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Northern Star (1837-1852), 18th September 1852, Edition 1 of 2, Page 11, Untitled Article

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    • genratraik Uefeitnis, PUBLIC MEETINGS, &c.
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      Untitled Article

      tares of world of commerce have however teen fl ona difterent scale They have begun with small funds , hastily got together , often under the necessity for im mediate action , and they have neither been able to spare the time for tedious formalities nor to bear the expenses paid lw their more wealthy masters . l y In sceldng to form an westmentor Banking Society , those for whom we- write would occupy a very different position It would no longer be ten or twenty men hazarding perhaps a hundred pounds in tue endeavour to form a littf store or to set up a small factory , to carry out a merely local obiectbut hundreds or thousands , commanding in addition to their own contributions , the funds of trade and benefit societies of which they are members . The capital which they would represent would exceed the funds of nine-tenths of the me sent Joint Stock Companies ; they would be able to procure the best legal advice and assistance , and the fees and ex penses spread over so large a surface ^ yould not individually be heavier than those incurred in Building , or Freehold Land Societies , or Co-operative Associations . What a few cannot do at ah , a great number will be able to effect with comparative ease . x

      The thug then is possible . Is it safe ? It would be worse than cruel ior any man or any set of men to induce those who live by labour to enter into an undertaking hi which they might , probably , not only lose the sums they have accumulated as a provision against sickness and want of employment but also involve themselves in personal liabilities and difficulties We should shrink from such a course with repugnance and regard those who advised it , with disgust , and contempt ' But we feel assured that the undertaking is a safe one—nay Diore , Jfiai it would be profitable both directly and indirectlydirectly by producing a higher rate of interest than the Commissioners for the -reduction of the National Debt can « ive or than private speculators will offer— and , indirectly by placing capitalin a healthy and just relation to labour , and elevating the industrial and social condition of the masses . The

      safety of the undertaking Spends upon its good management and that is to be ensured by a careful selection of the men who are placed at its head . Persons proper for that position the workers can find both in and out of their . own body and their integrity may be secured not only by their liability to the criminal law , but by adequate security . With a fair amount of caution and circumspection no danger can arise from that source .

      The experience of the last few years has taught us many tilings with which we were before unacquainted . It has demonstrated the power of numbers to raise capital and to make it profitable . Building Societies have shown that it is possible for a man in a few years , by the payment of yery little more than the rent , to purchase Ins own house . Freehold Land Societies have made it clear that those just above

      me poorest may , out of their scanty savings , purchase for themselves plots of lands . Large sums to begin with have not been called for for these purposes , for people possessed of money have not hesitated to lend it upon the security of the periodical contributions to be paid in future . Surely if men cau buy houses and plots of land by small monthly payments , they can secure business premises and machinery and materials to carry on trade and manufactures by the same

      means , and if capitalists can safely lend money for such ob ects , so can the managers of a Peoples' Investment Society . But then it may be objected that in the case of Building and freehold Land Societies the money lent is invested wholly in real property , which always prevents the possibility of loss ; wine in the case of Co-operative Societies , . part at least of the capital would be expended in materials and risked in trade . Some of the Societies who become debtors may fail , and then part of the funds will be lost . That is no doubt

      possible , but it is only what happens now in the ordinary course of-business . Firms and single traders fail and become unable to meet their liabilities , and bankers and other creditors suffer . Those are events looked for , expected , calculated on as among the common contingencies of trade . A certain percentage of loss is found to attend upon all transactions , but losses being deducted , profits still remain . This would no doubt be the case in carrying out a Co-operative system without preventing great and general benefits from being the result .

      As to the possibility of the shareholders in the investment society being involved in debts or liabilities , that is totally ° ut of the question . The Society from its very nature would ajj vays occupy the position of creditor , never that of debtor . I lie worst that could possibly happen would be that all its debtors would prove insolvent , and that is a possibility so remote that it is utterly beyond the bounds of probability . Admitting that a Co-operative Bank would have the same e-iance and be equally safe as one conducted asia matter of pri-A ^ speculation , one assertion we have made , that the Co-opejative Institution could afford to pay larger interest , may seem 0 require proof ; a little consideration , however , will make it ear taat that is the fact . In trade , conducted as it is now , a ? reat niany profits for different people have to be made out P th ^ poney employed before it reached the workers . There s interest to the investor , say of three per cent ., the per if JmP ? ^ % the banker for superintending and managers the investment , and the profits of the manufacturer , who Reives accomodation in the shape of advances . But

