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. ARTHUR O'CONNOR . ; ( CO 5 TISPED FROM OV& LAST- ) sBbefience , The Executive looked back to the melan-- * holy history of Ireland they saw how dreadfally ithad - ^ Iwntarnandwastedbyreligionsdissentiens . Thefirst ¦¦ abject iof the Executive was te destroy religious dis-•* srd , andyromote brotherly love and affection among ~ 3 ihe people of Ireland , be their religious belief what at may . The next object of the Union was to proaaote a Reform of the Government , and to regain Jltase lights which were the people ' s birth-right by 3 ke Consiittiiioo ; yrt the oath which / bound the peo--.-pteto thes « first dudes of Christianity , Morality , and the Constitution , was punished with death by the ¦/ laMureciion Act ^ which by some other of its clauses ibioke down ererv barrier of Liberty : that not onlv
- * rery effort was made to oppose us in these our ex--ertions to destroy religious discord , but tuat ' rib means ~* ereleft tmtried to organize a sect , founded upon ^ e diabolical oath , of extermination , whose insntn-¦ 3 oo % iras avowedly for the purpose of perpetuating «« Hgious discord and rancour * This was not all—€ ke expulsion ^ ef 400 Q Irish citizens , with every ag-¦ gra raUon of cruelty arid horror , which was followed ^ bj the Indemnity Act , left no doubt on the mind of ise Executive , that all the excesses and outrages - * ereeither openly or secretly the acts of the Govern-JBeHt and Legislature of Ireland . Struck with the - ^ enonnitv of these acts and ontrages , the Executive laefced back to the history of James II ; and after - ^ camparing his conduct with , the conduct of the Irish
- Government , ther were decidedir of opinion , that -s&e conduct of tne Irish Government hid been beyond comparison , more tyrannical and cruel . They more of opinion , that if the people were instified in -oiling in foreign aid , to rescue their liberties and ^ csastitution from James's government , it was in-¦ feiielvmore justifiable in us to call in foreign aid . Tke Executive were of opinion , that the Irish Go-TBenimenthad not only forfeited nil tide to obedience ^ em the people , but that we "svre called on to recast itr most unparalleled usurpation and tyranny . TSiaias the people of Ireland * had been disarmed , vcaatraTj to the right of every free people ; and as ^ e tyranny under which the Government was upcheli , was supported by the men and the money of
-oae foreign nation , we stood peculiarly necessitated - ^ Bdseek the aid of some other foreign . } jower . Actujstsdiy this reasoning , the Executive sent to seek tsc alliance with France , in May , 1796 , which was ^ attonSy formed in ihe Augnst following , the first ar ' jidiwasformedbetween thelrish Union andFrance Coil . —Did you not go to Hamburgh , and -after--siaids to Switzerland , in the summer o [ 1796 , in -sampany with anotherperson ? = O'Coxsoiu—This question points at Lord Edward \ 5-5 L 2 gerald ; and as it is notorious he did accompany me to Switzerland in 179 oV and althouelTinv friend ho
^ ls more , 1 w 21 not answer any thing , which could aa the most distant manner lead to * the disclosure of ^ aav act of his ; besides , I am not bound by the stisniation I have entered into , for earing the lires of -3 & 85 e you have in your power , to disclose aay act of ij » T life prior to iny becoming a Member of the iJaioB . ; but so little ani I inclined to withhold the "Account of any part of our conduct , audio fully sm I -r » oanced of the rectitad ? of what we have * done , 'that if you wSl ba satisfied with the substance of ihe transactions of the Union , without leading to -isames or person ? , I will give it . Com . — WelL we wiB be content . with the snb-^ sace , without any allusion to names or persons . ¦
CfCosxoR . —In May , 17 HS , after the important sheeting of the Executive I have just mentioned was ** el& , they tent to France , to adjust the termsof the -alliance , to plna the manner the succours shoald be SEcoaded , so as to insure succe .-s . The . tnoscisi-¦ jjsrtant part of the terms was . that France was to -asast Ireland in freeing herself from the tyranny of Jiose who exercised the ' Govemmeht of Ireland , and ¦ shsx Ireland should be free to frame whatever corizsdlo . ti . on she might think fit to adopt . "lire same i « 5 g » edition which was afterwards equipped , . and Eent tts Ireland under Hoche , was agreed on , and every - £ && £ was settled , which could " secure success on its 2 aauing . At the same time" it was proposed To the person who formed this first alliance between France
-2 ad the Union , that a body should be seat against ~ F . 9 p \ xnA to carise a diversion , to retaliate for the "Qnzberon expedition . To dissuade the French from -xhs invasion -of Engitmd , this Irish negociator usc » d -eesST argument in his power . He said , fram his 3 ajewledge of England , the best men . of that coun-^ rj" wo uld be most hostile to any interference" of the . ^ rdach in the | toyernmeBt of { heir country , on the -axaie just principles that they condemned the inter-^ Eraic « of England in the government of France . — -dliat-tlie situation of Ireland and England were very : ciSsrent , that in Irehmd the people were most 5 olfxstaas for the aid of France , to rescne them from Szeign and domestic tyranny ; but that the ln . ajor ity -jtf the people of England would "be averse to their
-iEtsrierence—that many of the poople of England —X £ X besnnins-to see and feel the ruin the" Minis-Jkts had brought on the nation , by engaging in the Trar ; but that if they invaded their country , it would ^ isrry all consideraticn of the injustice of the war , sader the immediaie conaderation of self-dence ; £ ks £ it —oul-l prove the greatest- support to an . ung » &p 3 sjar iliin ^ rry , by giving them an unlimited - ¦ sttst'er orer the n"r » ni-inng wealth of England , jn any = 3 my £ hey might wish to taie it , while a gidirea could '< fee extorted . These , together with other arguments , ¦ arers thought conclusive by those to whom they scexfi addressed , and the invasion of England in 1796 ¦ aras abandoned . Hex . —Was not Mr . Barthelemy pr ivy to these "Sransactions ? _ OX ? o ^^ -oB . —I will not answer any question where ~ ui £ name of any person is mentiocei .
¦ Cou . —But he is a foreigner . . . ¦ O Cossob . —I care not ; the name of a foreigner st a countryman ^ hall be equally inviolable with me . ¦ Coif . —W as it not at Paris this fiKt alliance was ijbnaed ? - O'Coxsoe , —Ii " -was not ; if it was , you wosld have ~ ssE «? a to ask lue the question . Com . —Was it at Lisle ? O'Coxxoa- —It was not . Com . —Were you of the Executive ? ¦ O'CoTrsoxi . —j was of the Executive from the time .. 1 became a M ember of the Unicn m 17 y 6 ,- - until I - ^ s-as obliged to fly my country abruptly in January , lSi& , to avoid bC-ins * taken oil * by a foul plot -which ¦ xas ] si& by some of the und ^ r agents of the Iri . su > 5 ? iereniment , hut which my respect for the saftrry of ; £ hos « who gave me the intrmatiim of it , obliges me : lo keep secret .
