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^^=*= $ri£mai Corr^wnlrencc.
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Ctjarlut mWicttnte
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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" Ziy &L O-MALXBT , OF THE DUBLIN CHARTIST ASSOCIATION . .. High cock-a-l onim jig , -to n * n who has no hair ^ lawfully wear a wig . " Peab O Hallet , —I offer the above as an sp-* Ljste inott * * OT Iliah ¦ S 14 *^ ? Md *¦ il not * J * ^^^ * » i * new * asne Ire ^ frp ^ **•• mint — " T ** ^^ ho eonnniU crime strengliiens the enemies of hi * "TG ^ jy , -when patriotism i » run to so cltse a shift at w dressing of traisms in ad captandvm phrasej the patriots themselres must be hard ran . the ban the
^ v P * ^ motto upon pole , asked " Q the bald he&d of Irish patriotism , and there is * CtSa ^ yesaBS in ^ J * « Te » * t « nakedness , at all * ° t * sad , k » truth , my friend , the motto ia not a * f ' jnaicrons than the recent unmeaning addre « ™~ ^^ wych I am about to address you . ^ J vujdleT , I hope you have read from " firstly" to . vvg ^ jthly" of &e k ^* patriotic exhortation to the _ _^ tt £ » 2 * arrer-ilionjht-of peopl e of Ireland . 3 i ^ pe pa Jara read Mr . O'Co nneU's accompanying scle , ^ tiut J am ' irritil 1 ^ one who '" ^ taTe " boti sde 8 of *^ < luestdon when he has read this
tete If eTer the veil « f sophistry was thrown over jjjt ^ B tsin of iiuquity ; if eTer a bit of court pl » ister , » , app lied t * mortal vround ; if ever retreat was KBitded fc ? » coward general ; if ever extinguisher was MtTipon a light , we have all here . Here "we haTe the « jT ^) vell-kno''ra orangeanti-Catholic feeling dressed n in fivniog language , and bedecked in new plumage , I , & eoj ^ uck to lure the people from the scent of rtal fri eT&nces and from the pursuit of the real malefactor . O'iXailsy * " ** " there a CaAJiolic in Ireland who Tr&s art stare tiat 5 erge »» t Jackson , one of the pitrioU » f iht Oaoge Ejldsre-streefc School , and the
Orange-BSi iia ® . ve » m strongly tinged with anti-Catholic ¦ -andio c as men could be ? Was there one man in jjgjjnd ignorant of the fact that , all such partiiins vtrt , ' ^> pronKtecl to the bench , uncontrolled , save tjr popslif opinion and the Terdict of a jury of Irishj ^ ^ be , according to their faith , were aa deeply ( if OHniac eaj dyed in prejudice as the Judge himstlf ? 1 j th « fresh discharge of their wrath , tien , a sufficient jjjjjjj ^ aoE tor BuiiBg such a paltry display a subterfun f « smothering the Repeal cry "for the present " noruer tbat all attention should be directed . to the jaare important consideration of how to dispose of
JvisiV- ' i and Lilton ' s bubbling froth ? and , oiaare , instead of being heightened by baring ths saostion of the leaders of their party , Hi O'Goanell ia obliged to eke negative conclusions ce : suppositions premises . He argues thus : — "Iras , Peel and Stanley , and the leaders of the brains , did not support , or appear to countenance the nesEie , and , therefore , "ws are to presume that those jsnicsirere cogninnt of , and approved and sanctioned ft « proceedings . " Strange logic that , and practice Tery SJereat to that heretofore charged against the whole ictioa ; niinely , that wherever a blow was aimed at Irehad , or at her religion , it was sure to muster all Ss itrengsh of the anti-Irish party . Howerer , ire find
fes -nxy same conclusion arrived at , from diamsta-tnT opposite premiaei And , now , is it not miisacholT to see a natien so hoodwinked as to suppose fiie taligttened portion capable of being led away fcjihe assertion that the oft-repeated rhapsody of a Scotch H y ^ . echoed by a pair ot Irish fanatics in $ aesfc of prey , ii eren more important than Stanley ' s Bin , iriiei , a few days sires , was " the most important memce rrw proposed for the consideration of IrelsDdf and dots not this scale of importance , each new incidett increasing in magnitude according to its insna £ oace , asd &H out-topping Bepeal in immftdiate decani , serre to make every honest man loot , with cemenipt , and eTery knave with suspicion , upon the snail imanat of iini > onance "WBich iir . O'Connell
attaches to the ouestion of Repeal ? In short , he tews it cccrenlertly in tie larder as a cold dish to run to when in ihurry . Bat 2 c ^ , mj &iend , let us see if , upon tLi » hasty ciinje , I csn break another of fiction ' s waTes upon my little rock , ilaik my reasoning , then , O'Malley , and follow me caha ) y step by step . I i » Te alrsadr prored tiat moral force being relied vpon Li the iccomplisbmsst of Repeal , it became the piaEoast duty of the S * psaler » to strengthen their mast tiLaait farce by augmenting theii numbers in the Eot ^ j of Commons .
1 hive shown that one of the great and just causes < £ l £ sh dissatisfaction , and her fiemaad for a native F&ti'attis-. *_ ¦ vras ehcreh abase , and her lauds ole iniiety to be rtlitTed of the galling trammels and unjust impoE-ians of a law Cburch adverse to the national fcli . Ttls being a fact , -which none can deny or even ttecpt to dispute , it equally follofrs , as in the ease of TLep&Z , thai the anti-tithe * nd anti- church party iSuoli } tyre been rtrscrthened in the House ofJCocimons . ASukSa" this fact , then , I presume that no maa of
rannca s ense will deny that the bold , the fair , the JBsalr , sad sure way totrards its accomplishment , was ty Ae Irish Catholic people sending members of & = ir era persaaaon to represent them ; thereby , at «« pvisg Znghod ths most conclusive and unerring Pm ! of srti-tithe aid anti-State Church feeling . This * a Atii cotrse , thtir only course , if they hoped to gain * recg *« h , respect , and power , for their party ; and to * let us see in how far they have pursued that rams .