      Coloration would require only one profit—that which would be wo jved for by those furnishing the money . *> e think that those who consider calmly the whole bearj ugs of the matter , who look at the unlikelihood of loss , the proba bility of large profits , and the certainty of great social . 0 ( 1 , will , -with us , earnestly desire the csablishinent of a ^ nt btock People ' s Investment Society . The many , howhp i ' CaT 1 * < % t > e expected to take the initiative . It must ^ cione for them , rather than by them , and therefore we hope fe 7 * IV ° ^ 8 taa&ng an influence , in whose integrity per-^ confidence may be placed , coming forward to begin the tor ^ ? j aiKl ai ^ ta - S &Q preliminary steps towards the aeif p ° of 9 , company , call upon the workers , who are so *\ h-I * at rested , to aid ' in the consummation of an effort ' " * « Promises to emancipate , labo ^

      Untitled Article

      port on the Health of Towns in 1841 , was followed in 1342 by tliatti Mr . Ldwin Cludwick ; and in 1843 , Sir Robert Peel appointed a royal commission » to enquire into the causes of disease , and the best means of securing the public health in grciu towns . ' Tins commission consisted of 13 members , and included tno Duke of Buccleuch , the Earl of Lincoln ( now Duke oi iWcastle ) , Mi-. Slaney , Sir H . T . de la Heche , Drs . Reid and Lyoniiayiair , 1 rofessor Owen , and Mr . Robert Steplienson . Mr . felaney ( wno from 1841 to 1847 was out of Parliament ) served tor tnree yoavs as an unpaid commissioner , and personally examined and reported on the state of fifteen towns , chiefly situated m the Midland counties , and including Birmingham and Wolverhampton . ° °

      In 1848-49 , he twice renewed his motion for " a standing committee or unpaid commission , to consider measures ( apart from political subjects ) from time to time , likely to improve the condition ot the working classes . " Failing on both occasions , he directed his attention to the legal obstacles preventing safe investments and associative partnerships , and . obtaincd ° committees m 18 oO and 1851 to consider these subjects Thoir result , m the shape of a bill legalizing industrial associations is too well known to our readers to require further comment . Mr . Slaney retires from Parliament at the age of sixty , after labouring unceasingly and disinterestedly for thirty-lour years in and out of the House , to secure for the labouring classes ameliorations in their social condition of the most enduring and permanent character . The records of his indefatigable perseverence , his unflinching energy and zeal , his extensive practical knowledge , must he sought for , as we previously remarked , in the blue-books and reports of the House of Commons ; the outward results may be observed in measures affecting and operating on the people , inciting to self-reliance , to independence , and to their moral and mental advancement .

      I : i addition to the various reports mentioned above , and others which space prevents our alluding to , Mr . Slaney is the author of a lew works , among which are " An Essay on the Employment of the Poor ; " an " Essay on the beneficial direction of Rural Expenditure , " and an " ' Outline of Smaller British birds . " * A STUDENT . irtidehflL /?' " 5 f f' ? onta V ucd iu m * «** Wh , w > arc indebted . to an aiticie m tho Illustrated Mws of some mouths ago . '"¦ ' ^ "gg ^ agMagBi Bi atvjuminjuoa

      Untitled Article

      HOW SHALL WE FORM A NATIONAL PARTY ? To the Editor of ike Stak of Fkeedom . Snt—In your journal of last Sunday I perceive a letter from Mr . W . Newton , late candidate for the Tower Hamlets , recommending a National Fartij having for the basis of its agitation manhood suffrage , without the necessary details embodied in the 1-eopleh Charter . With the letter , ' and the desirability of the object I most certainly agree ; in the sincerity of " the writer I also have the fullest confidence . But , sir , we have something more to consider—the moans necessary—the tools to work with ; how are we to achieve that object ? Does Mr . Newton mean the present scattered chartist party should be brought together again , and thus constitute the manhood suffraW society ? If this is meant , allow me ( and that in the mo ^ fc friendly spirit ) to say I think it will most signally fail .

