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Northern Star (1837-1852), 12th February 1842, Edition 2 of 4, Page 4, Untitled Article

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1842.
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      Untitled Article

      TO THE EDITOR Qt THE XGBTH . EHX STAR . I Str , —As Mr . O'Brfen has been lecturm ? all over th ^ s country , I as a Trorking man and a Chartist , consider it but fair that these my objections to the spirit of his lectures should mee ; tb . e public eje in Hke manner , And as Mr . O'Brien trill return to Edinburgh , about the time we are in receipt of the cert Northern Star your insertion of the enlosed in that nambcr will confer a very particular favour , and enable me to accomplish ¦ what I ict . 'cd , namely , to present it , in person , to that gentfeB&n and hear his remarks thereon . I have the honour to be , Sir , Toar most -obedient Servant , CHAKLiS DUXCAN . C * non-street , Canon-mills , Edinburgh , 7 th Feb ., 1842 .

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      TO JAME 3 RROKTERRE O'BRI"EN , ESQ . Sir , —At the commencement of your lectures , lately delivered in Edinburgh , you stated that the first and second nights should be for yon to set foith your views , and the third and last night " sst apa-. t for a kind of missellansous discussion , in order to obtain a mutual undtrctanding between yon and your audience . From circumstances of which you are aware , I " was prevented from making the remarks I intended at that thnc I now submit them , not on purpose to raise myself with the public at the expense of running yon down ( as a writer of the present age has said of these who paid him similar compliments ) , but for the eke of truth , to enhance your usefulness , by giving you an opportunity to correct what I conceive you have overlooked , cr , if I am wrong , that you may have the chance to explain , and thus preveDt the bad effects of my future criticisms on your doctrines . to

      Tour £ r * i rei ^ ark on which I mean animadvert , ¦ was , you defied any man to point ont any return , either direct or indirect , that the working class received for tb-e £ 3 P 9 . OQ 0 , O'JO the aristocracy annually filched from them ; that it all t ? eni to uphold attornies , priests , menial servants , hells , and brothels , and several other tilings of a similar nature . Sir , to take yon at your worst point , as I consider the keeper of a brothel much more a blackguard than the keeper of a gambling-house , yet if this very brothel-¦ keeper is enabled , by money received from the aristocracy , to purchase a coat , the money given for that coat ( however polluted it may be ) becomes part of the price of labour ; and so with all the aristocracy , or any parties upheld by them , I beg to stats I hate the system that leaves th . 3 honest workman dependant on saefa sources for his daily bread as much as you do ; "but as things now stand such is the fact ; and an important one it is to those who would have a proper view of that system .

      What I conceive to be your next miscalculation , was a mere result of the above oversight—namely , that the repeal of thi 3 o > 2 ^ 300 , 000 , 008 would be as much clear gain to the working disk Sir , that the money is paid from tke fruits of . labour is true ; but who hold iJiise ? Is it the workmen themselves , or these who employ them ? Whoever it is , they who are possessed of Viis much have the seeming advantage , though that , too , is a delusion . To have a practical view of this £ 308 , 000 . 000 suppose ieo . 000 aristocrats in the receipt of £ 3 , 000 each

      annually . While these are as they are , the manufacturers are at no loss for a market Strike these off , then suppesa at least 50 , 000 individuals * at present ihe great onts of : he earth ) reduced to the level of working men ; these are now the mart for the produce of labour . But to where Ehall the manufacturer turn then ? The feet is , he must just stand still with the full hand niid emp > y purse , and pay off his workmen till ihe stock , in hand is cleared off ; and they must live on what they have already produced until al ! this is accomplished Such is their share of the transaction .

      Ton stated that to make the repeal of the Corn Laws beneficial to the working class , it would require to be accouipa-iicd by a corresponding Tcpeal of a 1 public and private debts . Youwouldhave been much nearer the truth hid you said that neither could be safely meUdled with , except accvm - pir ' -id with the appropriation of the means that gave -by set of men the power to levy taxes of any kind . Yon said you wished these laws repealed od purpose to provide employment Sir , abundance of employment may be very important , stiil ore Thing is equally so ; that is , the reward * f labour . Man is a consumer whether employed or not :

      and as the amount received for what he can perform in , a given time is over or -under -what he consumes in a j like given time , taking all drawbacks into account , he ] is to have a sufficiency or not . Trade may be extended j to any amount ; still as the reward for labour agrees j or not with the above , all the advantages the working man cm derive rom it depend . Can flesh , and blood j maintain it 3 ground against the steam man , who con- ' sunns not , neither requires rest ? By your own state- j ment the Kidney tbst could formerly be gained in one , henr , n quires five to gain it now . Will ttse repeal of the Ccrn Laws reverse this with such a competitor as j steam in the field ?

      Would men consider this view of the case , they ' ¦ would see the utter hopelessness of bettering the :- con-, ditioa by pressing matters farther in that direction , or in any direction tbat leaves men dependent on labour with such an opponent as steam in opposition . As things now stand , free trade may be very desirable to the holders of that puwer , but not so to those These Eeans of subsistence depends en the success of manual competition against it So much for the first grind division of your lectures . Let U 3 now approach matters of graver import , not quibbling ab ; ut the subtle working of a false delusive ; system of government , but discussions where the future j prospects of the human race , and the eternal principles j of right and trat-h are involved . j You contend for Universal Suffrage as a right , and ; demand it unceremoniously in virtue of a principle of justice , without money or price . \ You likewise hold that ^ 11 are alike entitled to the

      tise of th = soil ; but from your method of demanding the restoration of this right , we have no reason to infer th&t you consider its validity depends on a principle of justice . You say the people have been robbed of their light to the soil , so siy I . They have been robbed too of the right to vote ? and is not either alike injustice ? Is nitnral justice applicable to regulate nominal power , and not equally so as regards property , if so why ae-« and the one as a riekt , and efftr to compromise the » thtr ? Do we give compensation ta robbers to induce yhem t > disgorge their booty ? If justice ib sufficient to establish a claim to the vote , I hold it . is equally so as

      regards the land ; and if compromise is at all necessary , it must be in both cases ; the terms are the same either way . By paying a given rent any one may enjoy a vote now . This is a con ; piomise . But we contend for that privelege as a right , merely for justice sake ; then where is your sense ^ of justice , when the empire of 2 . 0 < juis ; t venrS 3 13 concerned ? You know how much trouble the friends of Universal Suffrage have been put to t » convince men generally that is a right for which eo man is btbolden to another ; so I held are all our I'ghts , but you setm to taink otherwise ; consrqoentlj we disagree concerning our views of natural justice .

