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Northern Star (1837-1852), 22nd January 1842, Edition 2 of 4, Page 7, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      TO THB EDIT 0 B OF THE N 0 BTEEB 5 STA 3 U g ^—ln your paper you often etate how the cause rf the people is proeressiBg ; how , the working people Lin * the good effects that will result to them , pro-! wiM the Charter becomes the law of the land , and tat efibrto tbey are making to make it sucha law . Now , Sir , I think it is Tery proper that each part of to country should know what the other is doing , or «» nay think , that because Borne places are all tip Ud doing , that til the other pUces arc the same , and Art when the grand push is made to persuade (?) the rsifiM of Parliament to pass the Charter into a law , Pp ^ baWy may hare only half of your army , and Sn ' gat deceived ; this has been the case in too many Sta £ »* lready . I lately hadl occaHon to go jatoithe eintry ; I went from here through SolflmU to War-Tick , Stratford-on-Avon , throc ^ h a -number of villages ; and back « ain through Henley-nvArden , and wath yW permission , I will state eracUy how I found the ^ ScrttaS 1 s tbe chief employment ; what trade is carried on , is done by ene tradesman exchanging Ms g oods with another tradesman ; the only people who fuvthem any money for goods are the farmers and iTbtmrea I found people generally complaining of the badness of times , except at one Tillage near Warwick , where every poor person had from twenty to thirty hundred of coils given then , a great piece of beef , blankets , and clothes , by the gentry who lire in the parish ; there the people did not know what poverty xaeant ; bnt this is only one place , it is not so every where , ' for , at Leamington , three destitute labourers broke a window in a shop and toek out a pie and eat it , on purpose to get committed to prison , where they Tould get something to eat eTery day , though it would he only prison allowance .

      The Charter is Tery little known any where I haTe been , scarcely any working man in a village has ever hard the word mentioned ; the people are very ignonat respecting polities ; the parson is a king in a vilbze , and he does bis best to keep out any book or newspaper -which would really instruct them ; he will ^ am as mnch religion down them as they choose , bat politics tbey must know nothing about tike wages of th « farmers * labourers are about 10 s . a reek on the average , though at one place they only got 6 s ., md there are a great number out of employ ; they pay from £ 3 to £ S a year rent . In some places they isi got a bit of land to cultivate , varying from oneeiehth of an acre to an acre or two ; and although tbey paid after the rate of £ b an acre for it , they said p answered thtir purpose , and they only wanted some Eore of it , and then they did not care about the Corn Lairs , or what price the corn was Bold at , for they should not want to bny any .

      The farmers pay from 10 s . to 20 s . an acre for their jjjyj laufl that will bear from ten to fifteen bags of wheat to the acre , and I wondered why the landholders did not let out more land to the labourer , considering how anxieus ha was to have seme , and how much sjore rent he was willing to five over the fanner ; but I fjund that the fanner was opposed to it—that if the labourer bad some land , he would become independent of his master , who must either advance his wages or do the work himself , and become what farmers formerly were—real cultivators of the boIL For yon mast understand that they are got out of place in Kciety : they bring their children up in idleness , and

      tiey act the gentleman so near , that you scarcely know them from their landlords ; and in order to keep up their dignity , ali the labourers in the kingdom mu 3 t be Bscrificed . Then again , there were formerly—that is , in the memory of people living now , ten farms or more vhere there is but one ; and if there is a farm to let , there are twenty people after it , and if a farmer has tnj inclination to sell any or all of the produce of the bid , he can go to market , meet with a ready sale , at a pod price , and for ready money , and why is it ? Because toe farmer takes good care to produce no more tftim is required , and the . laws prevent any other party from superseding him .

      I found the public-houses generally empty of customers ; maltsters making so malt : this must affect the revenue . The workhouses and prisons full ; a great nuaber of houses shut up ; shops to let in abundance , Ttich convinced me that there were too many people in trade , bnt not enough on the land ; working people Tho had no work were being summoned before the ragistratea for their poor levies ; some were distressed , iad their goods taken , and some sent to prison , because they had no goods to Bei « ; shopkeepers complaining of no money being taken , and -wishing that the Corn Laws were repealed , that they might have mora trade , but cone of them honourable enough to agitate for the Charter , because it was to give a poor , ignorant , working man & vote as well as themselves , as they s&y . Toe farmers , in general , are opposed to the repeal of

      the Corn L&wb ; they contend that they should be Tsined ; that is , go to work , I suppose—that rents would M , wages fall—that the parson must lose Ms tithe —the Government give up the taxes to the amount of ibeve thirty millions a year—the national debt abolished—and I dont know what beside—a many of them must walk as now ride—and that they should \ iT& as sroeh trouble to sell their corn , fee , as a tsiesman has to sell bis goods , and then they think ths country would be mined . I found the labourers ¦ ray much disunited , not firm or true to each otherach one betraying another for what he could get THs is a great fault in toe English people . I am told ti » Irish are more firm in their actions . What they r * solve on , they stick to , and have no flinching in the Eitter .

      I met with several old men , from eighty to ninety jars of age , who had to work in the fields all day for ibont six or seven shillings a week . I asked them if fisy did not think that they had done work enough in &eir younger days to keep them now without work ? They Bald they had , but that their masters had got it , iutead of them . I asked them how the times were Than they were young—whether they were anything lie they are now ? They said , when they were young can , they had one shilling a day fer their work—that fere was no take work then . Bread was 16 ibs . for a

      billing , Sour 18 s . a sack ; wheat » & a bag ; bacon 4 dipoaad ; pigs 3 s . a score ; malt 2 s . 6 d . a bushel ; beer 11 a quart ; butter , sugar , and cheese , about 4 d- a It- ; beef and mutton , from Jd . to lgd . a lb . ; but it was Ridom weighed , but sold by guess ; a good fat sheep Cist 10 s . Flour was not sold in shops as now , but pwpie bought the core from the farmer , as they wanted ii , and had it ground at the milL The farmer , his wife , c-ildren , and seivants , sat in one room , and at ene ta&e—ao tea used in those days , except by the sly ; £ * -water was boiled in an iron pot ; the teapots were Krck , and were called the " black fleviL "

      People used to eat milk and broth ; even fee rich folks ^ so ; no drunkenness then a 3 now , for there were bnt a Tery few public bouses ; rents of cottages with a pjdgarden , varied from Is . to 20 a . a year ; no poor lrTia to pay then , no poor to keep ; bad to compel Pwtfe to have relief to keep the parishes together O'ia Tjgj e fc ^ er - t fcnt i ^ . tieT qaality . Sheets inishats-were made of flax , grown , spun , and woven ttto doth in this neighbourhood , and it employed a 5 « at number o ! people . Coats were ma ^ e of wool , in a tuarsfr manner thas they are now , but more imping . G x > d wonted stockings cost Is . 6 i a pair . Gowns and y * m -were made of Jersey , ray strong and warm . " * t » plates and duhes , wood plates , or trenchers , wood ^•» a and pails for the broth ; i rass pots and kettl es ; assort , ertry article was made stronger , cost more ^' ' 7 was more durablepeople had plenty of

      em-, ; P-sjesnt , were healthier and stronger , and England , happy nation , because the people lived on the £ M . asd they TPere subject to none of those fluctuates a the trades as they are now . We have now be-^ -JsaeJi s great manufacturing people , with the aid « ^ isihistrj and steam , we can make goods for all the 1 : rii "We have drawn all the trade into heaps , from ^ J ^ " ' the country . One great cotton spinner , or -t ether craft , employs several thousand people in ¦* orst factory , -working in looms too hot and conr ^ " ** fceaithy , making them qnite old people at ^ u j ean of age ; little children stt to do the wojk of vAv' » tt (* tTfcn E ^ cbinery is superseding their labour ; - 7 * We hare extended our trade to such an extent , t * j- » * k ^ " * orkii : gpeople are in danger of dying for S sbetause certain great capitalists shall monopolism ^ ¦ " &emsei-res .