• Com . —Inform us of the progress and extent of the * 2 r 2 Bnizarion . O'Coxxos . —Wlien I was impnsoned in February , XSJIj the organization had made considerable pro--s- £ ss in Ulster , and things -were in train to extend it -Jo zhe other t jree provinces . On my liberation in ^ 2 ie -Ausost following , 1 found the means we em-• ykijed bliforermy iinpr isonnient had been successfol 3 E . extending the organization , particularly in Leinrsierj bnt that it Lad been tlirowxi into confusion by ^ £ ifl b-arnings , hanginrs , and torturings , which had
iesa extended from Ulster to the other parts of the - » 3 E 3 fcry . —But to such a degree had the minds of the -people been exasperated Tjv the cruelties of the Go-XiajjEent , the disposition towards the Union was so -strong in the three -urovince ? , that in four montlis x&usr my liberation 1 was enabled a . « one of . the Xtirthern Executive ( there being no Executive for iicinster daring this period ) to organize 70 , 000 men 5 a 3 Le ; nster only , whiie the numbfr of tiose who-took taf . test « f the Union was nearly equal to th ' epopuiaiifln of tlie the three pronnres ; to such a degree * ££ the Irish Government raise the resentment of the
people against it , by tiie cruelties it practised to sup _ - jenrt Its powers , and to ktep down the national spirit far liberty . _ , ^ Cox . — A \* iis not your oLject in formiEg the organ-JiEsiJsn to effect a revolution ? _ " tO'Coxxor . —If our mere object had been to effect -x . revolution , the British Ministry , and the Irish -Cerernment were effecting one more violently . and --rajjidlv than we wished for ; we clo-arir perceived , ~ - £ sx iiie measures , they adopte * l to- prevent revolut » u , were the most effectual that c ? uld be devised . i * easure it . When we viewed the state of . the Bri r ^^ h empire , we were convinced we need not take = v ^ T ? rli pa ins merely to make revolution . If that was - « 2 r sofeobject , we knew that the Irish Government , -cf itself , conld nor exist one month ; \ re saw that it
"was the men and the money of Engtuid , which , upirld Ije Irish Government ; we tSerefose looked to ihs state of Great Britain , and con > aiered the ' state « f iis actual Govemmeut , and we were of _ opinion , jSuu the measures which the present . Ministry had ^ E-sued , were the most rapidly ruinous which could **? adopted . We examined her state before the war , see saw , that as before the enormous expenditure , ^ arhitk the wa r occasioned , the Minister -could not -snort more than sjxtien miiiloiH aniiual revenue , it -acoald be impossible , after hundreds millions of the .- ; sBrt £ acal capital had been squandered , that thirty . ¦ aailioni annual revenue , could by any physical pos-. sbilitT , be ' extorted , which wr . s the" least her peace - * is £ c 2 > iishme ' iit could lanonnt to . But that even supr ^ csuis thirty millions annual revenue could be raised iafiseat Britain , experience convinced tis , that Ii-- " ^ jc rg" must be destroyed by such additional means of ¦ corruption being thrown into the hands of the'Exethat tiwhich
- > catere ; and we were convinced , a naon iad lust h . erliberty could not long support such mon-^ ssioqs bur thens , on the ! pr inciple * mat capital , like -Said , would find its level ; we were of -opinion , that ras ihe profits , of capital would be higher in . fiance tWn in England , the vast exhaustion --- « f-capital which , had taken plaee in France -ffiscld be replenished on a peace , D 7 &e flow-^ aag ia -of a considerable portion of British capi-^ caL and thut this disposition on the part of the Bn-< &h iaphajist , to transport his wealth , would- be : feiher enereased by a desire to aroid the enormous ~ sj s - _ ses , to which his industry and his profits -would be . jSSBesed . These conadtaBtiqn 3 , amongst many -cvtfthezs , left no doubt on . our minds , that the powers ~*{ £ ag i 2 n& , by _ which alone the tyranny and usurp-= sMOoa of the Irish Government and Legislature -were -r- ^ aBgrgatefljiimst be Terr shortlT destroyed . ' . " - fTbbcjxmthtited mtnir ' tiext ' O ¦
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DINNER AT STALEYBRIDGE TO Y * . SHAPv . MAN CRAWFORD , ESQ . ¦ -. _ ; rO » . ¦ " " ¦ - . ' ; : ( From the Second Edition cf the Manchester Adterliter On Saturday a public dinner was given - at Staleybridge to WilUam Shannan Crawford , Esq ., the late member for Dundalk , in testimony of the approbation with -which his ^ rablic conduct Is regarded by the reformers , of that extensive and populous distsicr . About four o ' clock , a procession escorted the honourable gentleman and his son from the iKing ' s Arms Inn to the Foresters' Hall , where about iive hundred members of the operative class partook of a plentiful and substantial -dinner . Mr . J ohm Deegan officiated as president . In addition to the parties who had dined in the body of the room , the gallery was crowded by a great numbtr of respectable
females and operatives . The Chairman opened the proceedings after dinner . by observing , that this meeting had excited more -than ordinary attention , and therefore it behoved them , as real Radical reformers , to shew to the world that they did not advocate mere party measur es , but thote only by which happiness and contentment might be secured to the nation . He then read letters from several public men , acknowledge Hie invitations of the committee , among whom were Mr . John Fielden , M . P ., Mr . Wakley , M . P ., Mr . Brotherton , M . P ., General Johnson , M . P ., Dr . Taylor , of Glasgow , Atr . Augustus Beaumont , drcl . tfce .
The Chairmax gave fhe two first toasts without comment . They were 4 i the People , " and " the Queen , " and were loudly applauded . The next toast , he said , was the health of their distinguished guest , William Shannan Crawford , Esq . —( cheers)—a man who had laboured long and zealously in the cause of universal freedom . They had amongst them one who had come' from liis home , in the green isle , in order to assiot the reformers of England in obtaining those niersureswhich were necessary to make the people . happy—a man who had sacrificed the honour of a seat in the Eritisli senate because he preferred principle to expediency . ( Cheers ) . Who dared say , after this meeting , that there i » a » no sympathy amongst the Radicals of England towards the people of Ireland : ( Cheers . ) This meeting supplied a decided cciitradiction to that assertion . He \ voald
not occupy further time ; but conclude by observing that Mr . Shannan Crawford had , during the last session , proved himself one of the most 2 ioiic > t and upright men that ever entered the wails of St , Stephens . Mr . Shahman Crawford was very loudly npplauded on rising to reply to the toast . He said , I stasd for the tirst time before an assembly of Britiiib . people . 1 own , sir and gentlemen , taat I fe ^ l myself under some embarrassineut how to acknowledge thtf kindnes * with which you have received me ; but 1 am not so rain sm to ascribe that reception to any persoual merits of my own . [ Hear , hear . ] 1 ascribe it to your congehiahty of feeling with me iu the principles I have advocated —[ hear , hear , ]—not only as respects my own country but as respects the British n ' atiou—as respects the right * and privileges of all
myfellow-conurryiiicii , whether of the , British or of the Irish nation . [ 11 car , hear . ] Sir , I am proud to h- ^ ve my name connected with the sentiment of "justice to Ireland . " [ Cheers . ] I am proud to have heard that sen'iment responded to iu ths manner it has been by this assembly * . What is justice to Ireland ? I say that justice to Ireland is justice to England , and that just ice to Engliud is justice to Ireland . [ Load cheers . ] . In my opiiiiou , there can be no real separat ion of interests , and there ongiit to Leno separation of poh " cy . [ Cheers . ] We ought to go hand in hand together , in order to establish that sure foundation of the rights of the people , which is the only security for the public happiness , and the only gunrranteti for the public prosperity—justice . [ Loud
eheers . l Radical Associations' consider that cert-. u « principles are necessary to be advocated if-we . would maintain securely the rights aud liberties of thepeople . ( Hear . ) There are several of these principles . There is the universality of tlie Suflragf ¦ ( Cheers . ) There is the Vote by Ballot —( cheers ) anct the shortening of the duration " of Parliaments . —( Continued cheers . ) Tiiese are a ' , 1 essential principles . There are others which I need not enumerate ; but above all , I consider the universality of the Suffrage the grand foundationthe true security of the people , —( Loud cheers . )—What , sir , is vie causi>—thi ? grand cause—of the distress and suffering that pervade the great" mass" of the people ? It is this—the country having hitherto been governed by the power , and ior the use , of one
favoured section of the community . —( Hear , hear . ) —The country , I ear , ha * hitherto been governed by the power , " and for the purposes , of thi : landed Aristocracy . —fLoui cheers . ) Although I am connected with tuat body—although I am wholl y aud entirely dependent for mv station in life and for subsistence on rents . } -et I \ fill not , for the sake of my own benefit , consent tlmt the other classes of the community should tie injured . —( Immense applause . ) I hold , siMhat the r ights of the Landed Anstocrucy ean be sufficiently secured , and that they can have their ample share of the good of this worid , without trespa nig lmdnlj upon other classes of the community —( hear , hear , hear)— -and therefore it is that I desire every other class should have that protection