osraliey , cow observe that , by the late address , the " ^ of tie game of thimble-rig has been completely S ^ ased . We asked for Repeal to abolish tithes , but « pea has teen tak ^ n from under the Repeal , or politbl , thin We , and placed under the anti- Catholic J&ile . Did the ebullition of Saint Colquhoun , or ^ ^ of Jactso n and Litton , tike Mi . O ' Connell *! anprise ? for oce irsr . really think so . Ut ts lj ^ see is bow far the Esglisb House of Com-*~ i is TTirranttd in taking the Irbh aversion to tithe * « ^ Petftrenct for tbeir own religion , for granted , from » - tiiy caa by wiueh they can jndce , namely , the J ^ ssc a Cithvlic Meinbas in the House . And bear a * a ^ ^ i 3 complaint ius been made , by the saint * , -ttjs ^ is . on ofCatliolIc il embers at all : and that
„ ttOtSBe mast nsc ^ ssarily alarm ttem , weaken *» . «« i strengthen the Catholic party . J ^ L « ir e , then , in ho ^ far the moral force of Ireland ¦ " -S streng thened upon tv . ia sow more importsint JJ ^ ^ R q ^ al iUEif . Th e Catholic party , sinee j ^/ ^ ]{ fet b Kt-rr y , Charlu O'ConnsU ; Coik , Dr . Sei ^ T' - JC 2 ln ° ' Con 2 eIJ > Md Daunt ;; in Tipperary , a £ T ^ ^ ' ^ J * -. ^ Kilkenny , Finn , ' and Sullivan ; w \\ " Janty ' Fi ? z »™ on ; in Queen ' s County , 3 Ete ' I ^ or ; in Carlo-w , Biaciney ; in Clare , ^^« a , jur :. ; in Waterford , G ^^ ay ; in Uablin , n ^! ' D ^ Kbeda . O'Dwyer ; in Meath , M . tdLambert
» a ^ % ! T > : iD Neifr 7 > Brady ; tnarr ! ' ^ - ^ y- Xo ^ O'Malley , there are ^^ outraad-out Cathoacs gone in a sweep , many j ^ . * ° PPSd off , and replaced by Protei . sn ^ although you have got a few be ^ kie P ^ of some , yet , are tb » y iQ eCTf ^ Eame ' " whUe y ° teTe a g ^^ at for the new batch in treasury-B ight I * b 5 v "T' ^ Bar 0 Q ets , and expectants ; bo that ^ 6 lost more than twenty Catholic Members , ft * . ^ Sfy oue of Whom might have retained hia not the jealousy of the autocrat got rid of < Wi J * f «« of beia « Passed on to a re-^ aTch I r ' pled ? e a nliet trom m&aii ' ^ fire ^^ v ¦ " ffhiIe other »" werei > oc £ b . t , like any * ia tinT *^ ^ 6 &We Huffiet » and some ticketed jfor 5 C ^ tofj trea £ ° rypeDS : ^ b the progression
* tttabTl Coimeli > 8 strengthened position to meet ' TZr 6 Ieater « aatlat of Stanleys Bill , and fc PWeiitous &tLd fttU «>« gloomy *« j » ct , m to ^ ° » eren Repeal itsslf , j ^^ niy friends , I prove to yoa that every bo » est * C « kIk ^^ ^ Ecere t ^^^ boKtionirt , and . 1 ot « a olTf ? S > ^ ^^ dwnned off ' «» ^ . h ttatT ** ' b ° ^ t oS ' ^ Pwmised off , Nr aW meaKlHa Bboul ( 3 Dererpaa * , fent that ^ J *» J of tV *^ h * " * * disca « ioa « pon the *« n , fa 2 i , waboUtiOB 0 { tiUua ' OTnothiB « ^^ rfi atlleS ^ lMtea them with an * ^ ea nr * f ^ ' £ TB ^ oent te eTer ^ P ° o the * ** e % wi £ * " confi din « . but hoodtrinked , * & * rt \ 2 ? V EpeD " ^ ^^ diy a—t a . -uch Qen or
^ "PWi th ^ r <« Mer abuse , md fat-* * eSw ^^ ° tGisbOTHe ' Bnme ' ^ many more Aa «^ Iwb patriots T- tte » g » iL * t tbe Repeal , and
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were they not denounced ? nay , did not many who haTe since been recommended as patriotic Members , actually Tote for the Coercion Bill ? and this is Lriah patriotism 1 O ' Malley , do yoa imagine that either Aihton Yates or Gisbome sit for nothing in their easy Beat * 1 if you do , you are a gre&Ur fool than I take you for . Now , we come to an observation or two upon Mr . O'Connell's mode , proposed on Sunday last at the Curragh , for gaining agricultural support in aid of a repeal of the Union . He says , " that one object which he always had in view was to ensure compensation for the outgoing tenant , for any monies expended during his tenan * y . "
Now , my friend , what has he done to effect this ? How could he effect it ? And has he taken the proper means to secure it ? He has done nothing ; be can do nothing , except by giving eiery man a - ? ote , which will be bis title deed , but which he haa opposed with all his might and strength . Does he not know that the Duke of Devonshire and many other large lauded proprietors , have leng since acted upon this plan ? Let me tell you the only method by -which it can be accomplished ; by taking away the power of distress fromibe landlords ; by giving the tenants leases for ver at a corn rent ; and by simplifying the law of ejectment , which would then be a dead letter—as no Irishman , with a lease for eTer , would ever owe one sMlline
arrears . But while he thus nibbles about the edges , how does he propose to secure the poor tenant during his possession r for , mind , he is only to be compensated at the " expiration of hia lease . Why he proposes t » repeal the Corn Laws , without giving to both tenants and labourers a vote by which they could obviate the infliction of the whole pressure upon the poorer classes ; and which would , of necessity , and of a certainty , drive 20 l , 0 M farmers , large and small , and , at least , 500 , 100 labourers at once from th « Irish fields to the English rattle boxes ; and this is compeusatio * . But , O'Malley , in all the compensation , I never heard of the p » or labourers' compensation . Alas , my friend , 1 fear they they are not , poor fellows , able to fork out te the new Patriotic Fund .
Now , don't you know , perfectly well , that every Irish , landlord is over head and ears in debt ? Don't you know that even , if willing , they would not be able to make an abatement commensurate with the reduction upon grain consequent upon a Repeal of the Cora Laws ? Don ' t you know that if Wheat was wiling for 10 s . a bag instead of 25 s ., according to which price a bargain may have been made , taat the landlords w « uldh » Te the goose , the blaniet , toe pot , the settle , the three-legged stool , and everything upon which they could lay their hands , and that batch after batch of teaant * would be broken , and labourers starved , while the ship was righting , and while rents were finding their level , according to the newly stamped Talae , and which , at the end , could only be accomplished by Universal Suffrage .