      x , 3 £ Ter > Iet ^ P that roca a state of things will r j * Frt an end to , that all who labour shall enjoy a - ~ - - 'dvy , amj eTfer ? jjj ^ j g - T ^^ gj . fjg q-jjq fig . tree •^ fiuie ihall make him afraid , a- . Ax Old Refobhee-¦ ®§ bim ) Jan . 9 th , 1842 .

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      30 FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . v LETTEB IT . ^^ . —I have said there is not a creature or thing in Vj v ^ f' iiat < 3 o * fi n ° t lie under certain laws peculiar - * a ca which its very being depends ; and that rr I ^ exception to this rule . And further that the " »^ poied on all the beings on this earth are the ^ ' ^^ ttose P ecttliar to " the inferior animnls are ^ ^ n ^ eajeats , tmj jn no othsr respect different v ? tEOi * ^ posed upon man ; or in other -words that J ^ Esture of men is emblematical of , and contains all ^¦* ny oiha-stt of bein § s , are susceptible ef , fall and P tie , forming a kty to the whole ; for which reason j ^ stssd * in the pan oply of dignity , the undisputed ^« the creation ; nor do I mean to de trac t is the j T * " £ st from the- height or importance of his

      posi-^ yerer , it Ehould be kept in mind , although the rfs . acdscope * f the la-R-s pecnliar to roan , sets him ^ 8 iU - other animsted beings ; that they are s tee i £ 8 i Wading on that aecoact , but the more so , fc »\ f ^^ < iire « ; tion of aI 1 depends thereon—nor ^ a : t be lost sight of , ahhough men are endowed ^ > tbese a ^ TBntaps , it entirely depends on hsw they ^ Kf-ni ; that is whether they pay more deference and ^ -s more riostly within the vorttx of the laws they BJ -Qer ; whether with all their greatness they are j ^^ K ^ riot and le £ 3 r * -pr ehei ; giWe th 3 n beings of an £ j" ° cr-aaisation . To think en thts ? laws , their ti . J * V ^ d bearinj ; on mankind tnd the world as , - •» ttttritance ; ard then en the timnfffcments they fc e to r ive tffrct and dirttdon to " these as im-^ r ^ fe' tonaitlvM imposed by nature , little is pery ^^ s of ( i ^ t bK . st . fcd * tact znd ) ove of justice , the J ^ taaijy ure so anxious to arrotate to them-« wants and recewiiies , peculiar to the hnman ^* » re wndinens imposed by nature , -which man can

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      not alter ; ana eonse < inenUy , has no right to find fault with tbe resources from which these necessities are supplied , are alike the works of nature , xwrwill it do to say , that these are made for one part of mankind , more than another . The arrangements under which these wants are to be supplied from these means , from what are called constitutional laws ; depending for their nature , and bearing on the judgment of men themselves . And from ths character of those now existing we may" judge how far oar ancestors , have been prompted by reason and justice , in forming the conditions , by which the munificence of God , should be bus banded , so as to supply the necessities of his creatures . - . - ¦

      The degree of wisdom necessary for this purpose , is to know that human beingB want faculties , and altogether are as tbey are ; and that the means from which they alone can be supported , are so likewise ; consequently , -the " object of legislation , is to meet these conditions , by making the most of one , bo as to supply the demands of the other ; such evidently being the design of nature , and we shall shortly see how far , our lawgivers have acted with this understanding . Were the provisions of nature , equally distributed , and no part kept back , nor no means used to prevent men generally , from making the most of all within their reach , and all not enough ; then we might blame

      nature for our scanty supply . But when we hear from the admitted statistics of these very lawgivers , that our country under proper management , is capable of maintaining at least four times the amount of our present inhabitants in affluence . And then to think , on the misery , that exists at this time , while our country is laying waste , under the domination of thoso yclept guardians ; no one can be at a loss to discover where the blame lies . I Bay of them , and their ordinances , we have a right to complain , common prudence and self-preservation prompts us to condemn their proceedings , and the unhallowed system they have concocted , whose results are misery and want , in the midst of plenty .

      To have a view of the foundation of these arrangements it will not be necessary to rake up the ashes of the constitutional laws of the Jews , the Chaldeans , the Persians , the Greeks , or the ancient Romans , as these systems whatever were their merits or demerits , all sleep to wake no more ; the system ef government now pursued in all the states of Europe , was established so * ie 1500 years ago by a Roman despot called Consigntine , ia the following manner . Two sets of peers were set apart for the management of public affairs , designated the guardians of the people ' s rights , the temporal lords to govern things temporal , and the spiritual lords things tpiritual ; these , in either case , holding discretionary powers to enact such laws and regulatwns from time to time as expediency or existing

      circumstances required . Of these lords and their proceedings , the different states of Christendom have had a fair trial . The present order of things in all its ramifications , is theresutt of what they have done . Of their history , little needs " be said in this place ; it is evident neithei have understood the nature of the trust reposed in them . For instance , the temporal lords , instead ef endeaveuring to regulate the supply of nature ' s provisions , so as to meet the necessities of the people , have claimed all as their own , as if they only stood in need of these things ; and the spiritual lords , whose duty it is to ascertain and define the natural rights of all and teach

      all to understand and , respect them ; instead of which they have all along laboured to convince men that no euch things existed , thus have they , in the face of nature , and natare ' a laws , stood with eyes open and seen the temporal lords , lay hold of the provisions of iiature , and claim them as their own to the total subversion of all hnman rights , and disregard to the wants and necessities of all but themselves . Hence the present order of things , the temporal lords , not the guardians but the owners of the soil , and the spiritual lords , not the defenders of the people's rights , but doing what they can to reconcile them to pnt np with theloes .

      These last-named guardians received a check at the Reformation , though their condnct in this respect is not altered from what it was before the introduction of Protestantism . However , although that movement has had no effect on the conduct of these guardians , it veiy materially altejp the position of things , a 3 it strifes at the root , ' and is condemnatory ef the whole system of guardianism ; and although the protest is only aimed at the spiritual Lords , still , in b philosophical point of view , it is equally applicable to the temporal Lords ; as , for instance , if the system of man , trusticg in man , is bad , why permit it at all ? and if etherwise , why protest against the supremacy of the spiritual Lords ? " Are our spiritual concerns more secure ont of the hands of these guardians ? And , if so , would not our temporal concerns be so likewise by protesting against the temparal Lords , and withdrawing their powers in a like manner ? There u a want of philosophy here en some side .

