTHERS STAB, SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1853.
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To the Trades of Toadon. THE JOURNEYMEN HATTERS OF THE Metrooolis seans the importance of the present jM«nre of
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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political affairs , earnestly solicits the Coond ^™ £ £ ^ £ 3 aU the other Trades , in orderto give an ^ SS of their sea&nentCand resolveloa the Reforms requisite lor tdeir 'So mmittee of Hattm meet every Wr fnj-ter eggMjIjjj past seven o ' clock , at the ' Marquisj r f' ^ gv JSS Borough , where depttt -tioni are requested to attend , or appuuiuum to be masle . —J . C . OliEBESsaAW . Hon . aec
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CENTRAL CO-OPERATIVE AGENCY , Lkb ^^ s * -was 'ISgSS ^ lSS f ** Es , ( founder of the Institution ) : andThomas Hughes , ] &g ,, ( one of the contabators ) . Commercial Firm-techevalier . Woodm , Jonei , and Co . Central Establishment— 16 , Charlotte-street , Fiizroy-square , Branch Establishments—35 , Great Marjlebone-street , rorUandnlace , London : and 13 , Swan-street , Manchester . The Agency intends hereafter to undertake the execution of all ordersfcr any kind of articles or pr-duce , their operations for the present are restricted to Groceries , Italian Articles , French Yfines and Brandies . A Catalogue has just been published , containing a detailed list of all arlic'es with the retail prices affixed , with remarks ou adulteration . I ' rice Cd ., or sent free by post for ten stamps . Also a wholesale price list for Co-operative Stores gratis , or by post for one stamp .
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Thohas Reid , Bookseller , 16 , Spring-gardens , Bolton , desires to inform the members of the iron trades and his friends that the ; may hare this journal sent to their homes by leaving their addresses with him , as above . B . Mills , Chelsea . —licit week . C . A ., Stepney . —The statements referred to are totally without foundation , and are merely dictated by a feeling of revenge , because the writer made an application to be associated vrich the present proprietors of the * Star , which was rejected . The Chartist body , and the public generally , trill know from this insight into the motive bj which Mr . Eraest Jones is actuated , what to think of future attacks from the same source . We can only assure our correspondents at large , that we desire the columns of the' Star ' ta present a fal ! and faithful reflex of the Democratic movement , in all its phases , and repeat our determination to give due prominence to all proceeding * connected with any movement for the obtainment of the People ' s Charter . T . G . Lee . —Heceived , on Friday morning , too late for the Country Post .
The Northers Stab, Saturday, January 17, 1853.
THE NORTHERS STAB , SATURDAY , JANUARY 17 , 1853 .
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THE MASTER'S STRIKE AGALKST THE ENGINEERS . WHAT IS ANi ) IS TO BE . Be firm and patient ; that is the advice which the friends of the worker give to the worker , and nerei was attention to it more necessary than at this moment . The exercise of the two qualities will ensure a , victory—sucli a victory as labour has never tieforc gained . So far all has gone well , better far than could have been expected . The calumnies of the masters , the falsehoods of a capitalist Press , the
vituperations of a paid Zitferc / eur , " . have all failed . Instead of public opinion being conclusively directed against the men , the balance of it is in their favour . The way they have come before the public on the platform , and in the Press , is without a parallel in labour agitations . It is a significant sign of the times that the voice of the operative has been heard in the columns of even adverse papers with as much force as that of the manufacturer . Their cause has assumed so much importance , that column after column of leading article type has been devoted to
them . At first they were abnsed , then they were advised , and , lastly , they were argued with . Even the leading journal of Europe—the concentration of the greatest literary power of the day—condescended , at last , jto descend from the pedestal of presumed superiority and reason with working men ; and it was something for those who pray for the progress of the toilers to rejoice at , to hear , on the very day it appeared , an operative engineer take that same article , and , from tho platform , oppose its folly , and lay bare ita sophistry with such effect that the' Thunderer'has passed over the casti gation it received in fsilenca .