Tbes , again , see , O'Malley , how he has sold the English League , upon the question of the Corn Laws . He tried to get up funds and a national convention to sit-in London ; bat he failed , and then he said , " O your party is too weak ; you must give it up . " And having drained and starred the artizius and operatives in the Irish towns , and finding , through the priests and little landlords , that the Irish people were against being transported , in quert of work , to England , by a repeal of the Cora Laws , he throws the English overboard , and Is silent , wholly silent in Ireland , upon the great question of " 0 , above all , gitx the people cheap food . "
New , O'Malley , I am a sincere advocate for the repeal of tie Corn Laws , but conditional upon such a power being vested in the hands of the people as will preclude any possibility of a nation being either driven to revolution , into subserviency , or starvation , while hasty necessity shall be furnishing hasty stop gaps for every fresh occurrence , instead of at once commencing at the right end—Universal Suffrage . This his new scheme may , for a season , be foond a means of chousing the miserable pence out of the pockets of th » miserable little farmers , and , when that fails , as repeal and . abolition of tithes have failed , and when Sergeant Jackson and Mr . Litton lose their buggabooism , wkat are we to have next ? That ' s a nice question , and one for Ireland to answer .
Confidence and hope may , for a season , produce calm and reconcile suffering ; but , once destroy that , and public wrath bursts forth like a volcanic eruption , aadsweeps away all before it . The gaiu » played in Ireland has been one wholly subversive of popular liberty and right . Moral force has been preached , ¦ whilst a standing army of spy police has been established , in readiness to suppress that outburst of general indignatitn which is sure to follow the disappointment that now threatens Ireland . You may take my word for it , even the Repeal wardens and pacificators , association patriots , and the Liberator , will shortly be dragged before tho tribunal of enraged public opinien , and then the obj&ct of establishing the spy force will be manifest ; it is the reserre of the last hope of the moral force patriots .
Now , my friend , while I am up » n the subject of physical force , relieved from exciting scenes of misery , produced by its unjust application—while 1 have time for deep reflection , and after having well considered the subject , apart from the world ' s controlling power , either one -way or the other—not afraid of losing pepularity by denouncing , upon the one hand , nor of incurring the censure of slaves bj advocating it on the other : -with sufth preparation to meet my subject , then , I
unhesitatingly pronoance the man who denies a people ' s right to use physical fores , as a means of redressing grievances , when the majority agree that such grievances * re beyond the . honourable endurance of fr . emea , and ¦ whtn they have ineffectually tried fair , continuous , and constitutional moral means for persuading tLeir rulera to retlress those grievances—the man , I say , who upon such emergency , denies a people ' s ti ^ ht to purchase freedom at the r : & 3 c of life , is a coward , a tyrant , acd a mere sales-master of broken hearts and subdued
spirits . ISQOt tfceEngllShRsVOIutionof 1 SSS called " giorioua ?" and was it not preceded by all mcrnl appliances before "ths c « urt would yield ? Mark , O'Mallfy , i- * i « y letters , the distinction -which I shall aiwajs uruw between the court and the monarch . Every monarch who Ins lost action , throne , or head , has beea the victim uf the court , ana never of popular fury ot revenge . Has not the French Revolution of 1792 and 1793 been called " glorious ? " and was not all moral energy and persuasion exhausted upon the noblesse , before physical force was rcssrted to , or before the monarch , and many of the court more justly than the monarch , met their doom ?
Did-not petition after petition , remonstrance after remonstrance , and warning after warning , precede the first shot fired for American Independtnce ? Did not Ireland , from 1782 to 1798 , laud the English Constitution and her ilonareh to the skies , and merely demand , or rather beg to be admitted , inside her pale ? Well , then , if Washington had subscribed to any and all the moral means contrived by the Cabinet of London and Lord Cornwallis , would it have procured American Independence ? and whether U Washington considered a revolutionist , destructive , torch-and-dag . ger-pbysical-force man , or a patriot ?
Although undigested opinions allowed a tyrant , In the turmoil of unsettled and seetional conflicts , to mar the benefit of the French revolution , yet have not some of your greatest statesmen and patriots , approved the principle and the revolution ] and , had the Irish been successful , their revolution would have been considered as a aoble and patriotic assertion of right and principle against might and despotism , while failure has given to it the name of treasonableJrebelUon . Such , O'Malley , are my opinions upon ths question of phvsieal force . I have roared them in the storm :
I now write them in the calm , while I still persevere in the opinion that our moral force is sufficient to carry every just and reasonable object , if not . weakened by treason , or frittered away by art The dashing of moral doctrines produces a political whirlpool , which irresistibly drags good , zaalous , &nd sanguine men into it ; they undertake project * as plots to meet counterplots , which they never would have thought of , but to meet treason in their own camp on the tbreshhold ; in fact , like the orchard man who plucked , bis apples btfore they were ripe , lest the thieves should be beforehand with him .
Physical force aeldoms breaks out until the people less all confidence in their moral leaders , and until they find that they have either taken the first step in betrayal , or have actually betrayed their cans © ; they then lose the benefit of theii moral fjiergias by being
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compelled \ by thieves , to pluck the fruit before it was ripe ; but who is to blame , the orchard man or the thieves , the betrayed and outraged people , or the betraying and outrageous leaders ? " Cum ducesfaciunt talia , quid no * mtliies facient 1 " " When generals do such , things , -what may not the soldiers do ?" O'Malley , I think this is long enough for one letter , so I shall conclude it and set about considering the Irish mode of gaining redress , with its expences ; and the English mode and its expences ; and then we shall see whether Chartism , reviled Chartism , or royal loyal humbuggism is most likely to lead to peace and universal liberty , and make Ireland what she ought to be . I am , your faithful friend , FEaROVS O'CO . NNOB .
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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN . MADAM , —In entering upon the important branch of the subject which now claims our attention , viz . whether , and to what extent , our present system of prison discipline is calculated to promote or hinder the designs for ¦ which it professes to exist , it will bo necessary for us to bear constantly in mind , the cause » f crime generally , in order that we may discern , -with certainty and clearness , the defects , if any , of tho present system , and be able to provide a proper and effectual renedy for such defects .