      Can things done ~ sj the sovereignty of a Prince not be undone by the sovereignty of a people ? Can powers created by the breath of one man , and misapplied by others not be withdrawn ? Or shall the human race soSet for the folly of a king , or tbe heartlesss conduct of his minions ? Shall these guardians , conjunctly or severally , trample on the rights of mankind , in opposition to the natural laws instituted by high Heaven to defend them , supported , too , by that book we all pretend to believe and obey ? Shall they , under cover of that very testimony , swindle the human race out of all that makes lite dear ? Were men men , either in reason or perception , they could not

      Where ia the constitution these guardians have reared ? Let its character either jattify or condemn them . From its merits let their justice and love to man be estimated . Test their laws by the laws of HIM who is yet the Guardian of these rights they have set at nought By whose laws does one toil and another eat the fruit thereof ? By whose laws are the provisions of nature the monopoly of the law makers ? By whose laws are -three fourths of the community deprived of all legislative power ? By whose laws are the poor taxed to support the rich ? By whose laws are the streams of education adulterated , and made tributary to the power of money ? By whose laws is the sexual tie made matter of pecuniary interest ?

      As th . 'se are ° what they should be or not , our guardians can be justified or not : by Heaven ' s decree , laws relating to each of these points are matters of legislation ; enactments grounded on these heads according to justice , equal to all , form the constitutional rights of the human race . If , in the meantime , laws affecting these are in accordance with justice , let our guardians have it , as it is their doings . If not , to their condemnation be it , as they are alike the originators , ani accountable for the whole , whether good or bad . Nature has constituted all men alike , and its constitu tional laws are alike to alL Our guardians have thought different , as they have formed things according to the understanding that they alone had wants and necessities , and all others were there merely on purpose to serve them . '

      Were such the fact in nature , they would have been justified in monopolising all to themselves , and deferring to form a constitution recognising the rights of others ; but since the case is otherwise , they are chargeable , to the full amount , with all the human race has suffered , since they were invested with powers to form a constitution recognising these claims , and have neglected to do so . - From these remarks , it will be perceived that the greunds of our constitution is the uncontrolled will of these guardians , to 'meet which all their legislative enactments have been . And from the results , we may judge of the consequences of trusting matters of such moment to the guardianship of men in any shape whatever .

      To have a comparison between the systems propounded , in my last letter and that now existing , is to suppose them acting under the laws there propounded as given rules ' , as men acting by discretionary power with no rule at alL By the latter method the present order of things has been produced . Could men acting under such laws , bring things to a like Btate ? . I say nay , and hold that system as infinitely snperior to that now in existence , inasmuch as it has justice for its basis and the well being of all for its aim . And I hold it will be difficult to prove , that the present system is either the one or the other .

      Who would do the drudgery of society and be robbftd in return ? Who would allow their patrimony to lie in the hands of a society whose managers held all as their own ? Who would recognise a society whs denied the majority of members the right of fellowship ? Who would defend a society which forces its unjust decrees' by bludgeon and bayonet ? Who wonl d be one of a society which deprived its members of a home ? Who wonld rely on the wisdom of a society which held- its members ignorant of its proceedings ? Who would form a part of a society which held poverty as a sufficient pretence to sever the social tie ? Be this as it may , under such a society we all live ; and the Lords Spiritual , whose duty it is io protect the peopJe ' s rights , and on whose faithfulness they rely , acquiesce in the whole matter , and are partakers of the spoiL Knowing all this , let those who will support the present system , I cannot

      It now remains to be enquired into , whether any scheme yet proposed as a substitnte , is better calculated to meet the human character than that submitted in my last In the first glace , Chartism forms a section of that nystem , and admits of no compromise . Socialism comes next , to meet which , does a principle of responsibility exist in nature ? is Christianity true ? The system I have propounded entirely depends on the one , and is drawn according to the tenor of tbe other . All my reasening depends on the action of a principle of responsibility , in its relation to the material feelings as directing them , in their several avocations toward the material world . The socialists are not aware of this method of treating the question , from the fact , that they deny the principle on which allBnch

      reasoning turns , ana tee gronnds from which the fabric is drawn , the consequence of which leads to some very material doctrinal differences . To have a view of which , first coruDare for laws of temperance . Socialism has nothing for distribution of property ; Socialism same as that prcpounded by me-for Universal Suffrage ; Socialism has hereditary legislators , far trade , commerce , and general ramification- of . Boclety ; Socialism nearly the same as mii-e for laws of community ; Socialism , sexual intercourse . freely permitted , direction of yonth ; Socialism nearly the same as minefor several laws very different , for which vide' my last letter ; -next for rewards and punishments , Socialismias nothing . It is clear the Socialists are brought to this view of the case , from their denial

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      of a principle of responsibility ; hence the differencea in the first , third , fifth , and Beventb sections , in thdir system ; as these could not be as I have placed them , if man were not . in a certain sense , a responsible being . The Socialists' doctrine of irresponsibility ha * led to a rather queer dilemma here , which isnotking leas than the total denial of all law , or mode of enforcing obedience to any regulation whatever , still they make conditions , and I maintain conditions are laws ; and , if these are not to be enforced , why make them ? Talk not to me of circumstances , or interest , water pipes are not provided with fire plugs on purpose

      to set houses on fire , bnt to prevent the consequences , should such catastrophe happen . In like manner I hold , the less frequent that each lawa ought to be enforced the better ; still to make sure that men may not , as heretofore , act regardless of circumstances and interest , and that such actions may not be injurious to others , I hold ( after giving foli scope to human nature in all its bearings , in as far as moral precept will permit ) that laws definite , and imperative , are required , and that the penalty for breach should be definite , not depending on the discrimination of a judge ; so mnch being necessary not to maintain a system of cruelty , but to prevent it "

      From the whole , it will be perceived that my system is Infinitely more comprehensible and tangible , widely different in spirit , and leaves much less to chance , than that of Robert Owen and the Socialists . And , lastly , their mode of establishing their system . Let the poor man blush : MONET ! MONEY ! money ! And for what iB it required , if justice and humanity demand the introduction of a system ? Be it remembered the guardians are the owners of the soil only while the present system of Government holds good : if that is nullified , they have no more right to retain any part of the provisions of nature than a receiver has to retain stolen property in the face of the rightful owner . How do we generally settle such cases ? Spoonies !