As for the Masters ' assumption , the Strike—their last resource—their ultimatum—has been among tho most ridiculous of failures . In vain , by their Secretary , they vomited , through tho columns of a liberal paper , in which such a man as TV . J , FoxwriteaabuEe worthy of an angry cabman . In vain they fulminated to every firm denunciations of the vast conspiracy which was organised throughout the country to pre-Tent the Capitalist from doing ai he pleased with what was not his own , the person , time , and health of the worker . In vain they called upon all masters to « arise awake ! or be for ever fallen . ' In vain , paradying the sentiment of O'Coxnell ' s famous quota-% J , they shouted , 'Hereditary Masters , know ™
nft , if ye would rule , 'tis time to strike a blow . ' In vain they tried the ten-shilling-a-head pledge of allegiance ; emphatically it would not do do , notwithstanding talensed Secretary , scientific attainments , and 'leading engineeringfirm 3 , ' lent their aid , they could not effect their object . Like apageant on a wet day , the Strike came off bat shabbil y . They promised to turn out 12 , 000 men , and their promise is bankrupt . So for as the Amalgamated Society is concerned , the ? have turned out hardl
yjmore than a third of that number . They do swell the amount up to the threatened total , by ' protecting' their independent workmen , that is , by turning them out upon the world to starve . Those whom they acknowledge have done no ¦ wrong , they do not scruple to damage , but among classes where it was least expected , they have raised such a , storm of indignation , and opened such sources of help , that the y hare materially damaged their own
cause . By the side of this conduct that of the members of the Amalgamated Society has presented a glorious contrast . The skilled workers capable of helping themselves , with enough of their fellow members left in employment to ward off distress from the intended victims , need not beg for themselves ; for three or six months , or perhaps for a twelvemonth they can maintain their ground and keep the factories shut , but what they need not do for themselves they are doing for others . They have taken under their car © the labourers whom the Masters with mingled cruelty
aud hypocrisy cast off under the pretence of serving . Those very labourers , who it was falsely said they wanted to force the Masters to discharge , find in the Amal gamated Society their best friends . On their behalf the Executive Council has put forth a stirring appeal to the philanthropy and good feeling ot the public . Iu a series of places subscription lists are being opened for funds to support tho unskilled labourers ; and the result will be , in all probability , that the Society , instead of being broken up , will double and treble its numbers in consequence of the very measures taken to destroy it .
We do notreason now upon the matter ; for , for the moment , the time for reasoning has gone by , and the time for action has arrived . There vould be but little time or opportunity to frame plans now if they had not been already considered . Before the hosts ioin in battle the generals form their combinations / and in this case that has been done already . What we need now is courage , firmness , and patience to carry them out . Up to this moment all haB gone gloriously , and , we believe and trust , that the workers will not , by any departure from right , peril the triumph which is already within their grasp . In the first instance , the law must be obeyed . Whatever may be our opinion as to the laws relating to combination , while they remain upon the statute book they must be abided b
y . In this streggle , the opponents of the People must not be allowed the opportunity of staini ng the cause with the imputation of criminality . The fo , r f !! ? ngiBeers «* Indites ; there is no «* ot their turning machine breakers . We question wiK ^ Ould d 0 *»* > but at a 11 CTents they aotanfiM ^ jneasare of abstinence , however , is ofoldmS T « e whole machinery of the strikes "iupr&"f- - ^^ -0 picket contract-no V , P ^ S irifll fforknjen under ehimies-no iZSSS ? de 8 erters * apostates , and tfns notumnif atlOn ' f 0 Ql ™ ri 8 , no mob-• 3 Sh ?^ ffl ^ W l * ni As the his hand a ^ ainsfhS me **** * ' Lewho ra ! sea ofviolenc ^ a trdJr S- COmmits a 6 ingle act his order ? Bfcfik i" S " " * **»*»¦ of blS batUe mnst be fought out as it has
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been begun—with the weapons of intelligence ; and even though the peaceable workmen areinsulted as they havebeen by policemen beingsentto their orderly meetings , the combined conspirators of Capital must not have the materials for a single indictment ; leave them to rely upon their own resources , and they are already broken—and we rejoice that the Council of the Amalgamated Society have taken this view , and proffered similar advice to their members . That is' What is , ' but so far as we are enabled to judge , ' What is to be' will be better still . * i ^^»—^^^ MW MB ^^ WMW ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
The Employers calculated on keeping their men idle , and though ^ that after the funds they had accumulated as a provision against sickness , old age , accident , death , and want of employment , would be fruitlessly wasted—then they calculated on having the starving thousands prostrate at their feet , asking for leave to earn the right to Jive outside the walls of a workhouse . They basked in the thought that that would be their hour of absolute triumph . Through their agents in t he Press , ! they drew appalling pictures of the misery they intended to make . Thoy talked of hungry wives and starving children , as the result of the action of their
association . But they were mistaken . The Engineers have learnt something of political economy as well as other classes . They have been taught , to some purpose , that labour is of as high a value as Capital , and the times eminently favour them . The creation of machinery in this country cannot stand still without every interest in the country suffering . It gives vitality to our industry . It is the very mainspring of our commercial eminence . Engines must be made ; and who is to make them ? That is tho question the Engineers have asked the public , and they have been ready to supply the answer : Our masters , say they , in effect do not pay us . It is
those who buy what we produce who pay both us and them . The Employers have hihterto found the capital , and we the skill . They , have stood between the consumer and the producer , selling the result of labour , paying us part of the prices they received , and putting the best into their own pockets . They decline to do that any longer , because we will not allow them to monopolise every working hour of those they choose to keep at work , while others are without employment . Be it so . We will , if we must , take their place , and keep our own , too . Wo will do that work which the country must have done , and they refuse to do . We will realise our only capital , labour , without their aid . Thanks to the necessities of
Commerce , capital always flows to where itcanfiuda profitable investment . We can employ it profitably , and it will come to us . The Employers of Operative Engineers do not possess all the money or all the credit of the world . We have a portion of it , and with that we will begin , certain that when we shotf practically we are able to perform , all that is needed , those who are interested in the production of wealth will not , for their own sakes , allow us to want the means for its accumulation . '
That is at once a wise and a brave resolve—one worthy of men who have independent thoughts aud bold hearts as well as strong arms . Men who seem to control adverse circumstances , instead of grovelling down to be crushed by them . 'Prom the nettle danger' such men will * pluck the flower safety' from the midst of oppression , and by its means they will progress towards liberty , and the masters , already at their wit ' s end , will find , that unless they yield gracefully aud iu time , their ' occupation ' will be where Othello ' s was— ' gone . ' The men have had plenty of warning , and a surfeit of advice of a certain sort held out to them . That is
our warning to the employers , and our advice isdismiss your secretary—meet your workmen fairl ylet your disputes be settled by impartial arbitration , and then strive , by justice in the future , to atone for wrongs in the past and present . We did intend to enter into the question of the probability of commercial success to the operatives , but we have already extended our remarks to such a length as to compel us to postpone that for another week ; when' we shall endeavour to show that , by taking the right means , the men may make better than the employers , sell cheaper , and meet them advantageously in the market of the world .