—the ou 3 v protection they enn have—winch would be given by every man who contributes to the revenues of the state , having a voice in the making of the Yaws b ' vwliicn" that society is ^ overued , and in the dispo . < al of the revenues riiised from it . —( Loud checrr . ) If any one cla ^ s is to have the power of ruling over thcr other cia ?? e 5 of society , it is not according to human nature to beueve , it is contrary to the frailties of human nature to suppose , that that clais which has the power will not look solely to its own . interests . ( Hear , hear : ) For this reason 1 contend that each and every class of society ought to have their share in die government find in ihr . " forma * t ion of the laivs . in order that such a wholesome
collision of different interests ma } ' be established as will promote , necessarily , the benefit of the whole community . ( Cheers . ) " l take it , therefore , tiiat the Universality of the Suffrage is the question that has the givatestiicuortance , and that every other is , coinpanit ively , iusigxdiicaiiL ( Cheers . ) If we look at what have beeu the consequences , at the principal evils , arising from a want of the universal power of the people in controlling the government anil iu regulat ing tue laws by which they are rule-J , we find them at ouee meeting ns to our faca . [ Hear , hear . ] The first evil to which I shall allude is that system by which tlse food of man is raised to an enonuons price , by what are called tbe" corn duties . " [ Cheers . ] ideuv that the bread of the poor man ousht tob /
raised in price artificially , for the benefit of a ny class of sociery . [ Great cheers . ] WhicLi is the class that is benefited by our corn duties ? I tis the landed , the agricnlpjnil class . [ Hear , hear . ] But let « ssee of what the agr icultural class consists . It coiisisis of three di \ isions , the landlord ? , t ' -. e farmers , and the agricultural labourers . Do the com laws serve the in wrests of the . agr icultural- labourer ? - No . [ Cheers . ] Do they seire the interests of the farmer ? lmsintais they tio not . [ Lond cheers . ] I insist that these corn " duties are kept up only for the purpose of serving one class , namely , the receivers of rents—the landed Aristocracy . [ Loud cheers . ] The rents are raised proportionally to the increase of pr ice produced by the corn laws , so that the fanner der ives no real benefit from the system , for whatever maybe the iu crease in price , it all goes into tlie pockets of the'l-andlords inthe shape of increased rente .
There is another point upou which the nation , at this moment , is feeling the effects of legislation being confined to the suffrages of a ' section of the people . If legislation had not been confined to the sufirages uf a section of the people , the nation would not have been feel ng the effects of the poor law amendment bill . ( Long and loud cheery . ) 1 will not , at all , maintain that the original poor law system of England did not require amendment and improvement ; but I will not admit that the poor man ' s rights ought to have been sacrificed in the way they nave been by the Poor Law Amendment Bill ( Continued cheers . ) That law furnishes the mode of defentinpr the poor moil ' s right by stratagem , when the legislature had not tke courage to do it Ly express provision . [ Great cheers . ] I nmininin taat the poor man has a claim upon the laud previous to the constitution of any other riglit whatsoever —[ cheers]—and that if the state has thought
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fit for the benefit of society to permit a monopoly of tie laud , thut that monopoly , by iu dividual- ? , can only hold good , subject to thai" great right which man has derived from his Creator , of subsistence from the soil by hit labour . [ Loud cheers . ] This great law no man can narrow . [ Cheers . ] Xo law can give a monopoly in the soil except subject to that great right—the right of man to be subsisted from that soil . [ Loud cheers . ] On the . s * principles , sir , I condemn the New Poor Law Amendment Act . [ Cheers . ] On these principles 1 condemn the princi p le which is attempted to be carried into operation by that law of defeating the poor man ' s right , by making the relief of such a nature that thej would rather die than accept it . [ Cheers . ] 1 speak more feelingly npon this subject because it is proposed to extend to Ireland a Poor Law of the same description . [ Hear , hear . ] Ireland has
not yet had the benefit ol any le ^ aJ relief being provided for the poor . [ Hear , hear . j That has hitherto beeu denied her . The . " want of it ha * been perceived by the Government . The Government have , at last , yielded to remonstrances upon the subject ; tut they propose to give us a bill , which I am sorry to say , is oi that nature that th « people would raibsr lie down and starve to death than accept its proyi * ions . —( Hear , hear . ) The bill is a delusion . It is a non-entity . It will , if enacted , be a source of multiplied patronage to the Crown , without doing any sort of good to ths people whom it is proposed it shall serve . —( Hear . ) Butif there are evils arising in this your country , from the too great power of the landed Aristocracy , what is the case in Ireland 7 ( Cheers . ) Why , comparatively , any evil suffered here is not to ba compared with those inflicted on Ireland by the power of the landed Aristocracy . — ( Hear . ) The great caus 9 of the poverty of the
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people there i * the nature of the relation betweea landlord and t « nant—the erroneous system by which the landlord id enabled to hold in his own possession the labour of the people , without any power being introduced to prevent it in the shape of a Poor La * . ( Hear , hear . ) Thus the people are oppressedthus are they reduced to ; the" utmost degree of Eoierty by the extortion of the-landlords , notbuly y the rents demanded , but by the mode of levying those rents End by the unlimited power of ejection which the huidlord possesses , —( Hear , hear . ) I mrdntain that the best and most serviceable Poor Law for Ireland would bs an amendment of the law of landlord and tenant—a law which would not permit the landlord to have that power of ejection
wherebjr the tenant miiy be turned helpless upon the world withoutnnycoiRpensatibnforhisimprovements without any compensation for that vested interest which he does possess in the land he has cultivated , of which the landlords in Ireland frequeutly depr ive him without leaving him the means of supporting existence . ( Hear , lienr . ) In England the oppression of the poor in this way falls back upon the landlord by tne tax he is compelled to pay towards lha support of the poor ; but m Ireland the landlord exercises the irresponsible right of ejection and distress without any controlling power over him either direct or indirect . ( He : ir , hear . ) Therefore if ever a eonQfa-T required a poor law , that country is Ireland —( hear , hear)—but it must be such a poor law
as will re-act against the landlord . ( Hear , hear ) . It ^ must not be such a law as will give him the means of proriding for those miserable beings bv putting them into a bastile-house , aud tliere confining them —( loud cheers)—rfor that is what the government measure of poor laws proposes . ( Cheers ) . These , sir , are some of the evils which " -. ' the people experience from the want of a proper controlling power over the legislature of their country . ( Cheers . ) I say , further , that there were other means than these by which any e \ ils that existed iu the old English poor laws might nave been remedied . ( Henr . ) The proper way to have remedied those evils would have been to have given tue people sufficient power in thp administration . ( Hear . ) I would have had-local bodies appointed by the people in their respeotive parishes to have administered the laws , and then
there would hare been no danger of ' a . ' innl-auiniuistration of them . ( Cheers ) . Tliat would , have .. been the best mode of correcting all the evils-of the former system , and it would not have "destroyed the poor lunai ' s natural right by making relief of a nature he could not nccept . ( Clieers . ) 1 hope tlie graater evils of the new sy . tem will be redressed . ( Hoar , Lestr . ) I hope the people will from this , moment take into tiieir own hands the means of redressing them , which ar«—a strong and an united declaration of opiuion . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , public opinion , whenfnlly and strongly expressed , in this country must control any auy government aud any power , ( cheers ) riml itis tho Lest way the people have of obtaining ail they w ; mt . I can mention another instance of . evil arising to the people from the want of u proper control on tlieir par ; over the legislature ^ ( Hear , hear . ) At the time our enormous debt was incurred for the sake of tlie .