      Next comes the Shepherd , the Editor of the London Phalarm , and the redeubted overture of Cha . b . le » Foukier , the five acre syrtem , regarding which I have to say , were the human race stationary , with none retiring and none coming in , and if there were five acres on this earth to each , then it might be allowed that all was equitable , but since the case is otherwise , either Bome ' muBt be deprived , or 6 very outgoer or incomer , must alter the relation of these tenements , this much without questioning whether there are five acres to all that is or may be on this earth at one time , such absurditi . B may pass with the Editor of the Phalanx and his followers , who look for an interposition of Providence to work out the required change , aud of course reconcile themselves to wait and do nothing until Provideace thinks prope / to do the work . "These are they who look for a sign , but it Bhall not be given them . "

      Still I could excuse the lucky arithmetical impudence of the Editor of the Phalanx , as his only aim seems to be to write so that he may lick the dust of the earth for his trouble ; and if he succeed In this by sophisms of any kind , he is only on an equal footing with the great body of journalists of the present day . But how it comes that men of such penetration and sterling honesty aB yourself and Mr . O'Brien should be misled by such doctrines of this kind is past my comprehension . I wiBh to remark , from tbe lengths both of you go , it Ib not worth your while to stop shert of what justice demands . Then suppose the whole land in this country let out in portions of five acres each at a given rent , concerning this rent who is to pay it , and to whom is it to be paid . He who pays is superior to all who live with him , and he who receives it is an aristocrat on the same footing are aristocrats now are ; and still the question remains to bo answered— " What

      is to become of the rest who have no five-acre farm , and who receive no rent ? are these on an equal footing with the other t" RememlreT the provisions of nature are the property of the human family , to be husbanded so as to exclude none , while your five-acre system would exclude all by laying an embargo on the munificence of God . So it is by the present systems of gu&rdianism ; bnt if justice shall rule the case is very different To those who wish io uphold the present system , or cannot see the possibility of rearing a substitute , your mode of reasoning may do ; but those who stand for a principle of justice must learn to treat the matter apart from everything it has been : these must draw their arrangements so as to enable the whole people to make the most ef the whole provisions of nature , without depriving any part , or giving to any a preponderance . Such is the end to be attained without questioning its relation to the present or any other system .

      Concerning all eur minor schemes of reform , such as peace societies , charitable institutions , of all kinds , temperance societies , educational societies , and all converjticles , who wish to see Corittianity placed on its true basis , and labour meets its reward ; the supporters of all of which seem to have an inborn wish for the welfare of tbe human race , bat as their schemes for obtaining the end are indefinite , and far from the mark , I invite them to consider the system propounded in my la * t , as all their objects are contained under its several heads , and may all be attained at once by establishing that system .

      I am told the public mind is not prepared to deal witb matters of this kind . Then why tamper with it at all ; or is it necessary to promulgate error , in ordei to arrive » t truth , or is it the way to bring the question to a speedy issue , to keep bock any part of the necessary information . For my part , I think not , though I am aware those who wish to make a trade of agitation , will differ from me . In my next , and last letter , at this time , on this subject ; I shall point out some of the reasons for taking the course I propose , and some of the results , certain to follow its adoption , and likewise some of the consequences of pursuing a syetem of agitation , without a specified view of the end to be attained . I have the honour to be , Sir , Your obedient servant .

      Charles DuriCA : * Canon-atreet , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , January 10 th , 1842 .

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      CASE OF CARRIER THE CHARTIST VICTIM . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —Hany inquiries having been made as to what has become of Mr . Carrier ; and whether he has received tbe amount due to him from the benefit at the Social Hall , on November Sth , 1841 . In answer to the first , I beg to sUte that he Bailed from Liverpool on Thursday , December 30 th last To the second , I hold Mr . Carrier ' s receipt for £ 12 Os . 6 d ., leaving £ l 5 s . 3 ^ 1 due to him out of tbe whole amount of £ 16 5 s . 9 nd ., tbe proceeds of the benefit . On Sunday , December 26 , Mr . Carrier , myself , and Mr . Joslyn , a member of the committee , were out the whole day endeavouring to get in tbe resHue , but did not succeed to any great amount , Mr . Carrier having left his wife and child at

      Trowbridge , at his request the money , when paid , is to be forwarded to Mrs . Carrier . Arrangements have been made with Mr . Carrier , Sen ., who resides in London , to that effect I believe that the individuals who held tickets , will pay for them as soon as they receive it from those who had them , with one exception . The same difficulty has been experienced on former occasions ; therefore , in justice to myself I feel compelled to make this statement , as well as for the satisfaction of those Chartiits who so nobly supported Mr . Carrier , both before and since his release . As far as I am concerned I know nothing personally of Mt . Carrier , but from the nature of his sentence , and as a victim to tbe cause , I felt it my duty to render him all the support 1 possibly could . Daring the latt nine months of his imprisonment . 1 laboured incessantly to bring his case before Parliament , and Lord Normanby ; and with Mr .

      DancomVe ' a and Mr . Cleave's assistance , succeeded in getting him released six months before his sentence expired . The support he has since received from the London Chartists has been great I heartily wish every victim had received similar support I have been led into these observations from the fact that I have been blamed by some individuals fer not getting the money in sooner , the fault does not rest with me , consequently I deeline participating in any odium that may arise from it Since Mr . Carrier ' s departure I have received a portion of the balance , which has been sent to his wife . You will greatly oblige by giving this an insertion in your valuable journal . I am , Sir , Yours , in the cause , J . W . Pabkeb . 38 , Rupeit-street , Haymarket

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      TO THE MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF THE " NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION . " TUB ADDRESS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL LIVING AT BRIGHTON . Brethren , —Strongly attached to the " People ' s Charter , " en account of its embracing the principles on which , alone , as we think , political changes can be made advantageously to the great mass of tbe people , we are prepared to second to the utmost of our rery humble means , a plan of national organisation , being fully convinced that a thorough organisation of the more useful classes must precede any efficient and beneficial alteration of the poLtical system now so loudly denounced , and justly complained of . We believe still , as we have believed from the beginning of the late , and , in many respects , disastrous , agitation , that the

      present possessors and abusers of political power will laugh at , and slight the demurrings of the industrious classes , until by a good and wide-spread combination of energies , and concentration of purpoaa they become too formidable to be laughed at with impunity . Next in : mportance to unity , or singleness ef purpose , iB a welldigested system of organisation . It is because we are convinced of this , that we attach a very great importance to the office which you fulfil in the" National Charter Association—and it is with feelings of pleasure that we can congratulate our brother Chartists in the various parts of the kingdom on the possession of a council that has acted , and purposes to act so unitedly , firmly , and dispassionately .

      We feel that you are awkwardly Bituated inasmuch as your methods of action are liable to be misconstrued and injuriously interpreted ; we were , therefore , gratified in reading your last address to the association , to see the temperate and argumentative style , in which it was couched ; it giatilod us to observe that your firmness was of a-character calculated to command re-

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      spect , rather than to excite fruitless discussion ; and we earnestly hope that this spirit of action will be henceforth exhibited by all classes in the association , — when we hall have fully learned to treat the sentu nienU , and even the failings and errors of each other with deference ; and Bhall have become ^ one and all , In the great duty of perfecting the organisation we have founded ; then may we expect to make rapid progress in the attainment of our ultimate objects . We have made these remarks because we feel indebted to you , as the Executive Council , for " setting forth , fin- . your several addresses , an example of moderation and deference united with firmness , that if universally followed must command and secure for ua the respect of our opponents . ; : . . To yoar last addresses we can have but little to ob ^ Ject . . ¦ . - ¦ . ¦ ¦ : . ; . ¦ : . - ; - '¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦'¦ ¦ ' .. '¦¦ - ¦¦ ,: ¦/ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ¦ .:

      In respect to the present pUn for issuing carda , we think , with yourselves , that the modification proposed by our Bristol friends would be the substitution of one evil for another , without any real advantage . The present unrestricted method of distributing cards is more national , and in better keeping with the broad principle on which we are united . But we would , nevertheless ; urge upon you the proprioty of keeping the objection of our Bristol friends ever before you , with a view to the ultimate adoption of some means of obviating those little evils which may continually spring up to weaken the force of our organisation . In respect to the means proposed for collecting the Convention Fund we have an objection to offer , but we do so with deference , because we cannot for a moment doubt that you have given the subject deep consideration . ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ ' " . ¦ ¦ ' •— : ¦ . ;¦ ¦ ¦ '•¦ : ¦ ' ¦ - ¦ - . ' . ' . ; 'V : " . ' . '

      It is obvious that , when we are frequently required to raise funds for various objects , and when > too , the pecuniary resources of all of us are more or less so restricted as to render our contributions a work of great denial , the levying of new funds should be as much equalised as possible . In Brighton we have felt the desirability of UjIb , for we have ever been among the most forward to second any good object when money has been wanted ; and thus we have frequently had as many as five or six distinct accounts opened for contributions . We think that the plan yon propose to adopt in the collection of a Convention Fund is unequal . You eay in your address " That in Gloucester , Somerset , and Wilts , tbere are as many towns where tbe Association extends as will produce the required sum at an average of Two Pounds each . "

      We know not of more than five or six places in our district to which we can loak for contributions . Instead , therefore , of two pounds , we shall have six or seven pounds to raise on an average in each locality . This ia a great disproportion . Supposing there to be in the London dittrict twenty-six distinct association localities , each will have to raise a fraction more thau two pounds , and yet . in London and its environs there must be far grentsr facilities for raising money than in this district It must not bd imagined that subscriptions can be raised with any facility from those who . sign the National Petition . We can speak very confidently for the South of England , at least , wherein there are thousands ot persons who do not object to sign their names to a petition , bnt who would most unequivocally demur against subscribing a farthing towards defraying the expences incurred . In Brighton wo can look to very few beside the "bona Jide members of the Association for even the smallest contribution , and yet we have but little difficulty in obtaining thousands of names .

      That taxatioa should be co-extensive with representation is unquestionably just ; bub then as our association is very unequally distributed some regard should be paid to the number of association localities in every district . This ia the more necessary as we have shewn tbat little pecuniary support can b « obtained from others than bona fide members of the association . If we are in a condition to support two representatives , London should have at least tea instead of three . If three representatives be enough for London with its twenty-five er twenty-six localities , then one represent tative is sufficient for « ren a larger district than ours , where the association localities are so few . If the population of the respective districts has anything to do in

      the distribution of representatives , then we find that even in this tbe gr % at disproportion we complain of is further exemplified . You cite Gloucester , Somerset ; and Wilts . These counties have " a population of upwards of 1 , 000 , 000 , while Southampton arid Sussex have but little more than half that population ; yet in both cases , the number of representatives are the same . But this disproportion is trifling in comparison with the London district , which has » population of upwards of 3 , 000 , 060 l and yet this district is to have only three representatives . We have oited tio more instances than sufficient to illustrate the grounds of our objection , perhaps on further examination , other discrepancies might be discovered .

      It is not from any apathy that we make this objection ; we find by your report that 13 , 600 cards have been issued , and that the sum you desire to raise is £ 432 , by every member paying only eightpence . This Bum may be raised ; or , to take another mode of calculation , we find that the association extends to 299 localities , If / we suppose there to be 28 members only in each locality , on an average , then thirty shillings from each locality , or eighteenpence from each member , would more than raise the sum required .

      Instead , however , of eightpence each , we have to levy on each member not less than three shillings and sixpence ia order to raiBe the sum ' / of £ 36 . Supposing that one-fourth of our-members are incapable of subscribing anything at all , the subscription would be yet more hard on the remaining three-fourths ; we therefore trust you will reconsider the subject , with a view to a more equal levy of the Convention Fund in fa « t , by way of ' adding a little force to our arguments , we must candidly tell you that we cannot raise bo much money as £ 36 .

      While on this subject , we may as well Btate that we have felt the want of a map of the various localities of our wide-spread association ; we have thought that at a little expenoe maps might be printed by the Executive , and issued at a small charge to the various divisions of the association ; these inapB to consist simply of the outline of Great Britain , with the county boundaries well defined ; some of the principal towns in each county marked down , and all the assocation localities printed in a conspicuous manner . This map stitched into » little statistical book , would tend to further our objects by giving to the members in every locality , a correct idea of the real extent of the association .

      We highly applaud the manner in which you have met the objections of the Bible Chartists—we respect the religious opinions of a ! 1 men—we would not offend the peculiar sentiments of any man . Our great object is to be united in effecting political changes that militate against no really religious faith . To make any religious opinions tbe test of a fitness for brotherhood would annihilate us as a party , and render our objects utterly unattainable . We highly approve also of your address to the Glasgow Chartists . In our opinion your arguments are irrefutable . Having a high opinion of our Scotch friends , wesin-i cerely trust that they will see the propriety of laying aside the little differences that they have raised , and , by joining totis trfri&us , render our association both mere perfectly national , and invincibly powerful .

      Trusting that the new year may bring us renewed concord , and a less distant view of success to our exertion * , We remain . Most sincerely . In the brotherhood of Chartism , Robert Colling , WiLlum Woodward , John Allen , George Giles , John Page , Frederick Page , Reuben Allcorn , Robert LuNSDEi / G , WM . Flower , sub-Treiisurer , Nathaniel Morling , sub-Secretary . Brighton , Jan . Sth , 1 S 42 .

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      FROST'S COMMITTEE , BIRMINGHAM . COPY OF THB LAST MEMORIAL SENT FROM PSOST S COMMITTEE , FOR PRESENTATION TO HER MAJESTY , IN BEHALF OF FROST , WILLIAMS , AND JONES . ' '¦¦ ' . . . ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ¦; ' ' / . ' To Her Most Gracious Majesty P'icloria , Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland . The humble Memorial of a Committee appointed at a large Public Meeting , to take such steps ss may be necessary , in order to obtain justice for John Frost * Zephaniab Williams , and William Jones , who were illegally convicted , and transported in the year 1840 , '

      SHEWETH ,- —That we congratulate your Majesty on the auspicious event of an heir to the throne of these Realms , and the more especially as that heir is a Prince , and while we feel grateful to Providence for your Majesty ' s safe recovery from the indisposition attending your accouchement , we would at the same time , respectfully press upon your Majesty ' s attention the general distress that is spread so alarmingly throughout the country , particularly in the manufacturing distr icts . We can see , by statistical statements of undoubted veracity , the distress that prevails in different parts of your Majesty ' s dominions , and we can see in our own neighbourhood , such harrowing scenes of woe , of starvation and misery , a « are most agoniaing to look upon . Wecaa find married women of good and respectable character , in the same situation as that which your Majesty has , through the blessing of God ,

      gone through with , safety , in the most deplorable and wretched state of ¦ existence , for want of the commonest necessaries of life . We can find the husband In a state bordering upon madness— -his children crying and imploring him to give them bread , and he has none ; his wifa is lying sick and helpless on a mattrass of straw , without any of those necessaries and comforts , even the most coarse , which her situation demands ; he has in vain solicited assistance ; and rendered desperate by his hopeless situation , he takes that assistance by foice that he has in vain asked and even prayed for . We again see him arraigned aa a felon . He is tried —the law condemns him ; he is imprisoned or transported , and his family are either left to dia of absolute want or are taken to the Poor-noose , ( which is already filled to BufFocatioa with sinalar ofcjULs ) where tlity