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WHAT MUST BE DONE TO GET A RADICAL EEFORM IN PARLIAMENT . In a fortnight Parliament will re-assemble , and it is now understood definitely , that Lord John means to meet it with his present staff of imbecile and infirm colleagues . The result cannot be doubted . His opponents have only to select the time and the question on which he shall be defeated , aud his resignation , or the dissolution of Parliament , must immediately follow . Are the advocates of a Radical Reform in our representative system prepared for that contingency ? Have they placed themselves in such a position , that they will be able to exercise over the public mind that
power and influence which is due to the truth , justice , and importance of their cause ? We fear the very contrary is the case , and that a favourable opportunity will pass by unimproved , in consequence of tho lamentable apathy which has been exhibited in so me quarters , and the selfish and degrading squabbles which have occupied attention in others . If the advocates of Parliamentary Reform , whether by the enactment of the People ' s Charter , or the smaller measure of Mr . Hume , hadbeenin earnest during the recess , they might now have been in a position to dictate terms to any future Ministry . They might have secured the return of such a number of members pledged to the principle of Representative Reform
and prepared to act in concert , as would have held the balance between the two rival aristocratic factions , who have hitherto tossed power from one to the other in the game of political battledore and shuttlecock . That is the onl y practical way of making the question of Suffrage Reform a Parliamentary one with any chance of success . Until the friends of the cause outside see this fact clearly , and take care that its exponents in the House are organised effectively as a party , and pledged to act together , without reference to Ministerial exigencies , or other party combinations , there is not the slightest probability of our getting a real and substantial reform of tho House of Commons .
But , we regret to say , that at the present moment we see scarcely any indication of such an organisation of the People ' s Party . The spirit we know exits , but the leader , at whose call it will come from the vasty deep , has not yet made his appearance . No man capable of succeeding to the vacant throne of Mr . O ' Connor has yet arisen among the Chartist body , if such a body can be said to exist , when we keep in view the late abortive attempt to form an Executive . Year by year , the so-called Chartist party has become weaker , smaller , and more powerless , until at last we have the mockery of a few hundred votes recorded for the appointment of a National
Executive . Supposing that the nine huudred who voted far the candidate at the top of the list were all bona fide voters , and represented even one penny a week to defray the expenses of a public movement it would give us only £ 315 s . weekly for that purpose . But there can be little doubt of the fact , that it does not signify even that amount of substantial support and the conviction of the truth of that fact is apparent in the hot haste which has been in one case exhibited on various pretences , wide of the real reason , to retire from a position in which there is neither honour , profit , nor usefulness to be looked for . It is of nouse disguisingthe fact : theChartist Party is an utter wreck as an organised party .