war the income tax was repealed . ( Hear . ) .-Wiiy should the income tax have Deen repealed- ? ( Hwir , hear . ) It relieved the grea . t propr ! et"rs at the expense of the mass of the community . ( 11 ear , ) The tuxes were allowed to continue upou commodities Koas to bear most heavily upon the poor people , but the great proprietors were relieved from tliu charge by . its repeal .. Another point in which may bo observed the bad . effects . of partial , legislation is tlie probate duty , which was so ably exposed by tho lute Mr . Cobbett . The large propr ietors are released hovx this , - ' while the poor , who have nothing ; -to depend upon but their labour , are obliged to pay this liuty . ( Hear , hear . ) All these are . instances of t \ w bad efkets arising troiu the legislation of the country being- placed iu the hands of a portion of the
community . ( Cheer . - ' . ) It may be thought strange that I should advocate these doctrines so strongly , as I am so intimately connected with the U ' . nded interest , but , gentlemen , I . will not refrain from saying that which I think to be just and right between man arid man . ( Cheers . ) Reformers -are attempted to be checked in their career by ditYerent excuses . They are told that if they press forward iu < 'demanding these rights they . will einlnmus the existing ' aduiinistnition . ( i ' iear , hear . ) And they are told that , if that existing administration ; ire turned out , there are no persons to replace them but the Tories . ( Hear , hear . ) That is : in alternative of which I am not at all aware , ( hear , hear ) , because I think England is" not so scantily supplied with honest or able men as that wen : cannot be found
to replace the Whigs , and men who .-would' as honestly and as faithfully advocate the people's rights . ( Cheers . ) You are told you ' niust keep from preying all that you want for fear lest you should alarm the timid . ( Hear , hear . ) What is the use , gentlemen , of having meetings at nil if you are afraid , or unwilling to express your . honest . " opinions and your just demands i ( Chwrs . ) Are we " to . expect , are we to suppose , that if we do not ask for what we want we shall ever get any tiling ? ( "Hear !) There is a homely proverb , that '' honesty is the best policy , "' and 1 have never yet found cause to think that vrus a wrong ... sentiment . ( Hear . ) 1 do think—that in all cases ' wheTe .. the public are concerned—in all situations in life—that "honesty is
the best policy ;" and therefore I am of opinion , that the people s ' hould constitutionally , steadily , and fiill } -, expre £ S their want « and wishes . witLoiit reference to consequences : without regard to -the jiarty or the individuals who may be at tlie Lead of the state . ( Hear , hear . ) .-Let those individuals , if they will ,-go on with the people ; if they will go on witli the people , tlien the people ought to support them ; but if they will not , why should the people keep with them , aud overlook those-who will , . support them ? ( Cheers . ) I cor . siiierit is measures the people shonld look to , and not men . ( Cheers . ) There should be no partiality to men who . will not support all those measures which tire necOsiarv for tlie
interest of the people . ( C ! ie . r . « . ) Another excuse i < made—another objection is found against . the English people pressing on with tiieir demands which is , that Ireliiud would he lust if we were deprived of the present administration , ( tfear . ) I have no idea of van ring a . separate policy fcr ireland and thr England . What are the benefits that Ireland-has derived from this administration r The . sole benefit she has derived is , that oi' having Lord Mulgraye lor her Lord Lieutenant . I do not mean to undervalue the semces of that . nobleman ; it is . Impossible apy Irishman could mention his umuc , but with praise ayd respect . ( Hear , hear . ) But I . will not admit as a principle , th ' : it" the temporary benefit derived from the excellent administration' of the executive
should be considered a reason why a-. whole country shonld not press for those permanent . securities for her liberty , which can oiily'be derived from" pood laws , and good institutions . ( Cheers . ) But still more so , because thut , notwithstiuidiuir the administration has conferred upon Ireland tlie benefit oi such a good governor ' as the Earl of Mulgrave to manage the executive , yet every , measure uf the government has had' a tendency , to-establish a . despotism in that country— ( heai)—aud 1 will instance one measure , their measure with regard to the ' constabulary . What -would England-think , ' . if she had our armed constabulary throughout all her villager and . town ? , parading about the same as a-standing army ? ( Hear ,-hear . ) What sort of condition is
that for the libert ies of a country to be placed in ? ( Hear . ) In Ireland there is a i-fandiug army of this kind continually dispersed over the country . It is paid by the Crowii without reference to Purliitluent for the means . —( Hear . ) It is pail "half by warrant from the Lord Lieutenant , from tlie Consolidated Fund in the first instance ; rmJ afterwards another halfas levied-. upon the Irish ' -Counties by the same warrant , so that the people are taxed , not by their representatives , but by the Lord Lieutenant ' s warrant . —( Cheers . ) Is this , then , a . Constitutional force to be maintained hi any country ? Although this force was instituted by the Tory Govehuueut , it it has been increased and . ' -rendered permnutsnt by the Whig Government . —( Hear . ) Is this , therefore ,
a system to entitle thepreseut Admin ' istrauoii to the love aud praise of the people ?—( No , no . ) There is also .. a system " of . stipendiary magistrates in that country , holding office at the pleasure of tiie Crown , and liable to be disniissed by ttie Crv » wn ouly . These persons command this-standing . army , and they must obey the will of the Crown , on thVpain of losiug tlxeir places . These , gentleni ' - 'i ^ a re the measures wLich the Whig Government have ' tiik ' eu to keep the peace of Ireland . —( Hear . ) I admit that whilst Lord Mulgrave presides in tne executive , there is no danger of the powers of Government being abused , but I assert that these thing !; are creating a despotic power wldch may hereafter ' ' be applied to the destruction of the liberties of the
country , either under a V » 'hig or a Tory Administration . —( Hear , hear . ) In a late speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer , he says that England and Ireland shall be governed on like principles . — ( Hear , hear . ) Then let England take care that the same system be not "hereafter extended to herself . —( Hear , hear . ) The principle and-the example is laid in Ireland ; and the present Government will be willing enough to apply the same system to this country if they shall see tlie people becoming a little too troublesome , so let England take care of herself ! ( Cheers . ) Upon this ground , I say , Ireland and England ought to be legislated for on a common pohcy . ( Hear , hoar . ) 1 say that no supposed or
petty disadvantages should induce Ireland to separate herself from the policy which is necessary for the establishment of the rights of the : British people . ( Cheers . ) I trust , on this principle , that the British people are willing to respond to our call —( hear , hear)—that they are willing to join in advocating the rights of Ireland , if Ireland is wilUng to join in . advocating the rights of the British people . ^ This is all I ask . I ask an equality of rights , of privileges ; and I want to see m both a community of effort . Let ns , then , join hand in hand in the same united effort , without regard to the minor disadvantages of Ireland . Let Ireland join heartily in the common cause , and secure her own rights by obtaining the respect , the good feehng , and the interest of Britain .