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      are brutally separated from each other , and their deplorable situntion rendered stiil more miserable . We eincerely assure yout Majestey ttat wa have not exaggerated the picture we have drawn , for proof of which we appeal to the public press . The common feelings of humanity induce as to conr toast thei miserable situation of the parties we have described with that of your Majesty . Surrpurided with every .. Inxajry / that wealth can purchase , living : in a splendid palace , with a most numerous retinue of servants , to attend to your slightest want and gratify your every ^^ wish , your Majesty does not see and cannot feel the agony of want we have been describing , and are daily experieudag .

      And while we humbly yet firmly request yow majesty to cause this distress to be relieved , we at the same time would resp ^ otifally remind your majesty of the custom which ^ bas ^ been banded d own from olden time , of granting a general amnesty to such political and criminal offenders as may be deemed deserving of the gratioua boon . r ¦ . ¦¦ ¦ ::. :- ¦ : ¦; //¦/¦ ; . . ' ¦¦ ¦¦• ¦ . ¦' : . We would-hurably beg to remind your majesty that the custom we speak of has generally been practised at the birth of a Prince of Wales ; and understanding that Jour majesty has signified your benevolent intention of granting tin amnesty te such prisoners as may be deemed deserving . ^ JVe therefore humbly pray your majesty to include in such amnesty John Frost , Zepbaniah Williams and William Jones , who were convicted and transported for the terrri of their natural lives , though we believe such conviction to have been illegal and contrary to law . ~ '

      We sincerely assure your majesty that the pardon of these men would give the utmost joy , and satisfaction to many hundred thousands of your majesty's dutiful subjo cts : while it would confer the greatest blessing it Is in your majesty ' s power to bestow , upon the wives and children of the unfortunate convicts . The wives of these men look , upon their children and : Say , hereby our gracious queen is a mother , and she vrtll grant the prayer of the nation , and our prayer ,: and give us back our husbands , and our children their fathers , that we may be happy and have cause to blesB her . And we would respectfully remind jour most gracious majesty that the individuals we have named have undergone great suffering , bota mentally and bodily , —enough to satisfy even the most vindictive of those who wished for their punishment . Theee men are thousands of miles away from the land of their birth , pining away in hopeless despondency their miserable lives . -.- ¦ . } .. "'' .

      We therefore Imnibly pray , thatyeur majesty's heart may be open to the still small voice of mercy and humanity , and that you may grant the prayers of your majesty ' s HU / Sfc duiiiful servants by freely pardoning the men we have named—we shall then have good cause to bless and to pray for you ; Your majesty ' s situation as sovereign ruler of these realms , places the power of exercising your mercy and benevolence in the mott prominent light , and nothing is so gratifying to the heart of a benevolent ruler as to be able to comply wiiJi a nation ' s prayer .

      As a proof that the return of these men is most earnestly desired by the people , we point to the many petitions and memorials ; that have at different times been presented for their return to their country : and respectfully point out to your majesty the fact that when ' . the Honourable House of Commons , in Parliament assembled ; discussed the question ef " the liberation of political offenders" the motion was only lost through the casting vote of the Speaker . . Hoping that your Alajesty will comply With our request , your maje&ty ' s humble memorialists will ever pray , dec . Signed on behalf of the Committee , ^^ ^^ S 0 N ' } Joint Secretaries : John Bough , Chairman .

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      " ? ¦ ¦ ¦ ' - ' ' ¦ TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND . Fellow-countrymen , —In my letter of the 6 th inst , addressed to you , I endeavoured to show you that the prejudices which have so long existed betwixt you and the people of England were not to be traced to thorn , but to an interested portion of them . I have shown you that the aristocracy were that portion of the English whose interest it was to create and support those prejudices , in order that they might retain that power over ypu which they had unjustl y usurped ; and I will now further prove to you that those assertions are founded on focts > and that they are > and ever will be , the enemies of the people , until the people themselves arise in their moral strength , and assert their own power and independence ;

      There is an old adage which says , " that a man forewarned Is forearmed . " If this be true , will it riot become your duty to protect your own interests , and promote your country ' B welfare , by opposing , with all your energies , the measures of those who are your avowed enemies , and whose exaltation depends on the prostration of your political power ? To this query I will , no doubt , receive aa answer— "We have opposed them ; we are even now arrayed in the contest of right against micht . and we will never cease to be so until we obtain

      tbose rights and privileges to which nature and the constitution entitle us . " It wtl be only justice to you to acknowledge that such ia your determination , and , I believe , your intentions have ever been patriotic , and your fondest hope that of placing your country in the position in which she will be recognised amongst the nations of the earth . But although I admit the honesty of your intentions , I will , in duty to my country , be compelled to show you that heretofore your energies have not been properly directed to produce the desired effect v - ' \\ ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦; ¦ " ' . ¦ '¦ ' . ¦ ¦ '

      That this is not mere assertion , any rational man will at once adinit > for , having in my former letter proved that the aristocracy alone were your enemies , it follows that there ought to be ( as it affects you ) , but two political parties in the state , namely , the rich oppressor and the poer oppressed . You , as a people , ought not to recognise any other ; for , no matter what other parties call themselves , whether Whig or Tor ^ , you may rest assured they have no Bympatby for yeii , and are equally opposed to your interest . On this point , then , you differ from the Cbartiata ; they stand boldly forward in defiaace of all descriptions of enemies , anil are determined , in spite of the combined efforts of aristocratic power and influence to conquer , or fall in the struggle ; whilst you allow yourselves to be guided by prejudice , and made tho tools of a faction , who have ever deceived and insulted you , although their political existence depended on your support Thus we differ , aud I ask you is it not more honourable to stand up

      boldly , as the Chartists do , than to truckle to such a contemptible faction as the Whiga , whom you have so long supported , and whom you are now , with your " Liberator" at your bead , helping into office , although , by the by , the noble Whig , who is such a favourite with the" chief magistrate , " has , on a recent occasion , done honour to the " glorious , pious , and immortal memory" of the father of the vilest faction that ever disgraced the nation ; but there is little wonder in such things , tor yoar cons ' iatent . leader (!) condescends , for the " benefit of the people"'