Into the causes of this fatal and melanchol y breakup it is not our intention to inquire . We have very decided opinions on the subject , which , however , we prefer to put in an affirmative shape . « It is , ' as they say in Lancashire , ' of no use crying over shed milk ; ' and the true use of past experience is not to stand idly squabbling as to the respective errors committed by each individual , or what amount of personal blame is ascribable to each , but to make that experience the basis of more comprehensive and more successful , because practioal , action in future . There is ample room and encouragement to make Each an attempt ; lor it must not be for one moment supposed , that because the old organisation has dwindled to nothing , and the Executive been virtually
dissolved , therefore Chartism is less an element of public opinion than it was in 1839 or 1848 . On the contrary , we have the fullest conviction that the great bulk of the intelligent and industrious classes in this country are more closely wedded to , more thoroughly convinced than ever , of the truth and the importance of the princi ple embodied in Manhood Suffrage . Iw tho onl y just , and it therefore can be the only per-
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manent settlement of the demands of the people All expediencies are temporary . Right alone is eternal . The business of the practical reformer and true statesman is to approximate , as rapidly and as beneficially as possible , to the Right , because it is then only that peace , law , and order—that Society , in fact , rests upon a safe and solid basis . Gradual progress is the law of humauity , individually and historically , and the measures immediately practical , must always be largely dependent upon the actual state of public opinionand the general advance of the
com-, munity . To accept a less measure of reform than that demanded by the full recognition of abstract principle is , therefore , not in itself an inconsistency or want of fidelity to the principle . There is quite as much mischief in legislating in advance of public opinion as in lagging behind it . What is wanted is to accurately determine the precise point to which the nation has advanced , and to act up to that mark in a progressive spirit , —that is to say , to take care that what we do to-day shall not prevent us from proceeding further in the some onward direction
tomorrow . Now , taking these general rules for our guide , we say that this country is prepared for the immediate adoption of Manhood Suffrage as the fundamental principle of any measure of Parliamentary Reform . We have again and again state d our reasons for that belief , and we have never yet seen them confuted . Wo admit that power in itself may be either mischievous or beneficial , according to the knowledge and dispositions of the persons who have to exercise it . A razor may bo used to cut throats as well as to shave chins . But we contend , that during the last twenty
years the industrious classes of this country have obtained such a practical every-day training and familiarity with the use of Constitutional forms of transacting public business , that there are no people in the world so well prepared for full and complete Enfranchisement at the present moment . While admitting , therefore , the necessity for adapting measures to actual wants and capacities , and proceeding gradually , we say , at the same time , that the principle so applied in this country demands the concession of Manhood Suffrage , not only as a just , but a practical aud expedient settlement of the question .
How are the advocates of this fundamental principle of Parliamentary Reform to obtain for it the popular support and influence which are due to it ? Certainly not by abusing and maligning all who , either from conviction or constitutional timidity , stand aloof from it . People are not very likely to think kindly of those who attribute to them bad motives , and call them worse names . They are evon apt to think that the cause which has such advocates must be in itself a bad and a vicious one when it produces such results . Hence it is that Chartism has of late years stunk in the nostrils of almost every intelligent man in the working and middle classes . They
have been deterred from it by its coarse antagonism to every other popular movement—by its vituperation and abuse of all who presumed to differ from its selfconstituted leaders and dictators , and by the quarrels between themselves , iu which the worst Billinsgate was unsparingly hurled at each other . Persons of well-regulated minds shrink from coming into contact with such an impracticable , disunited , and intemperate party . We see the result . For want of tho requisite intelligence , experience , and business habits , the movement has fallen off until only some nine hundred can be found to vote for a member of the National Executive .
We want to mend this state of things . For the last two years we have done our best to infuse a new spirit into the movement , with the full consent and concurrence of Mr . O'Connor , who , our readers well know , not only made a friendly appearance at the metropolitan meetings of the Middle Class Reformers , but also travelled as far north as Aberdeen , to show his owu earnest conviction , that union among Reformers of all classes was preferable to division . For taking this course , we are now accused of pursuing au insidious and a reactionary policy , and of wishing to carry the Chartist Movement over to the middle classes . Our accuser knows that this charge
is a false one , but with the fatal propensity to deal in mendacious , reckless , and unprincipled imputations , which has brought the Chartist body to death ' s door , he does not hesitate to print it , because it serves a sordid and selfish personal object . Even were the conductors of this paper actuated by such motives as are imputed to them , the most superficial observer must perceive that they would be the silliest of political geese , to place themselves in the position gratuitously assumed for them by their libeller . Of what value to the middle class movement would a body be which evon its self-elected dictator is ashamed of ,
and has thrown overboard and abandoned ? Such charges and falsehoods may , perhaps , for a short time , delude those who unfortunately place reliance on the veracity of the person who makes them , or help to sustain for a week or two longer , a periodical already at death's door , and to prolong whoso feeble existence a mendicant appeal is made . But we have faith in truth , and in mdeviating rectitude of principle and action . When the transient calumny has passed away , the masses will discover for themselves who are the true friends of the People ' s Cause .
This may seem irrelevant to the main topic of this article ; but it is not . The great want of the time is a National . Party . We are desirous of aiding in the formation of such a party ; and in order to do so with effect , it is necessary to speak out as to the principles upon which we think it ought to be constructed , the spirit in which it should be conducted , and the objects it should pursue . Iu future articles we shall return to the subject . In the meantime , wo congratulate all
who feel interested in real progress , on tho fact that no sham organisation , with an unreal , but pretentious nominal Executive , cumbers the ground . There is room and opportunity for such genuiue democrats as Mr . Linton—whose admirable letter we published last week—and ' . others of like stamp , to take up afivm , a dignified , and a powerful position , and to give to the unorganised Chartism of Great Britain such a form and shape as shall command attention and respect both in and out of Parliament .