      Justice and injustice are the symbols of right and wrong . Betireen these there is no middle course . He who contends for more than justice awards , is a itjbbfcr ; and he who would be satisfied with less , is a ninny . Justice is the heart and soul of discussions of this kind . Depart from that , and if all such are not entirely useless , they are something worse ; nor are there two ways for honest men ta dial with matters of this kind-Still I could believe that you hold out indemnification to the aristocracy for allowing justice to take-its cenrse in this , particular cass , merely as a kind of jsnbterfuge , 'Were it not that your next proposal , namely , contributing t" > a National Fund , goes to perpetrate the same injustice .

      To tnuse who wish to uphold the present system , whether sanctioned by justice or no , and those who cannot see that it is possible to form entirely new arrangements , your expedient will appear quite necescessiTy ; but those who hold justice &r a rule , aud calculate so as to make the most of aU things as mbservit-Et to that view , will view the case very differently . You s ? e it is quite possible for all to have votes ; but you seem r-ot to perceive that it is equ < liy possible for all to be landowners . None would be more ready to condemn the action of a money clause where the suffrage is concerned . Then why become the advocate of that Tery c ' anse in another similar case ? You have said the cause of the people has been " burked" by the whcle press , and by nearly all their advocates ; and I merely add , vou sre no exception .

      You say this National Fund is required for many reasons , one of which is to indemnify those who are not fa mers ; another to give loans to enable ycung men to set up in the world : concering -which I say , everything connected with the latter case is amply provided for by a simple natural arrangement in the details of the E ; . 3 ttm , if justice shall dictate ; though certainly not if your vie ws are adopted . As to the former clause , ic appears the most unjust feature of the whole . Though justice entitles all alike to the use of the jsoii , yet . According to your view , none are to have it except they pay for it . You , say all are not inclined to be agriculturists ; then why press them to be s « ? And I answer , from the apathy shown about tte suffrage by many who Aave Dot votes , we have a right to infer that many care not for anything of the kind . Yet yon assert , justice eannot be done till all are possessed ol that right . So I hold , if justice shall rule , all must be pat in possession o their right to the soil .

      Lit us now glince over your details . It is one thing to have a right , and another thing how we are to make that righ * subservient to our welfare . For instance : the fint paint in the Charter is to obtain the light to vole ; so , like-wise , the first point in the Land Charter is to ocUln posstBsion of the soil . The other points in either must not only square with a principle of justice , but along with that be formed , with au eye to utility , for instance , annual parliament ? . Parliaments m » y be annual , biennial , triennial , septennial , or centenneria l , according as tLe one or other is most likely to be beneficial . The point in the Land Charter agreeing with t *" is the extent of allotment , which may be 5 , 10 , 50 , 500 . or 5 . B 00 acres , or any other quantity according to utility .

      Yon propose five acres , because that extent of farm is I jore productive , mere manageable , and easier subjected to spade culture , the superiority of which moae over ploug hing all are agreed upon .

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      Sir , —I hold that & small farm requires the same 3 « ree of skill and the same attendance every way that a large one does . The only difference is in the amount of actual labour , and the principal reason why small farms , in the mean time , are more profitable than large ones is , that the amount of hands , according to the extent , are much , greater . The other Teason , acting in favour just now , namely , the high return paid by the Aristocracy for rare and delicate articles cannot be calculated on , as that body will then be annihilated , nor could these things now maintain their price , were it not that the number of these farms are very limited . Aa to spade culture , from what I know of the matter , I am satisfied tiw inhabitants of Britain will not require to resort to that mode , more than at present , while her

      population is within 150 , 000 , » 00 ; and between this and then , there is sufficient time to invent a machine to perform this piece of slavery . I beg to remind you there are other things connected with agriculture , which , if attended to well , in most cases make a greater difference on the amount produced , on the same extent , than the difference between plough and spade culture . And further , agriculture only requires active exertions at certain periods , which proves that nature designed it to be joined with other pHrsnifcs . What say you to extending the farms to 1000 acres at least , and to the introduction of machinery , and the following up of the arts and sciences thereon . Will your five acre farms support a sufficient number to meet this end ; or , are you aware that all the inmates of such an establishment

      may be placed on an equal footing , under such arrangements , that no ore can trample on the tights of another . The only other point of the Suffrage Charter that came within the scope of your lecture was , the No Property Qualification Clause ; the point in the Land Charter , parallel to that is Kent You say Rent ; I say No ; or if Rent , let it be given in return for the vote as it costs nothing beside : as the land yields not without abour , 1 contend that that do stand for that In conclusion , I beg to remind you that no one has a right to depart from a principle of justice , in discussions of this kind ; or , if they do , they have no right to insist , on any part , in virtue of that principle . ' « He whose cause is just is doubly armed ; " and he who advocates what is in itself unjust , is doubly exposed I have the honour to be , Sir .

      Your most obedient Servant , Charles Duncan Canon-street , Canon Mills , Edinburgh , February 7 th , 1842 .

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      RE-ISSUE OF THE LARGE PORTRAITS . We are constantly receiving applications from new subscribers , or from friends , wishing to know upon what terms they can be supplied with the Laege Pobtraits that have been , at different times , issued to the subscribers to the Star ; to these applications our invariable answer has hitherto been , " not al any prfee . " The calls upon us , however , have now become so numerous and so urgent , that we have determined to issue them again o « the following terms : — A person wishing to subscribe for any one of the Iarqt Plates , must ent ^ r his name with his Newa-sgent , and Subscribe regularly for the paper for six weeks , specifying at the time he enters hi 3 name the Plate he wants .

      At the end of his six weeks' subscription he will receive the Plate along with his Paper for that ¦ week , for both of which he will be charged Is . by the Agent , and no more . The Agent will be charged for Paper and Plate for that week 9 d . ; so that he will have 25 per cent , profit for his trouble . The Papers will costhim nothing for carriage , as they go by post ; and we will contrive to get the Plates to him for as little cost as possible . Any subscriber who receives bis paper direct from the effice , can have the plates on the same terms as from an agent . Here , then , is an easy manner by which all who desire can have any of the under-mentioned plates : —

      The Convention . John Collins . John Frost Dr . M'Douall . J . R . Stephens R . Emmett , and Richard Oafctler . F . O'Connor . The agents had better open their subscription lists immediately , and apprise us of the number they will require of each .