We have seen that the various classes of criminals may be divided into three strongly marked and distinct classes , and we shall discover , if we look well at them , that no attempt at reform can be reasonably expected to succeed which goes upon the principle of applying one and the same system to all classes of offenders . This proposition might be demonstrated by a thousand arguments , but at present I will only mention one . In a uniform system of prison discipline , the most gross injustice will , and must , in the Tery nature of things , continually occur . Even in felony , we can discover
broad lines of demarcation 'which call for , not only ft difference in the duration , but also in the kind of punishment ; and this is still more apparent in cases of misdemeanour , yet , at present , hardly any difference exist * as to tho pumisbmenfc of crime except in the term of its duration , * nd , even in this case , as I shall prors before bringing these letters to a close , the duration of the penalty is made to depend not upon the moral turpitude , but frequently upon the Tank or station , of the offender , and that , too , in a manner at utter varianoe with the dictates of sound policy , honesty , or common sense .
Not unfrequently have your Majesty ' s Judges condemned , for the high offence of ilaring to think for themselves , some of the best members of society , to a worse than felon ' s doom , placing upon a level with the dregs of the community , nen whose characters as husbands , fathers , sons , brothers , workmen , and friends were uniapeachable ; and who only stood at what , under a better system , would be their country ' s bar , for opposing right to might , the claims of the whole to the < 0 ffim « of a faction , and the practical religion of lova and good will to the covert infidelity of hireling priests and pharisaical profession .
This is a fact , wkich no one will dispute who has paid the slightest attention to public matters since you held the sceptre ^—I dare not say swayed it , for that has been done not by you , » ut by the Ministers in ¦ whon you Uavc placed youi confidence , and who being as they were the advisers of the late king , it was , perhaps , not to be wondered at , that you should , for a time , at least , continue in the station which you found them , but who are known by the country , however ignorant you may be of the fact , to be the most base and wretched ministry ever permitted to blast the prospects , and ruin the true interests of a great empire .
Onr whole system of criminal jurisprudence is based upon wrong principles ; and to the eye of careful observation presents in every part of it a uniform want of uniformity , and a vagueness of definitive end or ebject , to which it is not easy to find a parallel . Thus it is impossible to say whether the intention of the system is to reform the criminal , or to maintain the omnipotence of the law , ( it is rare , indeed , when these two objects are found together , ) but be which it may , nothing can be less calculated to effect eitli « r object . If it is principally designed to make the law respected , then its cabinet enactments , by which a great , that is to say , a rich transgressor , may
easily tffsct hin escape , while he who wants gold , though lie may have innocence , character , and moral worth , may be crushed to death , are especially calculated to bring it into contempt . But if the prime motive of the various statutes tor the regulation of prisons be the working out the reformation of the criminal population , then masters are infinitely worse ; and we may safely declare that for one delinquent who leaves bis cjII a wiser and a better man , a thousand are let loose upon society , improved largely in their accomplishments most calculated to fit them for a renewed career of crime , to be terminated in a penal settlement , or ended at the drop .
The reason of all this blumlvring is , that we only contemplate man as a machine , and not as the wiser ancients delighted to represent Mm , as a miniature world . We Ime becsnie so perfectly sensible to the value of individual character , so entirely absorbed in the calculation how each is to be made a producing portion of the working mass . who are employed lor the purpose of keeping up what is called national greatness , and the meaning of ¦ which ia tho keeping up of class superiority ,
do matter st what sacrifice , that we entirely lose sight of the fact that the flesh and blood machines are not mere lumps of organised matter , but recipient forms of life , from our infinite Creator—that they were made to become images and likenesses of him , and that it is in the departure ef tho human r cca from this end of their creation , that we must look for th « founda ^ tion of all those crimes which desolate and mar the fair face of creation , and reduce our beautiful world into the condition of a desert .
We need , M . idam , and by and bye we shall have , a system of priswa diacipliae adapted to the exigencies of the cvse ; and possessing , amongst its multifarious details , a oneness of purpose , and a uniformity of plan . This would secure great and manifest advantages ; we should then see mercy and truth meet together , and justiee and peace embrace each other . Things would not thuB be as we find them now , when the law is indefinite , the executive often vindictive , and the stutenco arbitrary in its character , and not uniform evtn in its application .
Before proceeding into more minute detail , I will shortly explain the precise sense in which I employ the word made use of above—a oneness of purpose , and uniformity of plan . By our present system , as I hav « already sliusrn , it is impossible to know what object is principally sought by the operation of the law . Judging from facts , I should say that the specific object is the infliction of punishment , from a Vindictive feeling towards the offender , as a sinner against the the idol , the dominion of wealth . But the one sole purpose of all laws should be the prevention of crime ,
and the one end of punishment the correction of the offender . In proportion as this object ia kept steadily in view , in the same proportion shall we be likely to legislate for man . as a rational and accountable ageut ; as a being of high powers , and vast capabilities of improvement , and on whose individual perfection and happiness depend the general perfection and happiness of society . And , in proportion as we deviate from this principle , we ahail even fail ia honest endeavours to do good , and shall adopt measures which can only increase the mischief they propose to remova This ia what I intend by oneness of purpose .
By uniformity of plan , I mean such a well arranged and judicious system of Prison Discipline as shall secure to all ( he due measure of security , and of correctional suffering which the law has awarded to their offences , no matter what the rank or connections of the culprit may happen to be . Thus , if a man is convicted of a crime , he should know with certainty the punishment that will inevitably follow , and he should bare no hope ot a remission of his sentence , or any part of it , except in certain cases provided for by tho legislature chodeu by
and acting for the whole people- The maximum of punishment should be in all cases defined ; frequently every shade of it should be accurately marked ; sometimes the measure of the penalty might be Isft to the discretion of the Judge , but in no case should any punishment be inflicted other than wbat was procoonced in open court With this system of uniformity the details must be and ought to be extremely varied , but this would not militate at all against that ud if orraity . Every crime ¦ would be thus accurately defin / jd , that is , every class of crime ; and the man who ab / . d the blood of bis fellow ,
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stole a sheep , or attended an illegal meeting , would be at once sensible of what . he had to calculate upon , ift ease of detection and conviction . He would be punished according to Jaw , and not according to the despotic regulations of local magistrates , or the petty tyranny of turnkeys and gaol governors . Permit me now to invite your Majesty ' s attention to various authentic facts , illustrative of the state of our prisons at they at present exist , in this , so called Ghrisr tian land , I am , Madam , Your Majesty ' s faithful and obedient subject and aflrvaat , NUMA . London , March 19 , lgil .