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THE CHEAP AND NASTY SYSTEM . The disclosures respecting the mass of putrified corruption and filthy garbage supplied to the Navy , which are just now exciting so much disgust and indignation , are , we fear , only indications of a widespread social disease . The Competitive S ystem is no doubt cheap , but it is also dreadfull y nasty . The soul of honour and honesty has been destroyed by it . Cheating in trade is allowable , though cheating at cards is not . For a thing to be done in the way of trade' means that it is opposed to morality and justice . In Commerce the great commandment of Christianity , Do unto others as ye would others
should do unto you , ' is translated , 'Do others and take care you are not done . ' The whole system is what Thomas Carlyle would call a ' huge unveracity . ' Nothing goes by its right name—nothing is what it seemB . Sheffield manufactures razors made to sell , and not to shave , and cutlery that won't cut . Leicester and Nottingham send out stockings as much fitted for Aldgate Pump as human legs , and which become like riddles with a week ' s wear . Yorkshire contributes its quota to the general st&ck of adultera - tions in the shape of Shoddy' cloths , which resemble blotting sheets , more than anything else , in texture , and are about as wearable and durable . Manchester gives flour-paste instead of good cotton , and the first
washing brings a sieve to light instead of a piece of stout and useful cloth . ' Brummagem' and ' sham ' have long been synonymous . Cheap furniture marts invite customers to buy chairs that fall in pieces within the first month—sofas that are stuffed with hay , and often filth y vermin-breeding rubbish instead of horse hair—tables that won't stand—and bedsteads that become ricketty as soon as they are put to use . Bakers poison us with lime and plaster of Paris . Grocers with a compound of disgusting substances ingeniously mixed up with almoBt every article they vend . Tho whole system is corrupt . From the crown of the head to the sole of the foot , it is nothing but bruiBes and wounds and putrifyin e sores' ' ¦ * 3 s
The loss to the country involved in tho necessary destruction of the mass of rotten carrion , furnished to the Admiralty , and the graver evils which the acceptance of such stores indicates in the shape of inefficient superintendance , or guilty collision with the fraudulent contra-ctor , sink into insignificance , when compared with the horrible demoralisation of which such facts are the index . If it continues to spread it
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will eat like a cancer into the : very heart of society , and destroy all that is manly , honourable , or just in the nation . Such a deterioration of the national character -would be the surest precursor to national destruction . A people that has lost the sense of justice has lost the verjr main spring of existence . The greater the powers in its possession the greater the rapidity with which it can . accomplish its own ruin . Trick has to be met with trick—one ' cheap dodge ' has to be found to beat another , until at length the true aim of all production and of all exchange , is lost sight of , and society is converted into a vast gambling hell , and be comes a prey to the worst passions , with all their concomitant excitement and wretchedness .
It might be worth the while of some of thelucidators of our wonderful modern industrial and commercial system , to turn their attention occasionally to this phase of the subject . The morality of a nation is as important an element , in considering it as a whole , as tho sum total of its exports and imports ; and although legislation may be unable to put a stop to all fraud and deception in trading , still , much might be done in conjunction with an enlightened public opinion to discountenance and discourage it . At present we fear the only thing considered discreditable in such infamous and unfair transactions isthe ' being found out . ' Had the affair escaped detection , it would have been considered rather a smartjob , and ' all fair in trade . '
The social Reformers , whoso theories are bo violently assailed and decried by the competitive organs , may make many mistakes in their speculations as to the precise form in which the future will be moulded , but no one who has carefully and impartially read their worka , can fail to perceive that they have , one and all , a clear insight into the real nature and destiny of man , and the true objects of society . They all seek , to make the material , merely the instrument for promoting the intellectual and moral well being of the people at large . That many of their views , as to the mode of organising labour ,
distributing its products , and governing communities in their domestic and general arrangements , may be open to exception , and never likely to be realised , is but natural . But that constitutes no valid objection to the great principle on which they all take their stand . Had the . first- promoters of railways undertaken to prognosticate in detail all that was necessary to give full effect to the cardinal idea involved iu their construction , they would have no doubt committed a great many errors , and excited , perhaps , a good deal of laughter by some ludicrous mistakes . It was better to leave these
details to be developed as experience accumulated . So should it bo with social progress . The first thing is to get the people at largo to comprehend the primal idea embodied in these theories , and to become erfabued with the spirit and desire to apply justly and fraternally the means at the command of society for the common benefit . All other good things would follow in due season . How much this new mental and moral training ia needed—from what frightful misery and degradation it would save us . The horrible accumulation of " putrefaction which has polluted the air in Clarence-yard , and all but poisoned the officials , may be accepted as a timely and an impressive lesson ; and wo are happy to learn that a league has just been formed , comprising some influential gentlemen , the main object of which is to collect and diffuse information on these subjects .
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ASSAULT ON AN ENGLISHMAN IN ITALY . A letter , stated to be written by a gentleman of consideration , who has sent his name and card in verification of his assertions to the editor of the " Daily News , " gives the following account of a most gross outrage lately committed on an Englishman . We extract the following passages from it : — " Florence , New Ykar ' s Day . —It may interest some of your numerous readers to mention an incident which has just occurred here , and which strongly exemplifies the ctaaracter of that ' parental rule * Austria is now extending over every country garrisoned b y her soldiery .