      Let me give the reason for such an opinion . After fourteen years' agitation for the charter , all sincere men must admit , after carefully surveying the past and viewing the present , we have no earthly chance , with our present materia l s of obtaining our object . Many lay the blame of our failure to the treachery of leaders , others to the rashness and folly of some few of our members . Now , sir , I believe both these reasons to be without point . An association of the people possessing numbers and intelligence , combined with a" sound

      and active policy , can never be influenced by one , two , or three of its members , however plausible or eloquent they may happen to be . The same will apply to the objection of rashness , or folly . Men are generally acted upon bydho company they may mix with ; and the dignified attitude of a large body of intelligent men would always be an efficient check to the over zeal or undue warmth of some few of its members . The two necessary elements to success in political agitation , namely numbers and intelligence , we have never obtained . Let me be

      understood or , this point . I mean not in sufficient numbers Well , then , I contend , the party powerless for ' its own miruoso would be equally so for the attainment of the reform proposed . Now , could Mr . Newton point out some means by which some new blood could be infused , there would be room for hope . Could he by his influence form the nuclus of a party with new men ? When I say . new men , I mean those who have not taken a prominent position in the chartist or middle class movements . I say this because it would be the means of preventing

      any jealous feeling that might arise were the old leaders of tho one or the other to be the promoters . The advent of such a party would , I feel confident , be hailed with delight by thousands of the working , and a considerable number of the wellmeaning middle classes . By that means the chartist would not be accused of deserting his principles ; he could still advocate the six points , and be perfectly consistent in advancing the great principle of manhood suffrage . Should such a party be raised , sir , the past must be forgotten . No sneering at the warm-hearted ( though , perhaps , not discreet ) workman who in times past suffering from poverty , and smarting under bitter persecution , had notions of physical force . Let there be no talk about the aristocracy of labour , or the crucifying middle class as they have been some times designated , ^ o , sir , it must be truly a national party , not only in numbers but in mind : its ranks open to the good from all classes ; its attitude as dignified ^ U cause is ™ t IN o petty squabbles-n o vituperation . Its council formed of men known for their earnestness and rectitudfi-its policy conciliatory , not antagonistic ; saying with open countenance and mauty ; pride to the bitterest Foe 7 if you will not subscribed my principles , you must respect my conduct . Let , sir , sucli a party be once formed and put in motion , and l believe there are many of us may live to seo the day when tue greatness of our country may be spok-on of—not for us ancient aristocracy , its extended commerce , or its wealthy church , but for the political freedom and social happiness enjoyed , by the whole of its people . * Wishing health to yourself , and prosperity to the paper , I remain truly yours , TOM PINCH ,

      Untitled Article

      SStS ^ , departments of national polic v , and to miSS fc ^ * - ? and , f stel T of their details and S ? l * " ^ i ? ? tl ] em in ^ House , leaves aothmg to ba desired . Such members are looked upon as 11 A ^ fi ^ ^ - ^ - 18 qU 0 ted with confidence . Thus -itW 7 iJ * ? ™ ^ olesworth may be said to be onnn ; tlT / aeCOi TS ? ISf 1 > S- Gkd « tone and Horsman , on C Uiurch Reform or Church abuses ; Lord MeWnd on Ed-imS ? ScOt T lai 1 V md Ml \ W" J" Fk ' $ * £ Mr . ^ S irin ° r ^ nmur ?>) ™ tlie Administration of India ; Tvniie Mr . Mdncr Gioson is leading advocate of County Kate Expenditure , and Mr . Kcrslmw represents the Diss te ^ ,

      THE PUBLIC SERVICES OP MR . R , . SLANEY . To the Editor of the "Star op Fbeedom . " and ^ oT ^ T Comm , is esseilti a % a deliberative , ana not an executive assembly ; and it is therefore of -wi-mrv gotoce that its memberJ ^ hould haveS ^ ct ^ ' ^ thev ^^^^^^^^ P ^ w questioiis whereon a £ s ; YnAr llct it ? v decide ' - u caimot **** ^ p ^ th 0 or Sfv 5 P 011 ICal ° bseiVer ' . tl 2 at durin & & <> to twenty BeWffV * ! ° re GS r Cially Shlce the P ^ <> f the meX-s vUl " ffl -T ^ f binary pvacfice ofcertain membe s , whether official or otherwiseto attach themaelvc * to Tm . ™™ , „„ ^ Z ^ ZTZ ~ =::=:== = ^

      jections to the Eegiiun Donum . When such is the case , members of the House may expect to receive from the statist , a complete view of the principles and fcicts of the case before tnem : their deliberations are materially assisted , and the debate is conftned to criticism upon the motion in its relation to the immediate policy of the country . But when questions arise upon which no sufficient body of information has hitherto been collected , the usual recourse is had to a select committee of the House ; or a commission , is appointed by Ministers , to enquire antl collect evidence in such manner as may be deemed most efficient . The blue-books , which are the result of these committees and royal commissions are among the most valuable of state documents ; but the student who endeavours to form his opinions from them , must possess some of the mental requisites ot a lawyer , m analysing their contents and balancing their conflicting evidence .