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{ Hear . )^ What ^ need ; will . ' J re ]| ajjd' have \ o dread a 'To rj ' ^ ^ government . 6 T 4 . oryjuag ^^' s ^' n ' as : &e . 8 'Hitish people united '¦ with : her in the defenceof her ; rights ? \ Vhat ^ couldaTpryjudgeand a ToFjr ' cpv 0 ni . iiiient do against a Parliament that expressed the sense of the people ? ( Cheers . ) Tuis , then ^ is tl ^ e only tru ^ and just security which Ireland can have for obtaining justice . " ( Cheers . ) It has been said , that as at some fonner period Ireland has been ill treated by Br itain , Jiothing nbw is to be exjpected from her I do not wish to reap up old gneyances . I beUeve Britain does now see that the- interests of Ireland are not inimical to her own , and I believe she is now determined to do justice to Ireland in the proposal of
equal laws , equal rights , and eqiialliberties . ( Cheers . ) On this ground I nin sorry to remark that ; the EngBsh lladicals have been condemned for going too far forward . —( Hear . ) : It has been alleged that they have no ' sympathy with Irelnnd because they go too fast forwiira . I have defended them oh this . ' question ; _ and I trust that this nifeetin * will show that that is their feeling : likewise ,-- ^{ cn « ers)— that tliey have a sy ^ npathy for Irelnhd- ^ -that they are ready to do their u tmost to serve her , and carry her to the same goal to ' . ' which they want to carry themselves , and to those objects which will secure the rights and interests of both . —( Cheers . ) However highly I value the compliment which hnn been paid
id me here , any comphment thai should coine to me frdui tiny portion of the people , could not be acceptable to niy feelings except it---was' identified with the naine and interests of--uiy couiitry .-r- ( Hear . ) In niy country my atTections areeinbodied . —{ Cheers . ) It is the darhlig object of my life to : see that country improwug , to see her condition bettered , and her rights established on a sure and firm foundation .- — ( Clieers . ) And I am perfectly confident that I shall not be thought the : worse of by the British peopltf for this warm expression of feeling towards iny own countf }' , for the nian who has no regard for . . liis own country cannot have much love < 4 or any other- — ( hear)—therefore , I '¦ . ¦ frankly iutbnu you ^ the dearest interests of my . own country are niy first object , but
my . second object is , to serve pntatin whilst T am serving my owii'ir- ( ChetTs . ) Aiiother great cause , which I have been endeavouring , though himibjy , to advocate , is religious liberty . —( Hear . ) I luiuittiuu that tiier « can be no civil liberty without religious liberty . ^ -- ( Chee . rs . ) . In Ireland the great miuss of the population have be « n degraded by the tyrannieal usurpation of one portion of tli « ' community over the rest ,.. with regard to their religious liberty , [ Hear . ] Though Ibelong to that sect which did usurp the ^ o \ ver ,, I tlever could j k-rmit myself to . do other than assist inyCntholic ielfow couiitryiheii in the great struggle for their liberty , ( Cheers . ] 1 trust veligiousliberty will be established .
i trust thenglits of conacience , that the right of a free expression of religious opinion , subject to no . control of aiiy kind , will be establishwiJ , not only iu lay iown country , but thmuph the whole of the JJritish dominiou * . " [ Cheers . ] There is auothi .-r evil that arises from the people not having a due sharii in tlie control of goveriiuieut , atid in tlie ninkingdflaws . It iu the , evil that arise frorri diflerent coinpinations , [ llour , hear . } 'Thepeopleiireaccused of combining . \ S'hj do they ; tominrie ?— -ifiiear , hear . ) Because they have not the sectirity necessary for tlie ostablishiiient of their rigUU , —( llear , hear " ) If the popple could ' . 'have dependence upon the . !« . «> , and uijoli the . makers of tlieni ^ then they would
have lib occasion to ; combine . It' Uiiireriiajity of the Suffrage were effected ^ every iutin \ yonld $ \ ic \ he had that' protection himself in the making of the laws l . y which he was governel ; then he would refer his grieviinces to the Jvetri . slature with confidence of redress , aud there would be no heed of uiiiawfiil coinbiuatioiis . — : ( llefir , hear . ) And what is the canst ) of iiiil ? ivvfni coiiibiniitiojis in Jfeland ? The cause that create ^ , tbv > iu ; ebsewhere , uainC'ly , the people having no proper sequrity for the ia \ ys being so liranied as to do ttiem justice .- ^( Hear and cheers . ) : After thanking the meetingfor the kind expression of their opinions , the Hon . Gentleman retired amidst enthusiastic cheering .
The Chairman proposed vFeanrus O'Connor , Esq ., and tlie liberty of the press . " ]\ Ir . O'Connor replied to the toast in a long and eloquent address . The Chairman said the next toast was" Richard Oastler , ' Esq ., and the repealof the New Poor Law Act . " ( Cheers . ) Mr . Oastleb replied at great . length , and with much animation , but we . are obliged to omit his speech , * . The CllAlUMAN proposed the health of " Charles Crawford , Esq .,. and areal union between England and Ireland : " ( Cheers . ) ;¦' Mr . CliAWtdaD , juni :,, returned thanks . ilr . . O ' Connor , in ii brief address , proposed as the . lVex ' t toast * ' The Itev . J . 11 . Stephenis and the Ten Hours' Bill , ' ;
Jlr . STEPHENS responded in alengthy speech , rife with steclinp ; eloquence arid ' feeling . ' :-. Mr . S . Cuawfohd , in proposing the concluding toa ^ t , permit me to express the extreme gratification which 1 h : ive experienced from the proceedirig . s of this ¦ inee . t- ! ij { r . It is riot ' only from the feeling towards myself mauiTeated by tlie meeting that . ' I derive gratificatiou . However high and sincere that gratification may be , it is more so , when contrasted with thegratih ' eatinnT have experienced in other quarters . I trust I may see iu-this meeting of , the Reformers of StaleybriJjre ^ an . Endeavour to lay the foundation for a complete union between Ireland and England . Hitherto we havq had only a parchment union , which if it continues only , . such may at any time be torn asunder ns easily as the parchment on which it
is inscribed ; but if we Had an union of affection , of an equality ot rights and privileges , an union for the common gqod of'both , it would be impossible to dissever them . ( Cheers . ) I receive further gratification from perceiving tliat there is a spirit in the peopleespecially , itt the working people—to take up their own cause constitutionally , and to assert legally their own ri ^ htd , : ( Clieera . ) The rights of the y . eople , let it be recollected , will never be asserted if the effort doe » not emanate from themselves ! . ( Cheers . ) The Hon . Gentleman -- . concluded by . proposing '' The healthofjrhe liadieal Eel ' ormers of Staleybridge , both ladies aud gentleman . " The toast was received with vast applauae , and immediately afterwards the meeting separated .