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" THE CHARTIST LEADERS . " TO THK EDITOa OF THS " 8 DN . " SIR , —I find by yourpfcp « r of Friday last , that you have got a new Correspondent in an old admirer , who signs his name " Charles Bak « well . " You head the document " The Chartist Leaders , " and the first paragraph of your correspondent ' s letter runs thus : — " Sir , —The truly independent character of your own writings , giveB me a hope that you will find a corner for this communication . '" - Now , Sir , that one solitary sentence damns your correspondent , because there is not one working man in England who looks upon your writings in any other light than as so much yarn twist ( and bad twist too ) for sale .
Your correspondent makes a wholesale attack upon O'Connor , O'Brien , M'Douall , Leach and Co ., because they will not allow Young and Co . to humbug the people ; and , amongst other things , he charges Feargus O'Connor with making a profit of £ 1 , 690 a year of his paper . Nov Sir , If ha was a nan anxious fox the liberty of the press , he should rejoice that we had so g ood a bond for the honesty of the S ( ar ; because , as to that , or any other paper , now duping the people , it is all out of ¦ the question . l hoped , Sir , that the profit ot the Star was nearer £ 5000 a year ; because , approving of-its policy , good support would give me increased confidence in its existence .
But , Sir , for many years before Mr . O'Connor had any paper , he advocated the self-same principles aud in the self-same way , and , especially , -with respect to the Corn Laws ; and , in truth , it is rather hard to blame Mr . O Connor for opposing any alteration of the C * rn Laws in 1834 , unless accompanied with a complete revision and alteration of our whole system of taxation , and represtntation , and to blame him in 1841 for defending , in his paper , what , in 1834 , he supported in parliament with his vote . But , Sir , in touching upon the question of profits , you have stopped upon most awkward ground . I recollect , in the spring of 1839 , Messrs . O'Connor , Rogers , and Whittle were appointed as a deputation to wait upon you to agree UPON terms for the insertion of the Convention ' s reports inyour ^ ufy independent paper . I was tken a member « f the Convention ^ Sir , and I
su » H never forget the " heavy Wow" which Mr . O Connor gave you in his report of the interview . He said that you had agreed for so many columns of matter , on condition of the Ctnvenlion taking so many papers daily at sudiaprice . " But , " said hit . O'Connor , "lest this should appear to savour of compromise upon Mr . Young's part , I am bound to say that he contended for his uncontrolled rigkt of comment ; however , " continued Mr . O'Connor , " we haveagoodgwsranteo against violent abuse , and , perhaps , a couple of hundreds mere per day nay work a conscientious change in the Proprietor n judgment in favour of our principles . " Now , Sir , did you ever refuse a three guinea advertisement , becau ^ e adverse to four principles , and the refusal of which was sure to lose you a poworful advertising connection ? I doubt net ; while I can inform you that Mr . O'Connor refused such a one from the Corn Law League , who sent it with . great pomp .
Now , Sir , just one word more and I have done . — Whether have the people best security in the integrity of a paper which is able to pay its way , or in a journal , a part of whose daily expence is the wages of a prowler for stamps , who one day runs to the city to negociate loans upon a prospectus of princip l e , another day runs to Downing Street with a message that a change of politics would better serve the purpose of the droopiDg paper , and insisting upon compensation for past servicos 38 a guaranteo for future support for a consideration ; upon another , bargains for advertisements and their price , as the condition of advocating the advertiser ' s principles ; and , upon another day , offers to taka poison , even Chartist poison , at so much per column ? Sir , of course I only charge the Sun with the latter venial offence , fcut are you not aware that the others are of frequent occurrence ?
Now , Sir , I beg to tell your admiring correspondent , that while many professed liberal journalists have made as much aa from £ 5 , 900 to £ 29 , 900 a year , Jlr . O'Connor , of all who have ever yet appeared upon the Btage , has been the ouly one who has devoted any of the proceeds to tho people ' s cause ; and , while you have never gi-reu a penny , and insert comments upon his profits , he has given thousands . And , Sir , knowing more about the whole concern than you and your admirer , I beg to state that my greatest confidence in Mr . O'Connor consists in the fact that , if he made £ l 0 , » 0 » a year by the Star he would spend that amouat , to the farthing , upon the cause he advocates , while I regtet to say that over liberality upon his part , even when the Star was at its highest , proves that the greater the profits of the War , the greater are the difficulties of Mr . O'Connor .
Now , Sir , you publish that of which you know nothing ; I -vrrite only that to -which I ca » swear . In future , Sir , mind your own affairs , and begin by getting rid of your long primer type for loading articles , and , above all , and before all , aa your friend , Mr . O'Connell , would say , write something that some one « an understand . I am , Sir , Your obedient servant , William Kider . Leeds , April 5 th , 1841 .
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forsake me , will try to get some of my time off ; for , ia too first place , I , have got to serve two years in close confinement , and then I must serve a master four years longer , and then fi > rthe next two years I shall have half of what I earn > and then I shall gain an emancipation for four ) 'ears , that Is , my freedom in the colony ; and after , the expiration of that time , I shall , with the blessing of God , the greatest care , and the best of conduct , gee my happy home a ice again ; but , as I say , it must be with the greatest ci re , as there are but few that can return . It conduct will do * t I am determined to return ; and as I hope my poor * ged and distressed parents-are well , tell them not to me urn for me , tor they know that I am innocent ; but God ' a will be done , and may lie pour down his vengeance upon hint who has caused my misery .
Give my best love to my sister and brother * , and tell them from me , that I hope they wiH not forsake their aged parents ; and , . Dear Brotiter , I hope you will not take it as an offence in asking you to scad ate a little money , as it would be themeaaeof saving my life , for I believe I cannot live without some assistance . Though you have been a kind friend , and I c * nn » t expe « t but little from you , but if you would take the trouble of goingto my sbopmates , and my frienda , perhaps you may collect a trifle for me , and do . let me beg of you to send as soon as you can .
Aa t have wrote a letter to my parents and have * ot sent it in the same way as I hare yours , so I am . doobtfol they will not receive it . I hope you will allow them to see this , and that both you and them will sot forget a poor unhappy convict , who can see nothing but misery ; as I have sent you the picture of the ship , which brought us to our destination on the 6 th day of July , 1840 ; likewise a few verses which I composed , I hope you will let ny mother have them t » keep in remembrance of me . My dear friends , as my paper is foil , I must bid you adieu ; good bye , and may you all meet with better luck than me ; tbis comes From your affectionate bat Unfortunate brother , John Jones , Convict of the ship Mandarin , Hobart Town , Van Diemen ' B Land .