"A young Englishman , but a short time in Florence , bad been , listening to the band of an Austrian regiment at the hour of guard relieving iu front of the Pitti Palace ; and seeing the troops about to march off , the better to enjoy the music , proceeded to accompany them . While so doing , however , Be reached one of the narrow streets that issue from the Piazza del Duomo ; and partly to avoid a cart , and partly pushed by the crowd , he fouud himself compelled to walk in the space between the band and the head of . the column . A smart blow from the flat of a sabre admonished him to move away , at which he turned quietly round , and ,
in such Italian as he could muster , asked what he had done , and why he was struck . An insulting reply—for so by its tone he judged it to be—was returned . He answered as angrily , on which he was struck in the face by a closed fist , and when reeling from the blow the officer cut him over the head with his sword , and left him weltering in bis blood on the pavement , from whence b y the humanitv of the by . slanders he was conveyed to the city hospital . ' The wound , which was fully a finger ' s length , severed a very thick felted hat , and divided the muscles of the scalp , cutting through the periosteum , and even slightly injuring the bone beneath ; in fact , such a cut as might easily have produced a fracture
in some cases , and in any was a highly dangerous one . The British Charge d'affaires here , on learning the incident , immediately addressed a moderate but firm request for an inquiry into the circumstances , mentioning the names and addresses of several most respectable persona who witnessed the occurrence , and whose testimony substantiated in every point the statement made by the wounded man himself . 11 To this demand a long and very evasive reply was returned , declining all investi gation , and alleging , as one of the invariable rules of the imperial army , the orderthat an
, officer , while on duty , was always to use his sword on—to kill even , if necessary—whomsoever offered any impediment to his functions , or in any way offended or insulted him j asserting that , in the present instance , the Englishman had actually threatened the officer , and was in the act of striking him when cut down . The reply proceeded , to a perfect justification of the officer ' s conduct , and only found matter of reproach in the case of the blow b y the fist , ' such being contrary to the rules of the service , which always enjoin the use of the sabre .
< Itwill probaby be d . fficult to persuade your home aders that there is not one syllable of exaggeration or misstatement m the whole of this narrative , or that measures of such brutality as these are among the ordinary duties of any army- of Europe . "Very lately here a peasant was seen to laugh as an Austrian detachment was marching past . The officer in command saw the insulting demonstraiion , halted his party , placed the peasant against an adjoining wall , and then defiling his men in single file , ordered them to spit in the man s face as they marched past . The peasant may or
may not have laughed-he may have intended to deride the imperial forces . Not a very likel y thing , however , consideling that they were a battalion one thousand strong and he a single man . Take any view of the case you may can you conceive a more brutal and disgusting outrage than the punishment inflicted ? It is but ri ght to add that the oflicer was subsrquentl y reprimanded and transferred to another regiment ; this being the penalty awarded , for what in any other service in Christendom , would have rendered him unfit to wear a sword or associate with men of anv honour or character . ;
" To the tender mercies of such as these Central Italy is now committed , and whatever may be the errors and shortcomings of the Italians it would be hard to say that this penalty is not above the offence . If , however , political considerations decide that the Wallach and the Dalmatian should hold sway in the country of Dante , A ' . fieri , and M . cnael Angelo , and that a city whose very stones reveal history abonld be but an Austrian guard house , I ask once more-What have we done that we tmu > t surrender every nght of our nat . onahty , and submit to the degrading tyranny which , according to all I hear , U the invariable rule of the imperial service ? " wvamoie
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„ MONIES RECEIVED For the Wekk Ending Tmms DAY January 17 th , 1852 . ' n a a . T NATI 0 NAI - CHARTER FUND . Received by James Gbassbt .-a J mil m m Tjne . P « G . Grant 10 s Od-Four Chartist * s ! . , 7 Newca f - " Ponper J . ^ B ^ UM ^^ S ^ JS ^^^ CsS ^ ^ Jte ^ i ™ - ** in tat «*« SiES * 8 tated t 0 be " % 5 M ? ii ? h » SI" K
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The Preserved MeaTfoTthk x » , r tl of the preserved meat at lortZml l ^ J £ * mination on for several days past wa S ™* i S » been g ° '" B tor on Wednesday than w " «? tZ ? urableto * hecontrac - tion . On Thursday somexm f any P ^ ious inspecproportion of goodYoTad T jT , T " T > when th * being condemned . PrevSuT tmft " * f U , De hal { ^ of 10 per cent , of the iKt ofi « ft f « nly n an ^ veraBe day several pieces of bone were found Z ^ 11 ' ° n ^ , ne 3-crement ; and a largo quantUv Th , ' ^ SOme ammal « - ment were discovered . The . ! L ? ™ i tongue , and ligaof the canisters conde Jed anne 2 ? , the ^ *« ?