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GREAT RidlCiVri MEETING ' ' ¦ ¦ ' ¦ AT LEEDS . ¦¦ ¦ i ; - ¦ _ ¦¦ "' . "¦ " ¦ ' . ¦' - ¦ On Monday ereniiifr last , a meeting vras lielj a ( the Coiuinercial . Buiidiiigs , , for _ the purpose oi petitioning Parliatnent for UliiTersai ¦ ¦ Sutrrajie . Annual Parlijuinents ,. Vote }> y Ballot , the Abolition ofthe'I fo . pei : t . y Qualification , and fur congratulating the Canadians on theirnoble S y rug ^ le for Free'lom . Long before the tnne ; sit which , the : meeting was udverti-sed to Iw heltl , tke roomwa « crowded witli people who waited with intense anxiety the arrivfil of the speakers .: At a . little after seven' o ' clock s the business of the . meeting was coiiirneuced , and Mr . Robkkt AfiftTix Wai called to thi » ( Vhair . Hs
stated tlu object of-tho meeting , and congratulated them tiu the occasion that had brought' them together . He was a working man , wliq ; felt himsjelt bound to come forward on all fitting occasions to ns sjit in-the , dause ' . of ¦ . freedom , and the honour that had been conferred on liim in calling him . to preside over such---a . lminerous and respectable assembly , would not by hini soon- 'be forgotten * : If there ever was a time when it behoved the forking classes to exhibit an inGrejising energy and ; detenhinatioii in their demands for " : freedom , ¦ 'that" was : the period . ' — ( Henr , hear ;) The '' two great factions of Whigand Tory had evidently- ^ a greed in one common object ^ thttc of pluiideriiig and oivpressiivg tke . peoplei- ^ ( Loud clieers , ) The recent declaration of Lord
John Russell "in ! tlie Hpnse of Gouitnons , that the Reform Bill was to be considered- a final ineasure , precluded all hopes of atiy aTnelioration of the political condition oF the working classes either from him or his colleagues in power . —( Hear , hear . ) It : therefore remains for . ns , witli a , voice and a determiuatioil cs lou-1 as the thunder and as irresistible as the lightning- * to ]) . rocl : iim ; that the progress of Reform shall still move onward , —( Cheers . ) This meeting was convened for the purpose of petitioning Parliament , to grant tliem those rights ; w'ithout which they must ever remain the mere slaves and servants of-. those , who exercised an unjust and unholy dominion over the labouring classes . That a change was necessary no one would attempt to
deny , for if : we looked around upon society we should behold the extreiiie of . grandeur and extravagance ou the one hand , and the extreme of misery mid destitution on the other .- ^ - ( Hear , hear , hear , ) If tliis change was necessarjyit w ^ as obvious that some' meaiis should be adopted whereby to effect that change , and it must also be admitted that the main evils which at pri'sent afflict society were the consequence of bad tiovernmen t It folio Wed , therefove , as a matter of course , that the only remed y for this state of things was to be found in Cuiversal Suffrage . —( Heaiy hear . ) This ^ then , was the grand objedt for which this meeting was convened , and he hoped they would this night show their
determination to wear tlie chains of slavery no longer , and would evince their ; detenninatiou to make one effort to emancipate themselves . —{ Cheers . ) He would not trespass lohgef upon ! their patience , than | n requesting 1 their undinded atteution to the sentiments about to be laid before them , and hoped that tuose sentiineuts , so far as they were in accordance with truthand justice , "would meet with a cheerful response from every honest heart within these \ ralls . —( Loud cheers . ) The Chiirman then stated that some of the geiitlamen who had been in \ ited to attend the meeting could not possibly attend , in coriiequence of other pressing engagements ; but that he had received letters from them \ vtioh bore the good wishes of thos » gentlenaen .
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and their hearty concurrence in the objects bi the mefeting . A letter waa read from Sir Wiffliain Moleswprth , expressing his , regret that . h « waa obliged to be absent ; he hoped that while thagr thought of their own grievances , they would not forget the state of Canada . —( Loud cneerinif . ] h-Another letter of similar import wa 8 read froin Mr , Leader . The Chairman then called upon . ; ' Mr . XipoROE : \ Yhite to move the Hr ? t resoibtioii . He said- ^ Thi ^ meeting had been called by the Members of the Leeds \ Vorking Men ' s Association , who could riot possibly have any party interesta to gerv'e in misleading the working population of this town . This was no clap-trap meeting , called either for Whig or Tory purposss , it was called by the
men of Leeds who felt their grievances to be almost intolerable , arid who were anxious to call tlie working classef together , arid all others who were disposed to join them , iu struggling for the good : of the who !? .. ; As for the \ Vhigs and Tories , ha thought the name ought to be henceforth" dropped , for in his opinion , the one party svas merely a transcript of the other ; that although distinct ini their name * they were united in their cause : ;—( eheers )^~ -and that if there was any differunce bietweeri thwri , it w ^ s merely in the met that the Tories were like highway robbers ^ who would knock them down arid rille their pockets , and tell them that they would do so ;
as long ns they bad the power , while the Whigs , vrho j > Toft > ssed to be Radicals out ol' office , were just as fond of plunder as the Tories , — - ( Loud cheers . ) They had no mptiye for coining forward ori this occasion bu t thegeneral good of all , by endeavouriiigv if pcssibU * , to obtain justice for themselves and their t ' ellpw-inei ) , who were sutrering fwin poverty while there wa * sufficient to innke all comfortable arid happy;—( cheers)—^ arid he , as a working mail , should alWRys ! coinw forward whenover occasion roquired to lend his stouteit opposition to the tyruniiy of those by who « e lnjd-gpveriinieut they had been involved in such a calamltdud eituatiou . ' ^ ( Cheers . ) Ho concluded by moving the following resolution : ^— ¦
" That in the opinion of this meeting . the present systeni . of representation is a shameless mockery of the producers of all wealth . That a Property Qiialirieation can } wve no semblance of justice , unless all men shall be endowed by nature with the same mental and bodily acquirements , arid by the arrangement of Society v / jth the same means ol acquiring property . That tnowing . by experience the nipriopoly of lawmaking usurped by the monied orders to be the cluef cause of all the social misery , and political degradation of too working classes , we demand , as a remedy for this state of tilings , tViat the right of voting for Members of the Commons House of I ' afliament be extended "' . to ' ' all who Are called upon to pay taxes either directly or otherwise . " . ¦
Mr . ( Ieohcr ROiikhtou'x seconded the reaplutiori . He said tiie niecting inifc'lit think it alrange that be should come forward to secoiid a re . soliitiou wiieii there were pre-ient so many able speakers ; l > ut ho had do . ie so to sliow tlmt workinj ; inen were dt'tcrn : hied no longer ti ) be tlie dupi'S uud slaves of others , but t . i take- their afl ' airs into their ( ivyri luuiiic . —( Cheer . ! . ) ' He said Uint ' . 'ior' Vforking moil tii be di'pn ' ve . J of flie elective ; franciiise , linist lie eitjier riylit or wrong ; if it was right , then tlie Reform ijill had gone a irrejJt ¦ Iwll trio far ; if it < wna wronpr , wheti * should , t . luiy dvaw . 'Uve lint * of ; tlis \ incti'on between tlmse who w « ve to Imve it an ; l those who were riot ' '—( Hear , hear . ) Ior his own purl lie considered Universal Suffrage the inalienable ri g ht iif every mini , ami hoped they \ vould bo i : nited and -detenriincdin their eflbrts to obtain , it . ( Loud i-ht-iTS . ) He seconded the resolution . ' -
Mr . Shaivman Cnawfoii p then stepped iorward , and wan hailed with loud cheers , lie said—^ Mr . Cliairmnn itnd gentlemen , I am proiid to have thy honour of staiiding before the assembly which I now »> ee around me . The origiriatorti of thik lueetiu ? did me the honour to invite me to attend it . I am aware of what was the motive of the invitation ; I conceive it to have Vieen a desire to express the disposition of the Radicals of Leeds to concede real justice , equal rights and liberties to their Irish brethren . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) I conceive that that invitatioli proceeded also from an approval of the principles 1 have put / forward in pubhc ; ' and these were , that there should be no dissensions in the respectiveappeal for right , from -. England arid Ireland , froiii 7
any petty considerations . He conceivedthat Ireland and England were engaged in a common cause—¦ requiring a common course of policy . Believirig " the invitation tohave originated in these principles , ^ he had felt bound to honour himself by accepting it . Whenever the hand of friendshipWas : . held , by Englishmen to Ireljilid , he held every Irishnvan bound to accept it with cordiality . The resolution embraced great and importKiit objects , of which ' the chief was the universality of the franchi « e . Thiv , and ail the other measures ^ contemplated by . the meeting , he considered ad so many ends for the attai-uirittut of one great : object—the pbtaininij of equal justice for all classes of the people . ( Chedrs . ) " You i ' , " said he , " and justly , that you have Hot