      The Northern Star. Saturday, February 12, 1842.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 12 , 1842 .

      Untitled Article

      THE PEEL ACCOUCHEMENT . So then ! we have the delivery at last ! Birth was given on Wednesday evening—cot to another Pr ince or Princess , God be thanked—but to Peel ' s plan of " Great cry , but little wool" . ' The " event" -was duly ushered in . All effort had been made to give to the affair a very mysterious importance . Expectation was at its highest pitch amongst the trading classes . Peel has adroitly managed to put them off for nearly six

      moct ' ns , maintaining a most dignified silence , and referring all inquirers to " the time" when he should be able to "let them see what they should see . " That time at last arrived . The '' big" day came round . Feel was punctual . Not a day before , nor a day behind . On Wednesday last the ministerial bantling was brought to light , and held up to the wondering and astonished gaze of one portion of the " interested" and to the disappointment and disgust of the other portion .

      Ib another part of our sheet we have given the " talk" used on the occasion . We have presented the reader with a copious report , that he may judge vfhat all the stir has been about . From it he will learn what the alterations in the " gliding scale " are to be , should the " House" agree to Peel ' s proposals . He will also see that the crafty Minister has combined with hi 3 shifting duties a sort of bastard fixed duty . This is , we suppose , to nail the Free-Trade-Fixed-Daty Whigs to the support of the Ministerial scheme .

      One thing seems certain . The great manufacturers will not be able , at this time , to wrin ^ from the aristocracy the " Total Repeal . " Of this we are glad . The inflictions and scourges of the Aristocracy hare been , and are , many and hard to be borne ; but the inflictions and scourges of the Millocracy are heavier and more numerous . The fatter , in the agricultural districts , has not yet been forced into unwilling idleness , and the infant daughter dragged into the field to attend the plough , to sow the grain , to reap the crops , and , by its labour ,

      maintain its idle workles 3 parents ! Is or has it yet been openly declared that unless infants be compelled to work in the fields longer than ten hours a day , Agriculture will perihh ! We are not , by any means , in love with the doings of the aristocracy ; but we are glad that the Millocracy are not to have the push upwards at the expenca of both Aristocracy and people , which they would have gained had they been able to fore © " Total Repeal" from the Minister . It is true that the step which has been taken is a bowing-down of the Aristocracy to the power of

      steam . It is true that the claims and demands of wealth have been listened to and partially complied with by the " strong Government , " and that the claims of poverty have been insultingly dismissed . It is true that the Minister has ranked himself on the side of the " Rich Oppressor ; " and against the " Poor Oppressed ; " yet —( thanks be to the antagonistic interests of the two sections of the " Rich ones 1 ")—the Millocrat has not yet been able to force that measure from the plundering Aristocracy , which would have enabled him still further to revel in the spoils of labour 1

      In this , let the people see their power ! Had they joined the Millocrats for " Total Repeal , " the " StioDg Government" must have yielded ! As it is , the Millocrat must join the people for Universal Suffrage before he can get the Repeal ; " and , when the people have Universal Suffrage , they can take care that the Millocrat does not " monopolize " the whole of the advantage to himself . The details of the proposed New Corn Law will be learned by a perusal of PsEi's speech . The length at which we give the report , precludes us from commenting on the natter at greater Jength .

      As far as the development of Peel ' s policy has yet gone , it stands thus : — The Corn Laws are to be resettled , with a dight alteration of the sliding scale of duties . The New P » or Law is to be continued The Ten Hours' Factory Bill is to be opposed . The 17 , 000 starving poor of Paisley , and the hundreds of thousands in . a like condition , through the whole country , are to have no relief . New Taxes are to be imposed 111 How long will Sir Robekt Peel be Minister !

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      £ m $ tti& \ ^ Barlwroifm .

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      MOUSE OF LORDS . —T 0 ESDAT , Feb . 8 . The House was occupied almost exclusively with a conversation apon some anti-Corn Law petitions , presented by Lord Brougham , Lord Melbourne , and the Marquis of Lanadowne .

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      HOUSE OF COMMONS , Tuesday , Feb . 8 . After the presentation of several petitions , Lord Palmebston inquired of Sir Robert Pee ] whether the treaty of the Five Powers for the sup presaion of the slave trade had undergone any alterations , and whether any of the ratifications had been exchanged . Sir Robert Peel answered both questions in the negative . The time for the exchange of the ratificaations would not expire until the 20 th instant . In answer to a question from Lord M ahon , * - Sir James Graham said that Government was endeavouring to diminish the number of convicts at the hulks . Some had been sent to labour at the repairs of the fortress of Gibraltar , and others were likely to be sent to other foreign destinations . On a question from Mr . Berkeley ,

      Sir Robert Peel declared his intention of making a financial statement as soon as the most immediately urgent votes of supply should have been taken . This postponement was with reference n < t at all to his owh personal convenience , but solely to the public interest . Lord Stanley obtained leave to introduce a Bill for altering the distribution of the ecclesiastical establishments in the West Indies , where the circumstances of the last few years had much increased the demand for spiritual instruction . He now sought to divide the Bishopric of BarbadOes , which comprehended also the Leeward Islands and Demerara , into three dioceses ; reducing the salary of the tkree archdeacons , so as to give an aggregate saving of

      42 , 000 , which , added to the present episcopal allowance of £ 4 , 000 , would make a disposable aggregate of £ 6 , 000 , available for the endowment of these Bishops , one . at £ 2 . 500 , one at £ 2 , 000 , and one at £ 1 , 500 a year . In like manner , without additional expence , he could increase the establishment of Trinidad and St . Kitts by the annexation of two rural deans . And in Jamaica he would as-k for power to the Crown to appropriate the £ 6 , 000 a year , now allowed for one Bishopric , as an endowment for two . The House having resolved itself into committee on Colonial Import Duties , Mr . Gladstone stated that the measure he had to introduce was substantially the samo with that

      which had last year been proposed by Mr . Labouchere , aud generally welcomed . The progressive relaxations made in modern times , and especially since 1815 , had worked satisfactorily as far as they had gone , but some imposts were still leviable , too onerous to be justified by reference either to the interests of the colonies or to the now recognized principles of imperial" legislation . The success which had attended the comparative liberality of our East India system was a fair illustration of the advantage that might be hoped from relaxation in the West . There had now been time for communication with the Colonies , and for remonstrance by them , had they objected to the principle of the proposed changes . That principle