When forced to part from those we love If sure to meet to-morrow , We feel an anguish in our breast ; We drop a tear of sorrow . If what we feel is so severe , When we part for months or yeira ; Oh , what words can paint that tear When we part , perhaps for ever .
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"JOHN FROST" -A CHARTIST DRAMA . " I'll fight , till from my bones my flesh be hack'd . Hang those that talk of fear . " Macbeth . This drama is not bo much intended to illustrate the characters of the dramatis persorue in it , nor the insurrection at Newport , on which the plot turns , as it Is an attempt to illustrate Chartism itself . Nevertheless , the writer has selected the chief Chartist victim to be the hero , and , so far as one not personally known to him cuuld know him , he has endeavoured to make a true portrait of him , likewise of Shell . The character f Albion was originally meant to be a sketch of Vincent . Melbourne , liusseil , and Norman by are caricatured ;
but a Socialist , a teetotaller , a Coru Law repealer , a parson magistrate , a policeman ' , and ° th « S , are all brought in as representatives of their pecuKir classes . The Mrs . Frost of the play ia not , however , the real Mrs . Frqet , nor intended to represent her ; the character is purely fictitious , or , rather , it was partly drawn from a near relative of the author . In short , the whole piece is a composition , in the artistic meaning of the fgord , made up of characters , incidents , and events taken separately from the whole history of the Chartist movement , and dovetailed together . I chose the dramatic form , because I agree with my friend Elliott , that the theatre ( yet what theatre will bring this piece forward while the present censorship exists ?) might be made the ' most powerful of Btato organs . "
Ignorance , prejudice , and apathy are the three great foes of Chartism . The Queen , Lords , and Commons are but petty foes , when compared with these . Until the first is enlightened , the second removed , and the last awakened , those who are clear from all , or divested of all , will continue to be the victims of those who are not . The pen , the press , is more wanted , and must be more used—had in greater requisition . It must be applied in every variety of form and manner with novelty . If ona shaft fail , we must shoot another with more " advised aim . " It is not in " much speaking "it is more in writing to benefit the cause . The vices
and tyranny of the aristocracy caused the French revolution ; but the writings of Rousseau more than the speeches of Mirabeau , were the occasion of it I would not decry speaking , for some must hear , because they can't read , aud some speak better than they write —speech , too , has a more electrical effect in rousing sympathetic action ; but the people are not yet prepared for that . It is easier to spoak than to write , and we like it better ; but writing is a kind of engraving on paper . " Words are but wind "—when we give tnem paper wings , they become birds of the air , and carry the matter farther—keep it lODger .
Nor is it money we want so much as spirit ; if money is the sole sinew of war , our enemies will win the battle , for they possess more of it than we do . Enthusiasm would supply the waHt of money , and ba more than a match for it . But the people are mere backward in their own cause than others are for them . The leaders have been forced to fall back—they were greatly in advance . The sympathies of the people for themselves are not sufficiently roused ; they dont rise for their rights—they lie supine under the feet of tyranny . Tiiey require to bo incessantly appealed to—their fcolijiis and understandings are incessantly appealed to ,
and what do they answer 1 It is not yet tune > When , British slaves !—when will the last point of endurance be reached ? Will the time always serve for you to be slaves ?—never to be free ? You all do know that the Charter is just—is your due ; you are fully convinced of that—instruction has done its office ; what do you want further ? You want sentiment , passion , action , or you would never see your benefactors taken to prison , by your fcyfanta , before your eyes . Engrave the Charter on your hearts , and let ua endeavour to persuade the country as we would persuade an old , fond father , to his own good and to ours .
The piny ia dedicated to the " Frost , Williams , and Jones Restoration Committee , " to show them that , though I refused to become an honorary member « f their committee , it was not from indifference to the fate of Frost j but from a conviction of the uselessness , nay , the despical > lenes 3 of petitioning those who had bauished him . What I would not stoop to do for myself , I would not do for him . Shame on the people of England , that suffered such a man aa Frost to be b . uiishbd for luving Ahem , to bo bauished by the thinys that bate them ; but more shame would it be for us to kneel to those mocking creaturts , and be < j of them to let him come back . Oh , we are
fallen indeed ; or could they hinder him ? Frost must think us not worth saving . When Rieuzi , " the last of the tribunes . " was banished by the aristocracy , the people made them call him back—nay , placed him over their heads . But Englishmen are surely sunk somewhat lower than Italian eunuchs . They are not merely indifferent to the sufferings of themselves , their wires , and little ones ; but what is more , they are indifferent to the sufferings of those that suffer for seeking , to remove their sufferings—they lack gratitude ! well may they want generosity . AH that was English in their character is gone—can they be called men ? Tyrants are kepis in palaces—patriots are kept in
prison , — " shall it , for shame , be spoken in these days , Or fill up chronicles iii time to come ?" But the deeper our disgrace , the more honour there will be in redeeming ourselves . In the meantime" Bleed , bleed , poor country ; Great tyranny , lay thou thy basis sure , For goodness dares not check thee !" I would ask , why should being a friend of the people lead to suffering and sacrifice ? Why should being their enemy lead to honours and emoluments ? Let the people answer . As for myself , I have had to fight both friends and foes , and I have ever found the jealousy of the former , though flattering , more fatal than the hatred of the latter . I appeal to the people , nay ,
to the parties themselves , if I have not always preferred my brethren in honour ; as , indeed , I might well do , for I have been an idle Chartist ; but net willingly so . Yet am I not a disinterested Chartist—I avow myself a most self-interested one ; for the cause is my own , as well as my country's ; seeing that I must relinquish truth and justice ; I must relinquish honour aud honesty , my nature itself , before I can thrive under the present system . On the contrary , I must relinquish home , parents , brethren , all for the Charter , and be an exile , without the sympathy that reaches Frost across the ocean . But if the stake fail here , it may hold for hereafter ; and , in the meantime , a
virtuous man will seek no other reward , will need no other than what hia own Tirtue affords him . £ & * ' John Frost" has been written some time ; but could not find a publisher . The chief Chartist pub * Usher is London shrunk from the responsibility , and that is the reason why the author has taken it upon himself , fie has put his own name upon the title-page , because none other dared let his stand there . This must plead his . excuse for the awkward manner in which the work is published , both as regards his own convenience and the purchaser's . Honours and profits he seeks not—he has refused them when offered to him—he seeks but the interests of truth aud humanity . John Watkiks . London , No . 22 , Chadwell-street , Middleton-sciuare .