equal justice either in the formation or admuiinistratioiLof the laws at present . ' Tlie laws are constituted for the benefit of a section of the people only —in proof of this , he would refer with confidence ; to the dutie * by whose operation the prices of bread were raised upou society for the support of one particular interest . Although himself entirely dependent on an income arising from land , he would never support the continuance of an impost by wliich the interests of that class to which he happened to belong were kept up at the expense of every other class in society . ( Great cheering . ) Thei operation of those ¦ duties to enhance the price of tke poor man ' s bread , arid to diminish the : amotinj ; of profitable labour which might have been created by the
exchange of foreign produce for our / manufacture . — This pressed hardly upon the industrious classes of the country , whether agricultural or riiercantilei ; and why was this ? What was the reason that the interests of the people generally were uot caredfor by the Legislature , and that the interest * of the , great inass of population were sacrificed-to those of a numericnlly iijsi ' gnifi . caut clas ? ? Because the people had not their just and right share in the making (> f the laws . What , then , lie would " ask ., - was tlie remedy ? Why , that e ' -yery man . who . contributed , either" directly or indirectly , to the resources of tiie country , should have a voice iu the election of those who made the laws and iniposad the taxes . lie would admit tdat there must be exceptions to the
universality of the sull ' rage : persons' / of . urisouud mind , who knew not , and were incapabie of estimatujg the order and interests of society ; that is to say , persons insane , and persons also , whether Of high , or low rank , whose character * were defamed by crime , should b « excluded from the sufrrage ; -i-( Wear , hear . ) He did not , however , consider them exceptions as entitled to any weight in the consider ation of the priuciple of universality wliich was not atl ' ected by them . No . suffrage was calculated . to promote and secure the just rights of the people which was not universal ; extension of the Btiftrage was a vague term which , though much used by some , conveyed no certain presage of the restitution of right . Mr . C . then went on to speiik of the lleforrii
Act , _ obsening that the operation of that act was to confine the suffrage , to a very great exterit , to the landed interest . He protested against this principle aS unfair and unjust , ' it was . said that the vote should be confined to those who had what was called a st ; ike" in the countrj ' . Now he maintained that the mechanic and . the artizan had as great a stake in the country as anybody . ( Hear , hear . ) Who was more interested in the prosperity of the country , than him whose whole dependence : w * as in his labour which was sooij , to fail if the country were not prosperous , and if it did fail , lie had no prospect but starvation and death , while it was possible that tne wealthy men might lose much in the confusion of an unsettled state of things , and n " pt yet come into
that condition . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) It was necessary , moreover that the extension ' oi the suffrage should not be limited for the , election of / members of Parh ' ament ^ b ut that it should also be extended to all corporate " .-offices ..- One of the evils of thewant of the suffrajje was the enactaientof the New ; Poor-law Act , which would ' -never : -have been enacted if the artisans of England : had bean put in possession of the suffrage . This ' "system' of legishi tion ought to be carried but to every department of government , whethtr local or national— whether municipal or parliamentary ; arid it was the only principle which could be productive of the real and lasting interests of th « working clashes , ( Hear , and c&eers , ); He thought that the fashion of appoiritirig
commissioners as under th « new Poor-law was only constituting a despotism under a different name / . It was ; giving a despotic power , not under the nanie of kingly power , but it wis transferring a kingly power to coirimigsionera ' , and giving to them despotic authority , ( H « ar , heari ) He maiutained thattie mechanic who subsisted himself by his toil , had as great an ; interest in the prosperity of the country as any other irihabitant , and therefore had as good a rightto possess the elective franchise . Even the man who was blessed with landed wealth , had his thotisands of pounds in the year , riiight -loose some of those thoxisands and be brought to beggary- ^ ( hear arid ^ cheers ) ---but if the poor man should lose the profits of his industry , he It * marked as a . beggar .
and is obliged to throw himself upon th « charity of the public ^ He did not wish it to qe supposed at thii meeting that there would not always and necessarily be ari inequaBty in the circumstances of the peop le ^ This was the case in every country ; there must be ; high and lowf rich and ; poor ; but no mean 3 should be used to make the poor man poorer than he realty was . ( Hear , hear . ) He wished that the poor man should be sristained at the cost of thbse who were more fortunate ; He was of opinion that the poor , had the first claim ori thp land , and / that it never was ' intended by the God of Nature that the land should be so monopolised by those who call themselves its owners as to exclude the poor from their share in iti produce . —Mr . Crawford proceeded to show the necessity of the Ballot in connexien with
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UnivergalSunrage , and theerfl of granting to the £ 10 constituency any protection before fte labouring classes were put in possession of the same privilegttv He said the Reform Bill was paMed Rome years ago from which great expectations bad been formed ; but it had ^ proved altogether inefficacious in promoting the reaiinterestd of the nation . It had afready been declared by ahigh authority inParliameut that theprin cipleupon which the ReformBill was foandedwajithaj tlielandeduit ^ restshoald be maintained predominant That principle was uot understood at the time j but if reference [ was made to the provisions of the bfll , and some circumstances that had occurred while ths bill was passing through ita several utages , it would be seen that that was the realinteutipnofthe bill . Tha effect of it was to incrensB the couiity conatitnencr .
who embodied the landed interest . That was th » operation of the bill , and it had been proved since by what had occurred ; Since that time the parties who were thefraniers of the bill had had more power . That bill was carried by a large majority , many of whom were onthe side of people ; but from that day to this their majorities were reduced to nineteen or twenty ; for h « did not consider what were called Whig majorities to be majorities in favour of the rightsof the people . ( Hear , hear . ) He had had thecfi rionty to refer to the 2 speech of Lord John Russell , at thetimeof the passing of thfe Reform Bill j and he found that iii that Tery speech , on the second reading : of the bill , he had maintained that priuciple . He had answered the objectioris made to the Reform Bill by
showing that the limitations of the franchise in the manufactnriiig towns corild / have no political weight under that bill . He had said it Was a curious fact , that out of 130 rriechanic * who were household " era iu '¦/ Leeds , " , only two Were jSIO householders , ( hear , hear , ) and thixt these two only would therefore have the franchise . ( Groans . ) He had taken froin the town of Leeds the instance to prove that the innnufacturiug interests could not rise under bill , ( Hear , henr . ) He had then gone on to say , that th * proportion in ManclKPSter / was as 30 to 130 , ( Heah hear , ) He mentionied these facts to * how what were the priuciplef of that bill , namely , ta incTea s * the landed | ititerest , to injure the manufacturing interests . ( Hear , / hear ; arid loud applause . ) Ana
it was thus exemplified by Lord Jfohn Russell ' s sp "h . Thus , . tlrtfri , the very merit wlr-ch Lor i Jol . n llussell nscribed / to that bill wns the ^ very evil wliicri they were then asseniUed to epdRavour to hiive redressed . The evil was that the whole weight of inUuence wai thrown into the hauds of the landed interest , while the people had no power to preserve their .. own rights ( hear , hear ) ; and thprttfore it was doubly the duty of that ineeiirig to claim from thd Legislature that extension : of tlie fraiicliise wUicb would give to every man an equal right in liiakirig the laws by which he was to be goycrned . ( Loui cheers . ) Another principle wliidi ; liad been siignested as a reason why they werv riot to preVs too l . ard for their rights , was , that it was desirable for thein ti » get their rights by instaljiien jsi' ( Lhughier . ) They hud seeu \ vhat ha . t been the . fleet of the iu .