      he was desirous to carry even further than the preceding Ministers ; for the West Indian proprietors wera now labouring uuder increased dfstress , which urgently required additional relief . He had it in view to simplify the subject by a consolidation of all the existing laws that respected it . And the first change he should suggest , would be to abolish all duties at present imposed by the Imperial Parliament on articles the produce of Great Britain ; the principal of which was spirits . He did sot think it consonant with the true mcent of the act of 1778 , which renounced the imposition of any duties , " except for the regulation of commerce " to keep up any duty imposed upon all articles alike in the colonies , or any duty upon articles of British

      growth . Such taxation was not for the regulation of commerce , but for revenue , and should be left ta the local legislatures . To such a renunciation he looked as to a fresh act of goodwill for cementing the connection between the colonies and the mother country . In like manner , and for the same reason , he would renounce all taxation upon those foreign articles which did not at all competo with British productions . He was of opinion that , instead of taxing all articles not British on their importation into the colonies , the better course would be tokave all imports whatsoever free from taxation by the mother country , except those which she might select to be taxed for the regulation of

      commerce ; and he would state , in passing , that Government had it in view to consolidate the Customs' establishment in the colonies , there being now double sets of . officers there . The Canadians at present possessed an exemption in the instances of corn , wheat , flour , and salt meat , from the duty leviable on other articles not British when imported into the Canadas . He proposed that , henceforth an import duty should be levied on corn imported thither from the American side of the border . This , he believed , would be agreeable to the Canadians themselves . The Legislature wished to give advantages to them in the consignment of their produce to England ; but the settlers of the United States had no claim to transmit American

      produce hither through the Canadas duty free , as if it were the produce of those colonies . The resolutions , then , which he should move , would be , to repeal all existing duties—to impose new ones , which should be in addition to any imposts of the Colonial Legislatures—to regulate exemptions ' :-on articles for the useof the fisheries—to put the produce of the Channel Islands on a level with that of Great Britain , and to declare the expediency of passing a Consolidated Possessions' Act . On wood imported into the colonies he proposed to place no duty , bneh a tax not only checked the comforts and th « industry of the West Indies , but enhanced the price of production there , and consequently the cost of sugar to the home consumer . On other articles he would propose two Bets of duties , one fixed , and one ad valorem ; the schedules of which duties he then read and explained .

      Mr . Labouchere expressed his unalloyed satisfaction at the measure of Government , admitting that the ' alterations it had undergone siuce he himself had brought it forward last year were improvements . After the advantages bestowed on the East Indies , it was but common justice to give this relief to the West . He felt , too , that this measure greatly advanced another object of the late Ministers—the reform of the duties levied iu this country on colonial produce , especially sugar and coffee . If the present scheme were resisted , he would gladly aid in combatting any opposition to it . Mr . G . Palmes desired to reserve his opinion .

      Lord John Hussell objected only to that part of the plan which went to introduce a duty upon corn imported from the United States into the Canadas . The consequence would be the formation of a Canadian free trade party , which it would be difficult to deal with . As to the rest , he was glad to see the assent of the present Ministers to the policy of their predecessors . Sir C . Douglas quoted a speech made last year by Mr . Hcrries , to show that the Conservatives had desired no import duties beyond what would be necessary for protection . Sir R . Peel desired that no premature inferences as to the commercial policy of Ministers might be drawn from their adoption of this measure , which they were as fully prepared to support last year as

      now . Mr . S . Wobtley supported the principle of a duty on the import of American corn into the Canadas . The House having resumed , Mr . Glastone moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of railways . He did not propose to license the drivers , a class of officers who of lato had much improved ; but he would ask for a grant of power to the Board of Trade to postpone the opening of railways uot sufficiently prepared—to enforce the production of returns of accidents—to close the gates on road ^ rossed by railways—to refer certain classes of disposes—to check branch communications by individuals—and to take land for widening embankmeHts . Col . Sib thorp thought the Bill a very milk and watery atfiir ; and recommended a tax on railway fares , to indemnify iunkeepers and other sufferers from the svatem .

      Mr . Wakley wished for a more stringent measure , but did not expect to get it till three or four Lords or Ministers lost their lives by the mismanagement of railways . He did not like the tactics of Ministers iu adopting the bills of those predecessors whom they bad last year so much condemned . He entered into the particulars of the Sonning-hill accident , as to which Mr . Russell , the chairman of the Great Western Railway , gave some expiations . Mr . Ewabz approved tho ' Bill , and deprecated any needless interference with the proprietor ? , who ought to remain responsible . There ought , however , to be a remedy for the surviving relatives of a person losing his life by the carelessness of a company . Mr . Hakdt desired some provision to prevent carriages yrixh passengers from being placed Hear the engine .

      Sir Robert Peel disapproved any minute interference by Government . It would relax the caution of the companies , who would then feel the responsibility to be removed from themselves . _ Mr . Labouchebe concurred in the general principles of non-interference ; and leave was then given to introduce the Bill .

      DISTRESS IN PAISLEY . Mr . Wallace said , that in riung to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice , on the subject of the misery and destitution under which the inhabitants of Paisley aud other towns in Renfrewshire had been so long suffering , he felt it due to that House to be as brief as possible . He should be

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      thus brief in his statements , becanse he was convinced that no aid would be required from him in making 1 it evident that great distress really existed ; bat the House and the country did : not know the extent of the privations that had been brought to light by the committees appointed by the charily of individuals in that part of the country , and who had gone into all portions of the town of Paisley and its neighbourhood , in the course of their inquiries . As far as that ^ misery had been made known , great sympathy had been excited ; and he felt assured that all that part of the country was truly sensible and grateful for the kind feeling that was so generally shown , and for the great sympathy that had been exhibited , from the Queen on her throne down

      toalrnost tho meanest of her subjects . Tiie distress of those people seemed to him as if it had been art incentive to them to behave , if possible , with more peacefuluess and propriety . The town of Paisley had been * as was well known , for a long period employed in supplying fancy articles to the trade ef London and other large towns ia the kingdom ; and , therefore , any stoppages in trade , or any revulsion , had almost always fallen upon them , in consequence of orders not . coming in for that description of froods . Her Majesty ' s Government were aware that 17 % 5 » 0 persons were represented as in the receipt of daily assistance in the town of Paisley and other neighbouring towns , of whom 15 . 000 frere in Paisley alone . There were also 1 , 000 hand-loom