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Jew v . Christian . —On Tuesday week , Mr . Emanuel , a Jew , -was elected councillor for the ward of St . Thomas , Portsmouth , by a majority of 33 ; the numbers for Mr . Emanuel being 117 , and for Mr . Price ( a Christian , and of tho same liberal politics rnitUbaaoprxment ) , 84 .
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BIRMINGHAM . —Chabtist . Meeting at Fheeman ' s-stbeet . —The weekly meeting of the members of the National Charter Association was held at ths Chartist meeting room , Freeman-street , on Monday evening- last . The roem was fitted up for the fire * time with seate and well-finished rostrum , chiefly through the praiseworthy exertions of Mr . Barratt , of Whittall-Btreet , and added much to the gratification of the ladies , for whom Comfortable seats had been provided , close to the jflatfora . At eight o olock , Mr . Thos . Qood&cre was called to the chair .
who , after briefly addressing the meeting , introduced Mr . Martin , late of Northallenoo House of Correction . Mr . Martin delivered an abft and soulstirring address ia hia osasl quaint and Ittmoroos style ; in the course of which he drow a vivid picture of the sufferings endured by the working classes of this country , and then proceeded to com went on the letter signed " Toargos O'Connor , " published ia last week ' s Star . He stated that he had no intention of interfering with- any man ' s religious opinions * but from all that h * had seen since he had come to
Birmingham , he thought Mr . O'Connor ' s letter peculiarly applicable to the present state of aSairs , He thought that ' * Christian Chartist Church wasliable to all the objections made to it in that abl « letter ; or , at least , the Gbartist Church at present existing at Birmingkamy for it had proved itself a greater stumbling-bleak to the Chartist caus * than any other church esisting in the town . Hfr theught that there was a- greater necessity for the ? people to unite for the purpose of delivering themselves from political bondage , than doing that , as a * Christian Chartist Church . > , which no other body of men could accomplish , namely , causing division and . animosity , when union of principle had previously existed . But although eT-ery man had » right
toworship God-according to the dictates of his own conscience , he would aak . them it' they could point out a single instance in which the liberties of a nation were established by praying ; or preaching ! If the Chartist Church was used as a means for extending the principles of the Chaster , ' aud that funds were appropriated to the dissemination of the political gospel ; if they exerted themselves to organise aud unite the people against their oppressors , then h * should be inclined to give them eredit ; unfortunately , that was not the case . But t on the contrary , those professed Christian Chartists not ouly objected tojoin the National Charter Association , but s « t up the howl of illegality , in order to deter others from , swelling the ranks of freedom . But he understood .
they were applying to Mr . Roebuck for his advice . He would rather go to the greatest Tory or Whiff in the country , than seek the advice of Roebuck ,. Warburton , Moleswortb , and the other sham-Radical emigration mongers . If the people of England —the toiling , suffering , and oppressed millions—intended to be free , they should set about it like men ,, and not begin to form another sect , to be added to tho thousand and one already in existence . He was one who never had , aud never would , blink hia sentiments . He would prefer seeing the blood-red banner of Revolution lifted on high , rather than behold the misery to which the honest , virtuous * and industrious people of this country were subjected . ( Tremendous cheers . ) He would not
willingly injure any man , or his property , but he was determined to lift up hi& voice against oppression * and gain freedom at any cost . ( Hear , and cheers . ) . Let all men , then , who loved their fellowcreatures—who loved their wives and familiesrally round the standard of liberty , aud join th © National Charter Association . They had met , then ,, that evening not to find fault with any man ' s religious creed , but to unite men and women of all creeds in one common bond , in order to deliver themselves from the present murderous system , Mr . Martin continued for upwards of an hour , in & strain of the mo 3 t impassioned eloquence , to show up the horrors and vilJaflies to which the labouring classes were Subjected , and sat down , amidst
enthusiastic applause . A resolution , passed at the Christian Chartist Church , was then read to the meeting , in which it was stated that the Church party requested the assistance of the Association for the carrying out of the resolutions agreed to at the public meeting held on the previous Monday . A long discussion took place on the subject , Mr . T . P . Green stated that the monies that might be collected ia the Chartist Meeting Room would be forwarded to . Leeds , in conformity with the plan laid dowa by the letter of Sir . O'Connor , which had been agreed to by tfee members of the National Charter Association . He thought it would be very unfair to make the funds of ihe National Charter Association go to . the support of men who did not belong to that , body . The following resolution was then unanimously agreed to : — " Resolved , that no person shall be recognised as the representative of this Association who is not a member of the same . "
A discussion took place with regard to tho refusal of Mr . Collins to become a member of the Association , and it was ultimately agreed that as Mr . Collins would not agree to become a member of the National Charter Association , he could not bo recognized as the representative of the members of that body residing in Birmingham , and that they would still hold the election ot Mr . Martin to bo valid . Mr . T . P . Green stated , that aa Secretary of Frost ' s Committee he could state that Mr . Martin was their representative , being chosen by them ; Mr . Martin was also au honorary member , whereas Mr . Collins was not . A subscription was then eutercd into for the purpose of assisting the fund at Leeds , and a determination expressed to forward their share , pa condition that Mr . Martin should be the acknowledged delegate from the Chartists of Birmingham . Tfte members of the Charter Association are rapidly increasing in numbers since they entered the room at Freeman-street .
NEWTON heath . —Conduct op the Middle Class towards the Workies . —The Chartists of this place about ; » fortnight ago , invited Pr . P , M . M'Douall to deliver a lecture oa the " New Poor Law as contrasted with the old one , " to which he consented . The committee of management finding that their room would be too small for the occasion , applied to a certain cotton master who had repeatedly declared Ms detestation of the New Poor Law , for the use of an empty mill for the purpose . He promised them they might have it . They ( the committee ) thanked him and left with an understanding tl'at all would be right . But alas ! How changeable is mau » They ordered a number of placards to be printed and circulated , giving publicity to the
intendediecture , and ahoseiit- a , notice to the 6 tar which was inserted . The cousequeuce was that the excitement was great . AU went on vei Y well for ten days ; just two days before the day on which the lecture wa 3 to have been delivered , the cotton master sent for the committee to inform . them they could not have the large room which he had promised . They told him that they had been at considerable expense in announcing the lecture . No matter , he had had with him some very intelligent men who had assured him that the meeting was illegal , andtherefore he could not allow it to proceed . This completely frustrated the arrangements of the working men , for then it was too late , either to procure another room , or announce to the public
their disappointment . Sunday came , and people came thither from Uroylsdeu , Opeilshaw , Ashton , Stalybrid ^ ei Hyde , Oldham , and Manchester , to the number of more than a thousand . They repaired to the mill , but it was closed , after which they adjourned to the poor man ' s church , which would not hold , more than an eighth part of the people assembled . Mr . Mahou , an Irish Chartist of the right sort , was called upon to address them , which he did in a very sensible and eloquent style , and tho people were remarkably peaceable and attentive , until a banditti-of police came up and bellowed out the most insulting language , and ordered the people to disperse ; They seized one by the collar , and displayed other tokens of wishing to breed a row ; and . had the people been the same way disposed , these blue bottles would have got a nice little ducking ia the canal . Mr . Mahou said , he did not wish . to act illegally , and would , therefore , conclude .