      It is chiefly among blue-books and parliamentary reports that we must look for and balance the services of My . Sianey lhose members of the House of Commons who devote their labour to these committees , and whose labours there are valued pass an almost unnoted existence , not the less to be appreciated ' however , though their voice be seldom heard in the more popular debates of the House . Practical knowledge of the subject m hand , indefatigable attention , patient investigation , powers of analysis , are qualities not to be undervalued because less showy or popular than those of the orator .

      Mr . Slaney's course of study at Lincoln ' s Inn , and his subsequent practice during nine years as a barrister on the Oxford circuit , eminently fitted him for the duties he so frequently performed as chairman of select committees of the House of Commons . He entered parliament on the Liberal interest , as member for Shrewsbury , in 1826 , a year of great distress among all classes , and while the country was slowly recoverin g from the

      commercial panic of the previous year . His attention from the first was devoted to social reforms . In June , 1827 , he delivered an able statistical and argumentative speech on the evils resulting in agricultural counties from the administrations of the Poor Law ; it produced , however , no immediate result beyond an increased attention to the subject among the members ; -and in the following session he obtained a select committee to e , \ v

      quire and report . This committee after a lengthened examination of the evidence , fully supported Mr . Slaney ' s statement of the existence of serious evils and abuses , especially in the southern agricultural districts . The period of the Poor Law Act of 1795 , which continued in operation until 1834 , is known as the most disastrous in the history of the English Poor Laws . Its operation depressed wages , increased intemperance , encouraged imprudent marriages , and destroyed the moral energy and

      independence of the labourer , at the expense of the rate- payers . In view of these social disadvantages , of this deterioration of the moral character of the labourer , the extraordinary expenditure in Poor ' s-rates , which rose in 23 years from three millions to £ 7 , 870 , 000 , was merely a secondary consideration ; but it was one that forced itself on the attention of the country , and caused the new Poor Law of 1334 , which , however defective , is greatly superior to its predecessor .

      In 1830 , Mr . Slaney obtained a select committee on Manufacturer ' s Employments . He had observed that the riots and disorders among the operatives in the manufacturing districts , and much of their misery , destitution and suffering , arose , mainly from the irregularity of their employment . The report of the committee showed that in the chief manufactures , cotton , woollens , and hardware , the average wages of several years were amply sufficient to afford all requisite comforts to tho workmen employed ; but the irregularity of this employment , and the constant alternate recurrence of slack and busy periods ,

      prevented the operative from fully participating in the average advantages . The report as might be anticipated , could offer nothing but suggestions towards a better regulation in the payment of wages ; and this effort among many others , has been produced to show the inability of Mr . Slaney ' s endeavours for the advancement of the working classes . ' That many of his measures have been ineffectual , cannot bo denied ; that they have fallen short ; and appeared feeble in conception compared with the great evils requiring redress , may be readily granted ; but we may reflect with admiration on the perseverance which

      characterised every effort , unsupported save by a very few coadjutors among tho members of the House , and looked upon with indifference by the great majority . The development of the co-operative principle , coupled with increased means of education , has shown in these later years what powers are within the reach of the working classes themselves , to secure by prudence , forethought , and association , what legislatures cannot confer , and only remotely assist—that more uniform happiness and comfort which is at once the hope and reward of their successful labour .

      A committee on Public Walks was obtained in 1833 , by Mr . Slaney , and the establishment of the additional public parks of Primrose-hill , Victoria , and Battersea , in London , and of various public grounds throughout the kingdom , may be attributed in a great measure to the suggestions contained in its report aud evidence . In the session of 1837 , Mr . Slaney obtained a committee on

      Education , and in 1840 , on the Health of Towns . Both these led to important and immediate results ; the first prepared the way for the establishment of the committee of Council on Edu cation ; and to the latter is undoubtedly due the credit of the Health of Towns Act , At some future " period , we may perhaps embrace the opportunity of examining at length , the position ot both these important subjects ; on the present occasion we can merely allude to My . Slaney ' s connection with them . His re-

      Genratraik Uefeitnis, Public Meetings, &C.

      genratraik Uefeitnis , PUBLIC MEETINGS , &c .

      Untitled Article

      carried out under the protection of its provisions The ven J the labourers in the Sebt embbr 18 , 1852 . m-u-- ~—~—^^ mm FREEDOM . n car [ ied out . under fte protection of its provisions . The ven-

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 18, 1852, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1696/page/11/