      weavers , and the Committee were employed in giving them webs to supply them with occupation ; besides whom there were 1 , 000 labourers , who were likewise employed by that same Committee . The weavers could make from these web 3 at the rate of 48 . a week , but not more , working at them fourteen , fifteen , or sixteen hours a day . On the other hand , those who were supplied with money wherewith to obtain provisions for themselves and families , received about Is . per week , or perhaps 2 d . per day , forieach individual . Now , all those who had attended to the subject of gaols knew that the inmates were provided with food ; which , supplied in the most economical manner , cost considerably inore than double that amount , in order to maintain' the

      prisoners in health and strength . Among the sufferer ? , however , in Paisley and its neighbourhood , there was . little or no clothing , and no bedding on which to lie . And here he would draw a comparison between them and those who had the good fortune to be placed in gaol , Or in some House of Correction . He blamed no one ; he would say nothing as to the causes of all this ; but he would say that the distress had reached an extent in his part of the country that led him to the conviction that it was his positive duty , or that of some other Member of the House , to make the gtatpment that he now took the opportunity of making . His proposal was , as would appear from the notice ho had given , for an inquiry to be made , and that * ' an immediate and diligent

      inquiry . " He had been asked by many Hon . Members what sort of ir . quiry he proposed ; and he ^ ad also been asked ( he thought half officially ) what was hia own view on the subject ! He believed that the only proper mode of making this inquiry would be to make it upon the spot , * oneor two persona being sent from London to cairy on the investigation , and to report thereupon to the Government , and , if it were customary in such cases , to the House . When he handed his : notice to the Speaker , it would be Seen that he had insersed the words " upon the spot , " as he deemed such an inquiry to be the onlyVne that would be satisfactory . A committee of that House had been suggested to him , but such a plan would lead to an enoless

      inquiry , and no good result would be derived from it . It would occupy a committee very long , aud would be calculated to raise hopes among the suffering people of Paisley and its neighbourhood that-might not be realised , and would make them believe they were entirely neglected . He had been induced t > urge this inquiry on ihe Government ; since he had heard tho reply given to the question put to the Noble Lord opposite ( Lord Stanley ) as to emigration . These people had a strong boljief that a large field wasabout to bo ppenrd ta them in the Way of emigration .. He intended to throw the blame on no one ; but still the sufferings of those for whom he now spoke were not the les-i , severe . There were numbers who were not provided for in thoseli-tv

      and those numbers were very large . If they came openly forward , they would be provided for in one way or another ; but a vast number of them could not be induced to come forward ; and he had excellent authority for saying that such great destitution and misery was exhibited to the committeesof ladies ^ and gentlemen who investigated ; the state of those 1 classes , that they came home with a decree of sorrow and disgust and with a feeling of total hopelessness that ho oouid notdescribe . He ha-d seen with great satisfaction that a proper gift from the { Joyeriiment stores had been made to those in a similar predicament in Spitalfields ; and he hoped that thero would bo a disposition on the part of the Government to make a similar gift to his

      countrymen , who , if the Spitalfields weavers deserved it , deserved it no less . He could assure the House that nothing couW exceed the misery or their deserts ; and he therefore trusted that the GoverDment had at their disposal , if assistance had not already been sent to Paisley , a small fund by which the inhabitants of that town and its vicinity could bo assiatod . He would not conceal from the House or from the Government that the week before he came to London a resolution had been come to by . the clergy and the great body of indiviauals of any station there . There were both clergy of the established church and of Dissenting congregations present at that meeting . A motion was made that a petition should be sent to the Government praying for stores , either in the way

      of gift , as to the Spitalfields poor , or at a small cost , on which the committee might expend their remaining funds , that they might be taken , free of duty , from tho bondiug stores . Ha held a copy of that resolution in his hand ; but the truth was , that , great as was the distress in Paisley and its neighbourhood , it was still increasing . In the town of Renfrew , and in that of Ayr , that adjoined the former , the number of persons unoccupied was increasing at , the present time . There was one thing to which he would call the attention of the Government , and that wag ^ that everything was done by the relief committees to induce the weavers to take web 9 and make them on looms , Many of them had not looms that were suitable : and it so

      happened that a vast number of thtse people were forced , through sheer necessity , tb . breik- up stones , to dig land , or to follow other outdoor occupations , to which they were quite unaccustomed . Theconsequeucs was , that their hands became blistered , and now , supposing they got work , it would be a considerable time before their hands could be employed in the fine work to which they were formerly used . These people could absolutely riot return to their proper trade tor some time , in ' . consequence ' the occupations they had Jatterl / been obliged i > follow .- In this state of things , believing that ihere would bo a field of emigration be'bro them , and that something would be done when the Parliament met , to relieve their misery , but finding that would not be

      the case , he felt warranted in making this statement to the House ; and he also felt warranted in proposing to the House , that one or two active and efficient persons , intrusted with high authority , should bo sent to the town of Paisley , to investigate into the State of the people there . Within a few days they would be able to satisfy the House and the Government of the unhappy situation of those -.. persons .. He was certain that they would bo well satisfied if that inquiry were made . If 6 uch an investigation were refused , he hoped to hear from Her Majesty ' s advisers that something would ba proposed to meet the present severe state of destitution and humaa misery , that surpassed all he had ever known , and all that had been known in this unhappy town of Paisley for the last twenty-five years . The Hon . Member concluded with moving that an aduress be presented , praying her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command ,

      that an immediate and diligent liuiairy be madeupon the spot into the nature _ arid extent of the misery and deatit ition under which tho inhabitants of Paisley and other towns in Renfrewshire have been suf fering for so long a period , and are still enduring ; and farther , that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command , that the said inquiry be prosecuted vigorously ^ so that the results n )» y be laid , a ? soon as possible , before this House ; with a view to its providing with all speed against the longer continuance of the intolerable di- tress ; as also against the evident and imminent danger ot disease and pestilence following in its usual course , thereby causing more numerous -. deaths from cold and hunger atid actual starvation than hithetto , a * well as increasing the ruinous tendencies of . these appalling evils on the moial character of all who are directly affected by themj or who live within the range of their influence .