      Now , I contend that when his Lordship brought forward that resolution , he must have bad an " ulterior " motive in view , and that motive must have been to increase the prejudices which he had already raised against the Chartists ; for it cannot be supposed that euch a politician as his Lordship could be ignorant of the fact , that the Whigs are as much opposed to tfae people as the Tories , and that it is as much the interest of the Whiga to persecute the Catholics as it is that of the Tories ; besides , he musV recollect that / even in his Lordship ' s time , the Whigs have-not deserved the suffrage of the Irish people . It was not the Whigs who granted liberty of conscience to the Irish , nor was it the Tories who sanctioned the coercion , bloodshed , and little burnings which

      devastated the country under a Whig administration ; nor Wf . s / iti the / Tories who erected bastiles in Ireland to imprison the starving victims of aristocratic tyranny and misrule . No ; his Lordship knew better ; but he depended on your belief of his assertions , as he knew his influence over your miuds was such aa to prevent you inquiring for yourselves , The Chartists ; acted upon that occasion as they should have acted ; they bad ever known that the Tories were the inveterate enemies of the people , and they had learned by experience that the Whigs were worse than enemies , inasmuch as they pretended to be the friends of the people whenever they required their support ; but their objict once attained , threw off the mask , and showed the lion's teeth beneath the hypocrite ' s disguise . The Chaitists

      had sense enough to know that an open enemy is less to be dreaded tnan one who , under the guise of friendship , clutches the assassin ' s knife in his grasp and stabs you in the heart when you least expect it . The Tories seldom promise anything to the people , but the Whigs had promised , and his Lordship knowB how well they kept their word . This , then , was theieason why the Chartists opposed the Whigs , and they have shown , by their conduct on that occasion , that the people are no longer to be despised , that the " swinish multitude" have the power , and know bow tb use it to advantage j they knew it was better to have only one enemy to contend -with than two ; and ; therefore ; they very properly kicked out their would-be-frierids , and are equally determined to kick the Tories out , too ; for they sincerely believe that * whilst class legislation

      exists , the people will be Victimised , and the country involved in ruin and desolation . The ChartiatB iiidnot help the TPories for love of them , but from a love of fair play which henceforth they are determined to have ; and until you act in this way , you ? energies will not be properly exercised for your benefit . Only ask yourselves calmly what have the Whias done for you 1 and you will have no answer that will show their friendship . Now , I argue , that you , as a people , should not Bupport a Whig any more than a Tory , as aU are your enemies . It ia" ho matter , what / the Liberator Bays about the virtues of the Whigs , because he is one himself ; ail his eloquence will not be able to prove that they are your friends . I challenge him or any of his adhereuU to do so , or to prove that the Chartists hate the Irish , because they preferred fighting with one eiivi& v ituUikd of two .

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      Only contrast the conduct of the two parties for a moment , and yon will" easily see how much yon ought to love them . They haye both , flattered you and tortured you in turn , and would equally daprive you of your natural and political rightsu If one has invented a "sliding scale , " and thereby prepared the way ; .. ; to starve you out of existence , the other invented seajes and light weights , and hung them up in the bastiles to weigh the pitifal crusts which hunger craves for . If ene used the halter and the jri&bet , tfae other used fire and faggot . If one employed the executioner , the other used secret service money , and transportation , and tore from the bosoms of their familieij the ^ aons of liberty and indepehdencs . If one triumphed over the smouldering ruins of Ireland ' s glory , the other plunged a firebrand into the solitary stack of the widow , and with sacrilegious blasphemy declared it wm for the

      benefit of Christianity . ' ! 1 If one is an enemy to civil and religions liberty , the other infringed on the liberty of the people , and filled the loathsome dungeons with their bodies for expressing their dislike to oppression . In fact , you have been the slaves' ef . both partiffs , and each have rnled you with a rod of iron . Will jonr Liberator still tell you the Whigs are your frieiidB ? or will you , with such facts as must be within the Kcelleotien of each of you of their hostility to your interests , believe his reckless assertions ? Let him turn over the block catalogue of Bufferings which his country has endured , and then if he is a patriot , I darehiru to call them your friends . Oh 1 what a mockery of friend ship > and how vain the hope . to obtain " Jus ^ ce to Ireland " from such two-faced tyrants as the Whigs , who for the past ten years have proved themselves the bitterest enemies of the people . ¦ "

      If they had been really your friends , they had opportunity / arid ; power sufficient to serve you . ' But no ; savage as the tiger ia their nature , the moment you , bore them triumphant from the hustings they forgot you * claims for justice ; and , in tetum for your services , prese&ted you with a Coercion Bill , as a token of their gratitude . / . ' ¦ , ' ¦ . " ; . /// . - '"¦ ¦¦ ¦ .: >¦ ¦ . " ; - ' . ¦" . ¦ - ' ¦ ¦" ¦• . ' :. '" : ¦ ' ¦' ¦ : ' . [ v It is vain to seek for justice from any class of the aristocracy , so long as the present system , of legislation exists in these countries . There is no confidence to be placed in the promises of either- Whig , or Tory , nor Is there any friendship in the advice which tells you to temporise with either party . Justice will never be granted to the people until they obtain that political power ^ which will enable them to legislate for themselvesi ; for it ib a constitutional right that you have a voice in the making of the laws which govern you . /

      Irishmen ! I call upon you , by your love of libertyby the love you owe your country—by that spirit which has sustained you in afflictions , and bore you victorious whilst combatting the enemiesuof an ungrateful country , to arouse from your . lethargy : shake off your prejudices , for the moment is arrived for aotion . The Whigs , you > treacherous friends , are politically dead . The Tories are in power . You know they hate you ; their hireling press is calling for more bayonets to silence you , and urging your tyrants to suppress the rising spirit of liberty in your bosoms . Can you—will you hesitate ? You are all familiar with the wrongs of

      Ireland j her present wretched , miserable , antt prostraia conditien must fill your bosoms with dismay . The many thousands of her famishing and care-worn people bear ample testimony to the unceasing rigour of despolio sway , which has fattened on tbe misery of its victims There is not a t&wn , village , or city which has not witnessed the sanguinary ihfliction of punishments which were awarded ; to break your noble and patriotic spirit There are many thousands still living who have seen Ibbir husbands , wires , and children tora from their bosoms , t « be sacrificed to the fury of their insa . tiate enemies ; and why ? Because they loved their country better than their lives . ;

      Irishmen . ' your spirit has not yet forsaken you ; yoa are still the sons of liberty ' s heroes , and yoar country is as dear to you as to ydur fathers . ' - " : Arise , then , In your moral might ; let your voice , loud as the echoing thunders , reach even the footstool of Royalty ; for it is but right that her Majesty should knoyryour sufferings , that she may do justice to her people . Tell her the Constitution was framed for the people , and not the people for the Constitution . Demand that yoiiba restored to your proper position ia society , arid that

      your country be justly dealt with . Let no one prompt you to acts of violence , or deter you from seeking your rights , whilst you do so constitiitipnaUy . / Remember your success depends on the energy with which you pursue your object , and do not forget the greater the moral power the greater will be the outward pressure , your moral power alone obtained Catholic Emancipation , and your moral power , joined , to tfi , e Chartists of Great Britain , will accelerate your deliverance . Be united , be firm , aad bear in mind the text— " Ask , auit yoa shall receive . " /• / : , -. " ..- .