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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF UNrHm 5 TEADES . UU T . S . Duncohbe , Esq ., M . P ., President . " FIAT JU 3 TITU . " - "If it were posiible for the working classes , by ccunv - ^ among themselves , to raise , or keep up the general r .,, lnin ff wages , it need hardly be said thnt this would be a thin * i , ° f punished , but to be welcomed and rejoiced at . "—Stoaiit ji , ^
The struggle for despotic ascendancy upon o hand , and for constitutional freedom on the < jth between the rival interests—Capital and Labour assumes , daily , a more serious aspect . The mn 7 temperate and reasonable requirements of workm are arrogantly denied them . In the very teeth e the law , any and every attempt , by wor kmen , tofi and regulate the value or duration of their labour * pronounced and treated as an act of dictation t 0 ' indeed an overt act of , rebellion against their lij'Jf mightiness , the' Satraps of Capital . ' ' ° " The disputes between the Engineers and th ' employers , which now occupies so large a portion ?
the public attention , will probably terminate in 0 of two results , either of them ultimately benefic ^ to the general interests of society , la the first Cv the employers may find themselves unable to X with the powerful organisation alread y opposed t them , strengthened as it will probably ' be , by tl , Oy sands of the same or kindred trades , whom the ' " attempted tyrannies will awaken from their custoniarv apathy into energy and activity . It appears to ' I quite certain , that if the men of the Iron Trades are alive to their interests , and virtuous enough to dare the consequences of , perhaps , a protracted struHp
in defence of them , they must ultimately succeed , V cause it appears to us practically impossible that the attempted coup d'etat of the Imperial Employers ca » succeed , from the want of cohesion . They can ' t h \ 1 afford to stand still . It is very questionable whether the creditors of Messrs . Seaward and Capel will be materially benefited by the position taken by that firm ; that however is their business . But certainly to the numerous minor establishments in London Man chester , Hull , Bristol , &c . &c . to the Cotton ' Silk and Woollen Factories , the great Railway Establishments , the Mercantile Marine and Dockyard Establishments , a general cessation of business is much easier to recommend than to carry into practice .
It would amount to something very much like a National Holiday for Lubour , which would bring the whole question to an issue in twenty-four hours , From the want , therefore , of its universality , we think the arbitrary policy of the Employers will fail and the employed be left in the enjoyment o f those constitutional - . rights ' secured to them b y law notwithstanding the foul bullying of the Times / or the plausible sophistry of the Manchester philosophers with their one-sided twaddle about the freedom of Labour , demand and supply , foreign competition oic , &c .
The only other solution the question is susceptible of , ia u " ° onditional submission of the Amal gamated Trades to the behests of their haughty employe r *; the absolute and unconditional surrender b y themselves and every class of British workmen , of every vestige of control over their mental and physical energies , for the sole and especial benefit of those who monopolise capital , which is legitimately nothing but the savings of labour , but in its present arti . Ocial . and illegitimate aspect , ia the squeezings and spoliation of the labourer ' s share of the fruits of his own industry . T « iL . ' . . i i i . . . * . W this
To abject condition of vassalo . ge we think the trades of Great Britain will not submit . Any attempt to force them to if , by governmental power , would inevitably lead to a social and political convulsion . The problem , whether a judicious combination of the now separate and antago . nistic elements of capital and labour would not be nation , ally more beneficial , would speedily ripen for solution . The superiority now claimed by the mere capitalist over the hard-handed labourer , is entirely artificial . It is not in the internal elements of the man—it is neither in the mental or physical development , but in the conventional monopoly of a superior training by the one , over , and to the disadvantage of the other . But these mere artificial dk
Unctions are rapidly wearing away . The beneficial in&V ence of the roughly eloquent perambulating lecturer , so painfully offensive to those whose immediate and apparent interest it is to keep the labourer plunged deep in the mire of dissipation , and clouded in the thick veil of ignorance , and the widel y spread circulation of a cheap l / l h !' , ? ! . i si ! ently « but surel >' > int ° 'he strong holds of this hydra-headed monopoly . It will be soon discovered , to the general astonishment , ' how thin the veil is that constitutes the difference of classes . The process thXP ?! T ! l < f - the great raiIvva > ' P ° slor * ° be the tolera ted and fitting companion of nobles and Princes , S 2 JE 5 r ° f" ? ? l li . Plicallo » ' ^ shall have pro ' mSSSfe ' T ] teachin S drawing-room manners and heart Vrtln- easy lessons to the million . Let us then take lol * t i / . T ^ - r ' , , ; , futaw iooks brighter , if we