      Sir James Graham , fully admitted the distress , but expressed his tear of exciting false hopes by an inquiry which could open no source of relief . The present Bufferings of the Paisley workmen , which they had borne with exemplary fortitude and forbearance , ha , d mainly arisen from the stoppage of the Americau trade , and from the failure of a Savings' Bank . If Mr . Wallace wished for an examination of these special facts by a committee of the House , he would not oppose it ; but to * local commission he could not consent . Mr . Hastie said , that unless Government stepped forward to tho aid of the sufferers , he trembled for the result . - ' . - ... .. ¦ ¦;;; . ¦ ¦ : " .. ' . ¦ . ¦'' . ' . ¦¦ . . > ..., ¦ -. ;¦ : . '• ¦' ? : '¦¦ . Mr . W . S . O'Brien recommended emigration ; Mr . Wakley desired to have an efficient Poor Law in Scotland V Mr . R . York « and Sir V . Blake looked to a change in the Corn Laws . .

      Sir R . Peel applauded the conduct of the sufferers , and deprecated a commission which would but excite them to fallacious hopes , and be followed by similar applications from all other distressed districts ; Em igration was not a relief adapted for these workmen , who were not fit for the kind of labour requisite in colonization ; . Mr . Wallace declined to divide , having attained his direct object of" shewing to thepeople of Paisley that the House partook the general sympathy in their distress . ' '' ¦ '

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      Lord Stanlet desired to remove any impression which might have gone forth , that Gpvernm nthad any extensive measure of emigration in view . Mr . Godson requested leave to bring in a Bill for the protection of copyright ; which was grafted after afew words from Mr . Wakleyv : ; ' Leave was' given to the AttoeVby-General . - ¦' to introducetwo Bills—onel for amending the Muriieipal Regulation vAct , which subjects corporation lessees to penalties on becoming Common CounciJmen ; the other for allowing a wnt of error in cases of mandamus . :

      On Sir Georoe Clerk ' s motion , in Committee , that a supply be granted in accordance with heir Majesty ' s Speech , : Mr . Wajclet protested against the customary mode of passing such documents . They always consisted of empty generalities . There were very Jmportarit subjects pending , which ought to have been dealt wi th in the speech , such as the Factory and the Poor Law questions , which would affect the character and stability of the Ministry , and determine the issue of great political contests . The party of the aristocracy which was now most respected was on its trial . That party how possessed the power , if it had also the will , to benefit the publie . Meauwhile , he did not like such a nonentity as the late speech .

      Sir George Clerk thought that criticisms on the speech would have been better timed in the debate on the Address , when the leading Ministers are present , who had now quitted the House . He vindicated the Speech , and observed , that it was hardly possible for a Minister to have offered earlier explanations than Sir Robert Peel was about to give upon most important subjects of public interest . A Government could not well introduce all its Bills at once , which would be but to distract the attention of Parliament . ; Mr . Wakley thought that the Poor Law should have been earlier brought under consideration . Mr . Ferrand was content that it had been postpoiiod till after Easier , as it would give the public an opportunity of speaking but iu the meantime , when he trusted that Ministers would bend to public opinion , and certainly repeal that odious law . The resolution for supply was then agreed to , and the House shortly afterwards adjourned .

      Wednesday , February 9 . The Speaker took the chair at four o ' clock , when a very largo number of petitions praying fora repeal or analteration in the Corn La we , were presented .

      CASE OP MR . ELTON Mr . Curteis said he thought he should be exercising a sound discretion if he did not put the question relative to the case of Mr . Elton , which he had announced for this evening . He hoped that the conciliatory feeling he had displayed on this subject would be met by a corresponding spirit on the part of the Government . Sir George Cockburn said he was ready to give any explanation that the House might require . He thought the Hon . Member had acted wisely in taking the course he had done , and unless it should be the pleasure of the House he would hot go into the case . If he found the House wished it , however , he was prepared to do bo .

      THE CORN LAWS . MINISTERIAL ANNOUNCEMENT . Sir Robert Pzel then rose and said , Sir , I beg leave to move that the paragraph in her Majesty's gracious Speech at the opening of Parliament , relating to the Corn Laws , be now read . The Clerk ( Mr . Ley ) then read the part of her Majesty ' s Speech , in which her Majesty recommended to the consideratiofci of the House , the state of the laws affecting the importation of corn and otter articles , the produce of . foreign countries . Sir R . Peel—Sir , 1 now rise to move that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider the laws relating to the importation of foreign corn . The House having resolved itself into a Committee , arid Mr . Greene having taken the chair ,

      Sir Robert Peel rose and said , Mr . , Greene , I rise in pursuance ? of the notice which I have given , to submit to the House the views of Her Majesty ' s Government with respect to the modification of , and the amendment of those laws which relate to the importation of foreign corn . I should consider it a reflection on the House , if I attempted to excuse myself from entering into details . Whatever may be the demands I have to prefer , and however unqualified I may be to relieve a subject necessarily ab-(• truse , of any of its details by any illustrations of funcy , yet I am convinced that the paramount importance of this subject will induce the House to grant me that patient attention which , under other circumstances , I should have deemed it unnecessary

      to prefer a claim to . I am aware of the dithculty that encoriipasses the subject I aria about to bring under consideration . A niatter with respect to which such adverse opinions prevail , it is difficult to discuss , without making statements or admissions which will be seized upon by those who entertain opposite opinions . Still the best course that I can pursue is , to submit to the House the considerations that have influenced the judgment of Her Majesty ' s Government , and leave this to be deoided upon by the reason , moderation , and opinions of Parliament . ( Hear . ) Sir , the only object at which I shall aim , in bringing the subject under the consideration of the House , is to slate as clearly and as intelligibly as I can the considerations which have influenced her Majesty ' s

      Government , arid the nature of the measure which they intend to propose . Sir , her Majesty ' s Government have thought it to be their duty to consider the Corn Laws , with a view to their modification and amendment . ( Hear ,: hear . ) They undertake the consideration of that question at a period when there is great commercial distress—( hear , hear , ) --when there are great , sufferings land privations connected with that distress . But I consider it to be my duty , in the first place , to declare , that after haying given to this subject the fullest consideration which I can , I cannot recommend the proposal which I have to make by exciting a hope that it will tend immediately or materially to the mitigation of that commercial distress under which we are suffering . ( Hear , hear . )