      Do this ; prove yourselves worthy to be called Irishmen ; and let your motto be " Universal Suffrage , and No Surrender I" / I have the honour to be , Fellow Countrymen , Your most obedient humble servant , / ' " ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . " . '• ¦¦¦ ¦ •/• ¦ . ' . ¦ ¦ . •¦ -. W ^ H- Cliftox .

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      T ^ THE RIGHT HON . LX ) RI ) STANLEY . "The ways of trade are growD ^ elflsh to the borders ot theft , and supply to'thebufders ( if not beyond tlie borders ) of fraud . "U-Emehson . My Lobd , —AceordiDg to promise , I bow take npon me to shew you some of the effects of " competition and monopoly . "; .- . * My Lord , before I begin my task permit m « to give yon to understand what I mean by the terms " competition and monopoly . " I mean that tht > master , haririg a power over the labour of man , bo as to enable him at pleasnre to reduce the nominal value of labonr , is competition . I mean that individuals possessing power , so that they can at pleasure enhance the value ; ef provisions almost to a prohibition to the labouring man , ia monopoly ; both of which , my Lord , are protected by the real source of monopoly , " class legislation . "

      My Lord , as one effect of the above source of evils , I will introduee to your Lordship a circumstance to which I myself was eye and ear witness . It is aa follows : —While taking a walk down Noble-street , I saw a man in the act of running away from the union workhouse , with part of his clothes on , and the other part he had left behind him ; he looked like death ; shivering and shaking with cold and hunger . He was invited into a house : [ N 6 . 17 ) where he partook of Borne refreshment ; such as the good woman had to sive , — bread , butter , sugar , and tea ; in which house he told the following t » le of misery ¦ — " I am a hand-loom weaver ; lived in Princess-street ; I became unwell , eo that I could not earn my breadj made application for

      relief , was put Into the workhouse , was put to bed / arid there remained three weeks- and a half , withbat being washed or shaved , or permitted to rise cut of my bed until my body and bed clothes became one living mass of moving filth . I was not allowed to have any thing to-eat er drink , but doctor ' s physic , and now he ba 3 so reduced Hie that I cannot only with difficulty move along . I wanted something to eat that would restore me to my former strength , but it / was denied me . I saw nothing before me but death , and that bt ought on by a knave in the person of a medical practitioner . Such staring me in the face ; I ran away from the hellhole the best way I coald ; and here I am ,- not knowing what will bacome of me . " . / .

      My Lord , the above individual has been a producer pf above an equal portion of that wealth , of which he was denied ! . " /¦ ' : y \ ' " ' - ¦' / y :: : / ' // / V- / '¦; , •• ¦ ¦¦ ' ;/; ;; ' / ¦ My Lord , wlien inahufactuiers go to the iparicet to sell their manufactures , " if one shonld sell a fraction . below the other , the consequence is a general reduction in the prices of such , manufactures .- ^ Maste rs come home aud refluce the wages of the labourers , which , in my opinion , is very foolish : for you , my Lord , must understand , that when a workman is reduced in his wages , he ( the workman ) is necessitated , in order to have the same command over the comforts of Iifej to do more work , the consequence of which iB , ; a greater surplus of labour's produce will be found to exist in the labour market . By way of an illustration to the above , I will state a fact , with / which eveiy ¦ wbrklog man is acquainted . / . ' ¦ ' / ¦ ~ : ' : ' . - ' - ¦/ ' / ' : ¦¦' ; ' : ¦ : . : ¦ .:- < .

      My Lord , in 1835-6 , I was living fa this town . At that time I had for weaving a Bolton flfry reed tape check , 7 b . < Sd ., while at this time I have only 5 s . for the sameiabourv ¦ ¦/¦ . ¦ ; ¦ - ¦'¦ ¦/ : ¦ ¦ / ¦ . . " ¦ ¦¦/ ' ¦/ /¦ . : ' ¦' ' ¦ ' / ' ¦ Noyr , my Lord , in erder to have the same command of the necessaries of life , I am obliged to work three yards of cloth in 1842 , for two yards in 1835 ^ 6 , allowing the price of provisions to be the same in 1 ^ 42 as it was to 1835-6 -, but such is not the cose , for in cthe former period bread was only 6 d for the 4 lb loaf , wtdle in the latter period bread Ib 8 dfor theAib loaf . / - My Lord , you see , in order for me to have the same command over the necessaries of life ¦ ivam-. / obligeji before I can compete with the bread-tax monopoly to work 25 per cent , more wetk in the present year , than what I had to work in the years 1835-6 . The effect of monepoly . ; ' / ; ' ¦ : ' "¦'¦'¦¦ ¦/• . -, ¦ ¦ :: ' .,. r ' - / :. ' - ' ¦ - . - '

      Again , before I can command the Bame amount of provisions I am necessitated to / work £ 33 6 s . 8 d . per cent , more work now : than what . I had to work at the period to which 1 have already referred . The effect . ' of . competition . : . - • . . /" " /¦ ¦ '"¦ ' /¦; ¦¦' ' , ¦ . ¦ . ;;' ¦ . ¦ ' "¦ ¦ - --- " / v •/• : ¦ Now , my Lord , I would ask you what will be the result of a system of government which allows such a state of things to exist ? to which question . I beg to give the fallowing answer : — / / . ; : My Lord , according to the already-mentioned statiementii , I find that before I can live the same in 1842 as I lived in 1835-6 , 1 am neieeBaitated to wpxk two yarda instead of one yard , which is cent per cent in the short period of six years .

      My Lord , if in the former ^^ period there was a general complaint athongst master manufacturers of a surplus quantity of labour ' s produce , what must now be the fact ? There must be . ' . an ; increaaed surplus at the rate of . cent , per ^ ent ., or the people must have less of those enjoyments which they enjoyed in 1835-6 ; therefore , If the system , works on the same as it now does , ttflMMf H ^ Kl * will be > tbe produce will become valueless ' nirilfi ^ Wl * ¦ * £ ^> of the extra surplus , which will become as abnnflnt * . **[ /^~^< as stoneMn the street , and at the same time ftfc ' jSB » ji §( ^ i-J ^"; e <; \ be naked for want of the aurplua , wfcicb evil ' jfflHr ^ -W' ' *^ Y *\ prevented by the legislative adoption of tiJUfiKlrt ^ ' ^ . ^ % > y \ Charter . ;;; - ;/';// ; / ' ^ 3 § & ££ & $ \\ k $$ A . My Lord , I shall again address you onwBKwgB ^ j ^» Tisfeyt ' gL ^ Ji topic , after you take your seat in tho dasa-cilSHjPu ^ M ^) 'vl Hy next letter will be headeel " Poor Man's vS ^^ k ^ LJ ^ ^^ f In the interim , I remain , my Lord , - ' mtiifJC MkjJS Yours in the cause of truth . 1 W * '" •* ¦ " ^ T ^ ;'" .-And a friend to the People ' s Chait > r , Bolton , January 10 , 1842 . fEXEB . KiGET .

      Untitled Article

      __ THE KORTHERy STAR . ¦; - ; ¦ / ,::. ; - ; , ; . ; , V ; ,: :: ? :-. ;^ -.:. "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 22, 1842, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct414/page/7/