They gave out a hymn , and sung , and then dissolved . The police , finding the man whom they had collared , offered no resistance , but on the contrary , told them he would go with' them , let him go . The committee are perfectly aware how the trick has been managed . The middle class have been with the cotton master and his son likewise , to the magistrates , prevailing upon them to prevent , the meeting taking place . And these men are those who want , or m least want us to believe such , to cram a l&Tge loaf dawn the people ' s throats whether or not ! The cotton master , his son , and the middle class , never interfered , until they heard it was M'DonalJ , the Chartist ; and had it been some canting parson , no opposition would have been shewn , or had it been for a meeting for a one-sided view of the 'Torn Laws , the tniddJe class would have been the foremost . But it is all of a piece with middle-elass sympathy .
-BOJbTQN , —Prisoners' Release Convention . — On Monday week , at a public meeting held in the Temperance Hotel , Newport-street , Bohon , Mr . John Lowe in the chair , Mr . Richard Marsden wa » duly elected a candidate for delegate to the above convention . ¦ , ¦ New Association Room . —The Chartists havd taken a commodious room , No . 4 , Oxford-street , where they in future purpose conduc ting the business of the Association . At the first meeting held in the above room , on Monday evening , during a desultory conversation , the conduct of oar Bradford brethren , in attributing despotic intentions to the disinterested for
and Buffering patriot , Feargus O'Connor , merely suggesting the . propriety of selecting a certain number from , those he named as fit persons to form a convention , was freely animadverted on and justly censured , particularly as he had left it entirely optional with the country to choose whatever others might be deemed more proper . . It was subsequently resolved to appoint an agent from amongst the members for the sale of the Northern Star , Chartist Tracts , fcc , the profits arising therefrom to Ho » j £ plied in furtherance , of tie cause—such aa defraying Missionaries'expences , < fco . It is intended to seu these papers at the room No . 4 , Oxford-street , where the members and others frtandlj to the . cause m » y have ( heii trtert attended to .
^^=*= $Ri£Mai Corr^Wnlrencc.
^^ = * = $ ri £ mai Corr ^ wnlrencc .
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LETTEtt FROM JOHN JONES , ONE OF THE BIRMINGHAM CHAKTISTS , IN VAN DIEHEN'S LAND . TO Till EDITOR OF TUB NORTHEBti STAR . Sjr , You would much oblige the frienda of the unfortunate youn # manj John Jones , convicted for the late Birmingham riots , by inserting his lett . r . Hobart Town , Van Diemen ' s Land . Kind Fbiend and affectionate Brother , —J have taken , the opportunity of writing these lines to you , hoping , with the blessing of God . they will and you in a good state of health ; but , < ie ; ir brother , I write to inform you , and all my friends , of the great distress that I am in , and all my fellow convicts , and I do sincerely hope that you , or some kind fritnd trill
take the trouble ul ktting Government know of my situation , ¦ which I am not deserving of , as yon well know that I am here for & crime that I knew nothing of , and , if I had but justice on my Bide , tha ; Villain , Rose , who swore false against me , would be in my situation fer perjury ; but if 1 had been guilty , why should I not have had the sauie trial as Davies , who was tried for the Bristol riots , and was charged with the same crime as myself , as Government and the public must know that I am Buffering for another niiiu ' s crime ? and as writing to you , my dta * brother , I hope you will not take it as an offence by me writing , to let you know a little of the usage which vre poor convicts have to undergo , while we are fur away from owe happy homes .
Dear Brother , —Ib the first place , what little meat we do have is what is brought from other colonies , end of the animals that have died on the passage . Toe next ia our water , which is not fit for a beast to drink ; and then there are our overseers , who are over us , they will not allow us even to stand upright , nor to turn our heads during the * time we are at work , which is from six o ' clock in the morning till half-past five in the evening . We have our bxeftkfa&t before we go out ia the morning to work , which is a drop of wheat water , aud a pound and a half of brown bread , that serves tu the whole day , » nd if it rains all day , we mnst endure it till it is time to leave off work , and
then we come to our barneks , and when we are mustered together we march off to . bed , which is a bed of straw , with one blanket ud one rug to cover us . Our shoes , wbieh are supposed te last us four m « nths , will not , with the greatest care , last ua more than two months ; then we all go barafoet the remainder of the time . Then there are the clothes that we wear , which have to last ua six months ; they are all off our backs in a deal less time ; and every morning , when we rise from our bed of straw , we are in danger of getting into trouble , as if it is but the look , it will make us liable to the severest of punishment , as that is all they look for , on purpose to keep U 3 as long as Vbey csa on Government bands , and in the greatest of
sery . , Dear Brother , as I am well convinced did Government know the misery and punishment that we undergo , they j would do something for us , I hope you will get my letter published , and perhaps , with your exertions , and those of a f * w i&ieiMjB * m I bofft they will nv&
Ctjarlut Mwicttnte
Ctjarlut mWicttnte
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THE NORTHERN STAi . 7
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P . S . Sir , while thousands of prostitute hacks are making millions annually , by pandering to class prejudice and party interest , it is rather hard that you un . i your faction should deem seventy-eight weeks of solitary confinement in a felon's prison , too slight punishment for the only man who has ever successfully fou ^ lit you with your own weapons , and in your own camp ; and that , in addition , you ot all men , or any of your corrupt confederates , should cry out £ l , 5 « # a-yoar made of the people , oh . ' shocking . Sir , two columns per day of your shopkeepers' sidvet tistments would tax exceed that sura , and which , ,-tgainst tli « -ir will , the people are compelled to pay , as they truly pay for all . I tru 3 t , Sir , your admiring correspondent falls far short of his murk , and in future that you will miud your own business . _ W . R .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 10, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct374/page/7/
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