      My belief is , While I admit the commercial distress —while I deplore the sufferings of , and sympathise with those who are distressed , yet I feel bound to admit that I cannot attribute that distress in any degree in which it has been supposed attributable to the operation of those laws . ( Hear and cheers . ) I do not view , with those feelings of despair in which some persons are inclined to 'indulge ,: the commercial prospects of this country . I do not believe thai ; the resources of our commercial and manufacturing prosperity are drained ; but I do see that the operation of causes acting concurrently and simultaneously , sufficient , in my opinion , to account , in a great degree , for the depression which has unfortunately affected our manufacturing and commercial districts ;

      and I have that confidence in the natural resourced of this country . ( Hear , hear . ) I have had such frequent ( opportunities of seeing periods of depression as great followed by periods of revival of prosperity as sudden , that I confidently indulge the hope arid belief that we may still recover by the operation of natural causes , and again witness a revival of our commercial prosperity . ( Hear , hear , ] and cheers . ) Sir , it is impossible to take a review of the causes Which have affected the manufacturing and commercial prosperity of this country , without perceiving that there have been in operation during the course of the last four or five years several causes ; the effect of :-each . of . which taken separately would be but

      little , which , acting concurrently , have produced an ( ff ct sufficient to account for the present state of depression . ( Hear . ) If you look at the stimulus given , partlythrough the extreme facility of credit to great under takings during the years 1837 an £ 1838 , to tho connexion which existed between the Companies arid Directors of Joint Stock Banks , and the manufacturing establishments—if you loot to the itpmense efforts that Were then made for the increase of out manufactures , to the numerous buildings that were then erected for the reception of the labourers in Oar manufacturies , to the emigration of labourers from the rural districts into the manufacturing district ? , to the immense increase which took place in the mechanical power of our manufactures , the con

      scq lerice of the stimulus given to the manufactures in 18 * 37 and 1838—you can hardly be Surprised that those consequences should have followedthose exertions which : have so frequently followed similar exertions at former periods , ( Hear , hear . } The same causes which were ; iu operation here were in operatioiun the United States , at the same time ; and the same consequences to t he commercial interests there , iti a greater degree ^ have been the result , while the derangement in the monetary affairs of the United States has acted most powerfully on the demand for our manufactures in that country . Concurrently with that exitement and stimulus , and wit ' a the depression that followed from them , there has-been an interruption in our amicable relations

      with that country , causing a considerable deficiency in the export of manufactured goods at a recent period , as coinpared with a former period of oar intercourse with that country . There have been also , during a considerable portion of a later period of that time , the elements of war in Europe , and the necessary stagnation of commerce , Which fis > n some degree inseparable from such a state of things . The united effect of these causes will , iu my opinion , go far to account for the depression in our prosperity . Sir , I am admitting the extent of the depression . I am equally disposed to admit the extent of the privation and suffering which have been the

      consequence of it . But here , again , I am bound to say that I cannot recommend the measures which I am about to propose , by the hope that any alteration in the Corn Laws will be a remedy for Borne of the evils which , in a great manufacturing country like this , seem to be inseparable from society . Extend your foreigri commerce as you may , depend upon it it is not a necessary consequence that the means of employment for . manual labour will be proportionate to the demand . Speaking of particular districts , whatever may be the extent of your commercial prosperity—Whatever may be the demand for your manufactures , it ip impossible not

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      to feel that , coincident with the general protpdriyj there must be the severest partial distress . Thei « have been so at periods of the greatest mannfactoi ing and commercial prosperity . The nece " ssaty cor - sequence of the sudden improvement in machinery , and the consequent diminishing of the demand for manual labour , most bo to expose , in certain .. districts of the country , those who are dependent tit their sopport on manual labonr to great privation r j Sir , we find hundreds of persons occupied in gre : I manufacturing districts entirely relying for subsie euce on their labour in some particular departmei t « By the exercise of ingenuity some improvement ia machinery is suddenly deviBcd , is copied by others , whick has theeffectrof deprivingthose who so reliedc a

      their manual labour for subsistence of the means ot employment , as was the case with the hand-loom weavers , —( hear , hear , )—and with many parties engaged in other branches of manufacture . ( Hear , bear . ) It is a ^ hardc . onditioni inseparable from a manufacturing countryy that ; there must be such revulsions in the demand for manual labour . It is impossible , therefore , in any commercial system , thafc great privation arid suffering should not frequently exist , —( hear , hear , )—although it is not to be snpposed that I deprecate the exerciise of industry and skill . ( Hear , hear . ) It would be madness to interfere with them , —( hear , hear , )—and it would be folly to deny that in the aggregate this country has derived the greatest source of its strength from

      such improvements in manufactures . ( Hear , hear . ) To aitempt to obstruct it would be merely to encourage competition and rivalry already too forai . d able . ( Hear , hear . ) Inseparably necessary as distress appears to be from such . development of skill , and such improvement of machinery ^ I do not state this for the purpose of impressing you agaiHst the importance of improvement , but for the purpose of disclaiming the sanguine hope that any extent of legislative enactments caa exempt you from the liability to such fluctuations and dfstress . In proportion to the manufacturing exeitement—in proportion to the stimuli to which I have referred , to the stimuli of speoulationy to the facility of undertaking , by undue advances , the pursuits of

      wealth , just in that proportion must you expect that , incerfcain districts of the country these privations will occur . But looking at the general state of the country , I ban neither see grounds for that despondency in which some are apt to view it , nor can I see any grounds for imputing to the operation of the Corn Laws , as some impute to them , any material share . in the evils which we are now suffering ( Hear , hear , from ^ the Tory benches . ) I thinfc . we are too apt to assume that there must be a constant and rapid increase in the amount of our exports to other countries . Wfe are too apt to despond when we find any occasional check in the amount , of those exports . The extent of bur commerce during ; the last year , if found to be less , when compared to the

      year immediately preceeding it , we imagine , from time to tune that the resources of our prosperity are being dried up . Now , Sirj at all periods of the cbmmerical history ' of this country , these alternations of prosperitj arid adversity have prevailed . If you will examine , you cannot deny that at the last period to which ; the returns are fully made up—a period which , incladea the year 1841—on comparing the state of trade in 1840 , with the state ot trade of preceding years , ! see no grounds for . the inference which is sometimes drawn , that the Corn Laws have been the cause of our misfortunes , and that the repeal of those laws Would supply an immediate remedy . On referring to this return , I find that in the year 1840 the exports ot British produce and manufactures-r-I speak » f tueir