tmiVr " // natio ? 2 > ' organising labour will , m 52 * ? ? *« nen | l b ? nefi ! s aris ins from the present struggle . A . national confederation of Trades for general E P , De ° Th mUtUal ? ? . P r 0 tecti 0 D « the neceSJrf Europe , fhe ar : of scientific production ia progressing I * e ! 7 \ ] aP ! K * fear u - ' because no meanaare ad ° Pted ?' e ! e th * o « w » hia shave of the benefits derivable otZoA ^ f age ^ That these altere d conditions ot production will necessitate and eventuate a chance in our thfrdlo S ' . ^ r ' , ^ ause it neVercan » e . that twoa ued asserfsTSJ , V abltants ° , f tbe globe can be maiuthird 'IV » J ? P ^ P ? 18 j ? r . tne sole advantage of the other theProissJZni ; SUffe " ? , ? whic&raayintCrveneduring . the state of It ' A ge WlU v 8 ry raaterally depend upon England Preparedness now evinced by the Trades of
ea I with tS ™ f ak 6 n ^ 4 ga ™ ted Trades , identi- ' NitSnal aw ?" a - ° ? ated bythe Committee of the oncSil f . > ^ tie P ° sHion wh'd » should be at ^ S ^ ^ SSSSn ^ ' should fom vYlJSSlWP * interests of a 11 trades are identicaI - XpJSS «* f ^ 18 as muoh t 0 the interest ° the skillcd ™ 2 o ?« S f- the W \ ^ the IIa " » nerman should be protected as his own . When vm see machinery so rapidly invading the hitherto supposed exclusive domafn ot the skilled artizan and mechanic , it appears to us a weakness to cherish or contend for any artificial suoeri-OrIt fti , Ev ? n . the - ^ tinction between sWUed Sd unskilled labour is rapidly wearing away All that w . ll bo left to any ^ of us presently iill be o ! r llTZ ^ °° t a coramon nece ^ sHy for esSstence ; and the only question which reallly concerns us as rational beings , in whether that existence is "S be mado of 2 S familv Sm eff ° f t 0 P ^ ' « oh indifSS oi me great tamily from undeserved and unprovoked on-These are the princi ples which we " have always adrocated and , to the last , shall continue to advocate CoUw \ l fi ; , ? y' » ' Prison or out of pri on ? our stereo-X V ^ beei Y , - "national Organisition-tbo Slv ? ° X T 'VOr Nati 0 Dal Grievances j" and a * f JL V > « on * ln « Bl dripping from the spring will cat i £ jft ihf ° - ° / deSt r 00 k ' " ° must ultimately sue Lirtrhl "E r - ° " P le th *<~> justice of »
., ? ' * % 01 V P j P le only that we contend . Tfe SsTS ^ - ^^ fflTlS - SWv ^^ - ^ h ? one nol i » r aU Ot Ineaiis ' P « everance and energy , in one noble effort to ennoble our order . The Ckstral Committee of tue National fiO tv + 1 v Ass 0 CIATI 0 N o * Uniikd Trades . «''» l ottenham-courtroad .
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^ TUE STRIKE . tn ? hn ? at ft- d' ? y night , > in accordance with tho notice gi *» Sih-nmf i !*?* B . ° principal engineering firnis 1 ft ™ ropolis discharged thefr haiids and closed the * woiks , buueveralot the minor firms changed their intenthi r mi ?]!? "A l ^ Cleventh hour > a " intiraated ? : ^ Dtlia " ey might return to their work , as usual . S ; veno ?^ n ° rning M 'l ; henaraes of «» firms referred to that Mr i bee" pu $ oIy Ston , but it is positively kno * w , 9 ami ^ , achlni 8 t > High-street , Whitechapol , « ShiwffvM 6 fOV - emost t 0 8 ive n ( * ice of clearing , «» Saurdav night acquiesced unrefervedlv in the proposition nilld wt mal S . amated Society , so as to become fully reco » - 2 X- « hlS me , Hi 8 establishment will therefore e main open , as no doubt will many others under similar c ' " cumstaaces .
In Manchester the closure of shops will , after all , be only partial , as many of the inasterB . withdrew their notice ^ early aB the 8 th inst . It is nevertheless certain that tB » proprietor of a large concern in Manchester h » s offered ' . dispose of hia premises , stock , and plans , to the Auia f * mated Society , for the purpose of forming a co-opew " ?" association , upon condition of being allowed to repairi ' P i ? u - lc ha 3 not J b ^ n decided whether this o " snail be accepted or rejected . A similar offer has . *» made m London by the proprietor of an establishment e » ploying about sixty hands , on the Surrey side of the river-As far as we could glean , the following may be ta ke T . a . tolerabl y aoenrato return ef the "turns out" at the p » cipal factories in and about London : Maudslay and * westimnater-bridge- imd , 800 ; John Penn and Co ., W
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• ' THE NORTHERN STAR , , . < , Jantoy l ^ jg g _—^^^ ^^^^^^ T !; . _ .. ¦ ¦¦ -. ¦¦¦ — ¦¦ ¦ *~ ^ i
To The Trades Of Toadon. The Journeymen Hatters Of The Metrooolis Seans The Importance Of The Present Jm«Nre Of
To the Trades of Toadon . THE JOURNEYMEN HATTERS OF THE Metrooolis seans the importance of the present jM « nre of
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 17, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1661/page/4/
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