stalmerit ot the Rclonri Hill . ' .. > ot . wiui » tanuiug all tin * cUarigtss / iiiade by thitt :- "" -: bi . Il , ^ they h : vd defiveii tr ' oiii it no advantage , and now they were obliged to Jiave : e ourse riunin to fir ^ t principles ; and were cbinpeiled to rouse tho public spirit ngaiu , to olitjiin wlint wOU ] d have been tibfainrJ . at that time , if ii had been pressed ^' -for / by . 'tho public feeling .- ( Loud fheern . ) He had nev ^ r mentioned instalments to form a comp : irison between politicnl and cpiajnercial interests . // Suppose , a inerchnnt gave to lii « debtor , whpm he Lad iritrusted with his property , the privilege of payiiig his debts by iristalir . entsv would not that niHrchantrefiuire : a provision wheu the future instalinents were to be paid ? ( Ifear , ) - ^ Would not / the : merchant be considered a verv soft
man who tookou « instalment , without any- security for the others ? ( Cheers . ) Tie should have no objectio : i to take any instalment , proviUed security irere given when they .. should have tlin remaining install iiu-nts , and when the whole debt should be paid .- — ( Loud cheers . ) But that merchant would be a still soi ter maii « ifhe to , ) k the payment of one instalment when the debtor told him be never intended to pay aiiy riiore . ( Cheers . ) If this case was applied to political interests , it would be found tliat- the peoplg would be eq , nauy foolish , if they consented to tak » any instnhi \ ent without knowing when the whole debt was to lie paiJ * ( Hear , hear . ) < Jn this principle , there were , many eiriinent iiidividuals . who would sny that the people ought not to ask for
Universat guftVage ^—b ut that they ; ought to : be s'ltisfied with the vague term , the extension of the Suffrage . He , however , was of : opinion that there was nothing like plainly , saying what they wanted , and what they had in view . ( Hear , hear . ) It would not , in his opinion , tend to proriiote their great object to ask for any extension of the Suf irage short of that which they had already defined , ( . hear , hear , ) that every mail who paid taxes should have a voice in the election of members of parliament . If they got one instalment of tlie frai > chiiiej a greater nuinber of those that were how with them- would-become political monopolists , and they would have a less powerful body ; to call for . Universal Suffrage . It was not , therefore ,
expedient for the puople to accept of any extension of tLe Suffrage . srnulier than . that whicUwas necessary for the great intereista of the whole community . ( Loud cheers . ) Another point was tbisi ^ -It ; was said that the people should not annoy the Whig lealeri , for if they did they might : introduce the Tories . ( Laughter ;) He did not see that there was any occasion / for fears on that subject ^ for there were men enough in England to fill the situations of th # present ministers , if they had occasion to go out of office , without haring recourse to their sworri-. ene */ mi ' Hs ' j " , the "~ -Tories . ^^ ( Loud cheers . ) His opinion was that the ; present ministers should be once fairly tried by instructing them what were the wishes of . tlie people , and if they / refused to support their
rights , they should then address the : sovereign aud require that sovereign to dismissv those liiinisteri which had not the corifidence of the people . ( Clieers . ) Another objection ' .--iwas , that if they put out the present ministers they would ruin Ireland . ( Hear , tear . ) That , was an objection , which had been niade from / high quarters conriected -with : ' -. Irish interests ; but he had contended . against it , the whofe tijne he had a seat in Parliament . ( Hear . ) They should look to measuresV arid not to thp men , who proposed them .-. He considered that though they had a chief governor , who \ vas ' much esteemed , and whohad acted with impartiality and kindness , that was no ' . ¦ reason . ' why Ireland should abstain froin pressing for those great principles which could only
be . the safeguard ot their liberties . ( Loud cheers . He should never call upon the people of England to abstain from demanding their rights in consequerice ; of any policy with reference to Iriiland , audit was not expedient that Ireland shonld call npoii the people of / England to do that for hei which she could not do for herself . If he went back to the measures which had been proposed / by tha Melbourne / Ministr } ' - for Ireland , he did not see a single measure which could tend to secure the people s rights , except it riiightbe the Corporitiori Bill Jivery . other riieasure was intended to establish a system of djespotishi , and to place the entire government of .-the country in / the hands of the execntive . ( Hear . ) He said that the name of Tory-Radicals
had been given to ; the British people in conser { ueiibe of their seeking to reriiedy their gnevarices , regardles * of whether the Whigs were supported or riot . ( Hear . ) For his own : part he despised tbat name ( loud cheers ); andhe could ventiire to say , that from the beginning bf his political life to that hour he had never advocii ted a Tory principle . ( Cheers . ) If the men before hiin were to be c lEetl Tory-Radicals because they maintained their rights , he was ready to be called bnu too , ( Hear , hear , hear . ) Theyhad been charged ^ ith outrages in Ireland , but what was the / caiise of them / w ? why , itrwas that the people had no voice in the laws by which they were governed ; / They had no confidence ; in the laws , and they were therefore compelled to resort to illegal means to redress their own grievances because they had not that protection wMcH the laws should afford .
Oneofthemostriromineiitcansesofthbs ^ oritragesw ^ that there was no Poor Law in Ireland : the poor man had nothing but his bit of land j and a man Jiayhig no other source of existence would rather loose his life than his land should be taken from huri » [ Cheers . ] Had tbere been a Poor Law upon whict thepoor man could have fallen back incase of starvtttion ^ there would never hav ? been those outraged [ Cheers !] But when the people considered their grievances they should alsio consider the means of redress , and those means were by holding such meet ings as the present , by appealing to the popular voice , and he did not doubt that even in the present coiTupt state of the House df ^ Commons , those iiieaii * would be effectual . Let not ^ therefore , the peop le
despair of carryirig their object if they did butperseveje in a detenniried manner . He was no friend to violeace because he thought it nnnecessaiy , and because it most constantly depressed the cause wliic " tho desired to support . ; He wished them to adop t constitutional , determined , energetic proceedings arid he did not doilpt , as past experience had proved that they would be eminently successful . Such were "hi ? opimoris . Of all things he dreaded most the effilsion Of bl ood . [ Hear . ] 'lliere was a deep responsibly lityresting upon those who produced theeffusioa w blood in any case , unless a remedy couljfbe found by no other means . He wished to express his sentiments on this oKJc ^ sion particniarly ott ^ that point , because he thought nothing was necessary but
determinediy to express the public desire . ; He rejoiced » the retrospection of sucri meetirigs as these . He hao ; attended anothermeeting lately , at whichthe foundatiori was laid for a kindly and brotherly feehii ? betweenEnglishmen _ and Irishmen jand if his attendance here conld be in any vvay instrumental in pronTotingthat object he should thmfe Ms tune was better spent , than in any thing he had attempted througn the whole of his life . [ Cheers . ] He rejoiced for the sake of Ireland that that unity sipnld take place , \ f causa he was iirml y ¦ persuaded that Irishmen ooul aeyer be in a position to servii themselves , unless they were / united with their British brethren , [ hear heard aud he rejoiced atitforthe sake of England fhe at haarjbecause 1 © was equally asfemly peMuMeath *
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 13, 1838, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct337/page/6/
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