      declared value—^ the value of British produce exported in 1840 to all parts of the world , exceeded the exports of 1837 by £ 9 , 355 , 086 ; ft exceeded that of 1838 by £ 1 , 345 , 000 ; ond fell short of the exports of 1839 by £ 1 , 827 , 000-3 falling off , sufficient , no doubt , to' -create , great anxiety and apprehension . But there were causes amply sufficient to account for that falling off . If you refer to the state of our commercial transactions with the United States at that period—with that country with whose prosperity our own is ; so intimately interwoven—you will find that , during that period , there were operating causes connected with monetary derangement , which accounted for the temporary cessation of trade . I stated that in

      year 1839 , as compared with the year 1840 , there was adeficit of £ 1 , 827 , 000 in the declared value of the export of British produce and manufactures . But in the year 1839 there was an export to the United States amounting to £ 8 ; 839 , 000 , whereas , in the year 1840 the total amount was only £ 5 , 283 , 000 , leaving a deficit in the value of our exports to the United States in 1840 , as compared with the year 1839 , to the amount of £ 3 , 556 , 000 . Now that fact is sufficient to account for the falling off in the general ameunt of our exports in the year 1840 , as compared with the year 1839 , The falling off , however , was greatly less than the increase in other parts ; and consequently the difference was made up bv the extension of our commerce with other

      countries . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , it is very satisfactory to view the progress of our colonial trade . In the year 1837 the whole of our exports to the Colonies amounted to £ 11 , 280 , 000 J in 1828 , to £ 12 , 025 , 000 ; J 83 S , to £ 14 , 363 , 000 ; and in 1840 ,-to £ 15 , 497 , 000 . Now let us look at our commercial transactions with these countries in Europe which are the chief sources of bur supply of food ; Let us look to the state of our export trade with Germany , Holland , and Belgium . In 1837 . tha value of our exports to those couritries , the chief sources of our . supply of food amounted to £ 8 742 , 000 ; in 1838 . to £ 9 , 606 , 000 ; in 1839 , to £ 9 , 660 , 000 ; and in 1840 i to £ 9 , 704 , 000 . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) So that even with respect to those countries which are the chief sources of our

      supply of corn when we stand in need of any which are supposed to be such formidable competitors of our manufacturers , and with which the sale of our productions is supposed to be so rapidly declining on account of our exclusion of their corn , —even with respect to those countries , there has been upon the whole an increase in the export of our manufactured articles —( hear , hear . )—Sir , I cannot , therefore , infer that the operation of the Corn Lawsis to be bbarged with the depression which unfortHnately prevails in the country at thepresentmoment—thear ^ hear . ) - I do see other causes in operation which are sufficient in a great degree to account for those evils which we all deplore— - ( hear , hear . ) Sir , ur considering any modification of the Com Laws which it may be

      desirable to propose , it is important to review the several proposals which have been already made with respect to them . Various opinions are entertained with respect to the Corn Laws . There are some who would admit of no modification whatever inrespect to them , but would adhere to the existing state of the law , without admitting any alteration or modi ficatiori . It is n-. y firm belief that this party are exceedingly limited in number in this country . I believe that , amongst the agriculturists themselves , it is the prevailing opinion thVt the Corn Laws may be altered with advantage . ( Hear , hear . ) So fai as I can collect from the various communications that have been made tome by that body , lam justified in saying that th <» general impression—trie general

      feeling—amongst the agriculturists is in favour of a modification in some respects . There are also others Who entertain a decidedly opposite opinion , who would consent to no modification , but would insist on the immediate arid absolute repeal of the Cora Laws . Sir , it is impossible not to feel that those who advocate a repeal of every imposition on every kind of subsistence for the people , are enabled to appeal to topics which give them a great advantage —( hear , hear , hear , and cheers . ) To urge that there is a law which taxes bread—an obstacle to the subaistance of the . community—an impost on the food of the population ^ -to urge that this is a tax maintained for the protection and advantage of a separate class —( hear ,: hear . )

      —to urge arguments of this kind gives the opponents of such a system the power of making a considerable impression on those who listen to them . ( Hear . ) A comparison is made between the dearness of food in this country , and the cheapness of food in some other countries , and the inference : is immediately drawn that the people of this country ought to be placed on the same footing with respect to articles of subsistence , and that their condition would be materially benefjtted if they were permitted to avail themselves of the labours of the agricolturists of other countries . ( Heari hear . ) Sir , it appears to me that any conclusion founded upon such a position would be altogether groundless . ( Hear , hear . ) The question is , can you inter the

      comfort and ease of a people , from the price which they pay for food 1 Reference is made to the price of food in Germany , and to the facilities which the low price of subsistence gives for the establwhrnent of manufactures , and the inference is hastily and unwisely drawn that the people of tois country must necessarily be placed npon a superior footing to what thejr are if the price of food could undergo a corresponding reduction , and be equal with she price of other countries . I apprehend the true question is not what is the price of food , but what is th * command which the labouring classes have over it . ( Loud cheers from both sides of the House . ) The question is , whether luxuries or the necessaries of life are easily : accessible to the people , and what command the labouring classes have over tb # enjoyment of the products of the country . Under the operation of the Corn Laws , let us compare the

      condition of the labouring classes of this country withjibiypnditionof the labouring classes in tho .. * coan ^^ l ^ which I admit the price of prov sionl is Rre » yj . 1 * % . There is nothing to impedeihe cnHintioaH ^ d ^ cp ¦ ¦ , in the Prussian States . Tii 0 price " of m ^ a ^ mk ^ i . ^ much less than it is in this country . } , bat « 4 ^^ 6 eT&oni hence interred that the condition of tha Prussian-ipeople is preferable to that of the people of this country- ? - « -Uoud crieB 01 " heaxi boatf'JTtrot , that the consequence of the Jmmense reductioa of the : price , off various arncles , particularl y in the price of food , must necessari ^ f be a great increase in the comforts and enjoyments of the- labouring classes!—( hear . ) Sir , there are means , from sources I apprehend of ; uriquesuoit ? able authority , of forming a judgment as , to the comparative degrees of comfort of the pepple . in both the countries alluded to ; arid before you de * termine that a low price of prbvisioria ia rieceasarily

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      4 ¦ '¦ - - ' THE NORTHERN STAR ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 12, 1842, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct417/page/4/